The New York Herald Newspaper, March 13, 1852, Page 2

ORES NR EERE PRS ETN SRNR NTE TEIN SSE TST TN TTS a Re ON RRR eR TT This ic the first time a Minister of State | 1 bas ever been arraigned in Prussia. He was sen- tenced to pay a fine of 200 thalers, orto be im- prisoued for four months. The policy of the new British minisiry will be found detailed in the New York Henaup of this morning, in the epeech of the Earl of Derby. Arehbishop Murray, of Dublin, died on Thursd:.y, the 26th ult. Count Thomar, the ex-Portuguese Premier, had bad an audience of the Queen of Portugal, and it was rumored that he would make his appearance in the Chamber of Peers shortly. ister. Our Paris Correspondence. POLITICAL. Panis, February 26, 1852. The D’ Orleans Property Strife--Arrest of a Friend of the Family— Negotiations between the D’ Orleans and Bourbon Purnilics—Tiee Election Candidates --Tyranny towards the Voters—The Press Law will be Strictly Enforced—More Decrees Coming— The New Carriage—Government Reward for the useful application of the Voltaic Pile—The new Costumes for the Senators too dear to be Pwr chased—Modification in Consequence—Arrival of the British Ambassador—Celebration of the Anni- eersary of the Revolution of 1848—Arrests Made— ool Rec@tion of the President by the People—An American going to Assassinate Louis Napoleon Au Americans Scarched—The Queen of Spain's Fanaticism—Archbishop Hughes's Letter of thanks 40 the Queen for the Pardon of the Cuban Inva- ders—Arrests at Rome upon the Celebration of the Anniversary of the Republic—The Dutchies of Holstein and Schleswig restored to the King of Denmark. ‘The d’Orleans question has still been the cause of much excitement in our political circles, during the past week. It appears that M. Bocher, who is the administrator to the property of the children of Louis Philippe, was discovered on Friday last, riding in a carriage, accompanied by his wife, and having also by his side a large bundle of pamphlets, printed in England and smuggled into France, which were wrote in the most violent language against Louis Napoleon, and called him a ‘thief’ anda “robber,” if not a “highwayman.” M. Becher was distributing these pamphlets to the friends of the family, and when he was arrested by the police- men, he had his pockets filled’ with private docu- ments, which were more violent than those which were printed. Asa matter of course, he was sent to prison, and will remain there till his trial. Many friends of the d’Orleans family have tried to procure his release, but in vain. He will be obliged to submit to his fate—the propagation of such pamphlets, during the abitrary reign of the present government, is a sort of high treason. There is rumored, in certain circles, that negotia- tions are now in operation between the Bourben and Orleans families, to induce the Count of Chambord © sign a proclamation directed to France and Eu- rope. in which he shall say that, being aware of the unjust prejudices which, for the last twenty years, have been opposing the return of the Branche ainéc to France, and knowing well that those prejudices are still inveterate against his relations, as well as against himself, and are the cause of the impedi- ment to the re-establishment of the principle of le- gitimacy in France, he abdicates, for the interest of this principle, which is altogether tutelar and seeu- Jar, in favor of the innocent child of the elder son of Louie Philippe. Such ig the present position of the fusion between the two branches; but what of’ it? 1 do not think, for a moment, that even if this were true, it would change the actual power of the nt. No one knows what will be the future ies of France. he elections for the Legislative Assembly are near at hand, and the candidates are now presented to the electors. They will take place on the 29th inst. and the Ist of next mouth, and no doubt, by the next steamer, I shall be able to send to the Henao the report of these *‘mock” elections, which are considered by all those who look at matters coolly and quietly, asthe greatest humbug which everexisted. W No newsp: is allowed to propose a candidate, no i allowed, no public of the electors ure obliged nt or to vote in favor of the man selected by the government. ‘This is not only a farce, but a shame; nevertheless, there are uiany persons who yield their approbation things. The J ta / eliminar i Sue, bas been moned to stop this publication or to be ** stopped,” and the ré belonging to the government have publi i i which they said that L is ters would punish the aut evolutionary i ng that these would-be candida outlaws, the people had no pow 1 ve of such an obs s to the Legislative n who would have } rest of thei: Di ined to enter the election fi id a ances. MM. Dupin, De Lasteyrie, Nettement. Pagés, and many others, have reiused sented to the ballotting. | r clear that the new Assembly will only be composed of men entir levoted to the interest of the coup @ Gat maker. The law on the press has been published in the Bul telin des Lois, andis therefore a deci h newspapers have published articles b: announced that by a general request, and owing to the remonstrances made by the ost influenti on the Napolcon law would be mod the case. The journals of Pari stopped or continued at the ment. ber of men liv the governmc: be annibil dec © not nd France will be ption of the govern- What are the interests of an immon) ive Assex areh next. or 5th of April; but it is believed that these two bodies will only assemble when all the deerees shall have been issued; and the nessed or heard a these rumors will produe int of Paris is now busily engaged in making aving the stamp of Louis Napoleon. | ‘i nd the 5 i} superior to the preced one Nhe | ‘© now outda r the five f piece frane i as common m circulation a ¢ the coin of the de- | funct republic. vecoinage of coppers and cent will begin next week, and it ip said that neient will be totally reevined before the end of leerees have heen pul. e avant competition, of all nations are whieh will be opened c The cvstume ¢ ‘on ed into the years hich was to be of order, to a Jim been ch reduced to a simplicity worthy The tumes nade fi co: of the Counc for the ot ' sof the government, and thoug clory to tho amour propre of @ great holders, it has met with uni r of Lor itain t on Pri Hotel, or bourg $ hus ended the comedy. What is the use to make revolutions and see them turned into ridicule? How differently the Fourth of July aud Evacuation Day are honored in the United States. On the same day Louis Napoleon. seated in a rouche in company with Gene and D: Conneau, rode on the Boulevart s talion of eu ers. Despite the saying of the news- papers, I may say, for I was present, that he was re- | n. Not ashout, ora single | ard on his passage. al loud is now in the hands of | tects for the purpose of its being entirely renew- twill be the summer residence of the Prince President. A sem of $25,000 is appropriated to the restoration. | it will be remembered by your readers that at the end of November last, an American printer named Walker, was arrested inthe neighborhood of the Elysée, and confessed that his intention was to mur- der the President. This fanatic was sont back to New York. News has been received that Walker had left New York and sailed for hae) with the | intention to put his fatal project into effect. Conse- quently all the American citizens arriving in any sea- port of France are searched and examined with the greatest scrutiny. It is to be hoped that the Ameri- can will abandon his plan and return to his native land, for he has no right to interfere with the affair of the French rouges. The news received from Spain is satisfactory. Queen Isabella has recovered from the stab inflicted upon her by Merino, and she went to the Church of Our Lady of Atocha to thank the Holy Virgin for her narrow escape from death under her protection, No doubt the Hera. will publish the details of thie festival. Isabella gave to the Virgin of Atocha her dress, stained with blood, and all the diamonds she wore onthe 22d ult. The whole of it is said to be worth $29,000. Many remarks have been made about the nen-aj ance of Quecn Dowager Christina at the ceremony ; but she broke her leg a few months ago, and was confined to her bed for a long time. as appears that she has not recovered from the ace! lent. Bishop Hughes, of New York, has written to Queen Isabella a long letter. in which he thanks her, in the name of the Catholics of the United States, for the clemency slic had shown in favor of the Ame- ricans who went to take possession of Cuba and were captured, This leiter was given to the Queen Mr. Barringer, Minister of the United States at jadrid. The model of Mevino’s head, cast in plaster, has been sent to Paris from Madrid. I saw it on Mon- day last, at the Museum of Natural History. He has not the brows of a taan—his whole countenance is characteristic of a murderer. We have reccived from Rome the information that a riot had taken place on the 9th in: ‘on the oo- easion of the anniversary of Maz ‘3 republic. Flowers and garlends of green foliage had been placed on the fairs of the Capitol, and discharges of musketry made in several streets of Rome. AS a matter of course, the gend’armes and carbincers tried to eetp order, having met with much opposi- tion, they made many arrests, amounting to about two hundred persons. They have all been thrown into the jail of the castle Sante Angelo. Several women are among the prisoners. The conspiracy of Pieringer, who was said to be an emissary or partisan of Kossuth, is now entirely discovered. This man had many followers in the ranks of the Austrian army, and all of them have | evening, } THE POLICY OF THE NEW BRITISH MINISTRY. Speeches of Earl Derby, the New Premicr, Earl Grey, Earl Fitzwilliam, Earl of Aberdeen, and Lord Brougham, Impertal Parliament. HOUSE OF LORDS. Frupay, Feb. 27, 1852. The expectation ef some ministerial statement on the part of the Earl of Derby, caused :the lobbies leading to the various entrances in the House of | Lords to be thronged at an early hour yesterday , and it required all the energy and vocifera- tion of the police on duty in that part of the new palace to preserve free passage for the peers and members. As the brazen gates opened there was a rush of great vehemence, and every part of the chamber to which male strangers have access was immediately and densely crowded. On entering, we found a large attendance of their lordships, and there was a very considerable myster of ladies in the galleries appropriated for their accommodation. The gulleries assigned to members of Parliameut were also rapidly occupied. Lord Redesdale ovcu- pied the woolsack. Upon the ministeral benches we observed the Earl of Derby, the Earl of Eglinton, the Marquis of Salisbury, and the Earl of Malmes- bury; and on the opposition benches the uis of Lansdowne, Earl Grey, the Earl of Minto, the Earl of Carlisle, the Marquis of Anglesey, Lord Truro, news and the Tiborties of the reatest nusnber of the subjects of the realm. (tee hear.) I should be glad indeed to sce that 0 example diffusing itself among the nations of the world, and that the admi- ration which our constitution excites should cause it to be generally foliowed (hear, hear); but, my lords, we have no right as a nation to entertain par- ticular prejudices or particular sympathies for this or for that particular form of government which other nations may think fit to adopt. (Hear, hear.) Be it the most absolute despotism-—be it a constitu- tional monarchy—be it a constitutional republie—be it, if such a thing can exist and be continued—be it an absolute red republic—that which is the choice | of any nation, so far as it affects its own individual and internal concerns alone, it is the duty of British statesmen and of the British goverument to recog- (Hear, hear, hear). I coneur entirely in the ‘vations that were made with grcat truth and | dignity by the noble earl the late Secretary for the Foreign Department. (Hear, hear.) J think, my lords, that if, in ourintercourse with foreign nations, we, or any of the subjects of this country should commit any injustice or injury of which a foreign country has a right to complain, we should take that whieh is the dignified course in public as in private life, and at once offer, without waiting to be asked, such reparation or apology as, from the circum- | Btances of the case to our own consciences may appear right. (Hear, hear.) On the other hand, T am convineed that if we have reason to complain of any foreign country, our course is plain and simple—frankly, temperately, and, | | i i} | t the Earl of Aberdeen, and Lord Brougham. MINISTERIAL EXPLANATION. The Earl of Dexsy—My lords, in the position which I now have the honor to occupy, I feel there is imposed upon me the duty of endeavoring, as shortly and suecinetly as I can, with as much frank- ness as is due to the assembly I have the houor to address, and without any reserve, to explain, not only the motives which have induced me to accept _the arduous task that T have thought it to be my duty to undertake, but also, asfaras I can, tolay be- fore your lordships the outline of tho course which, PARE stindsctaeen that responsibility, I feel it incumbent on me to take. But, my lords, before I proceed to refer to the Reasealyans which I propose to adopt, I cannot deny myself the gratification, in the presence of the noble marquis opposite, ofex, ing my regret that, not pane roses in the house, I war unable to express, at the last meeting of your lordships, my grateful thanks to my noble friend for the kind and friendly terms in which he spoke of me. (Hear, hear.) My lords, to any man accept- ing the high office I have now the honor to fill, such terms of commendation could not but be gratifying; but they are peculiarly gratifying to me ina abies and also in a private capacity, as coming from one whom, from early boyhood, I was accustomed to look upon with hereditary respect and regard— (hear, hear)—for whom, as advancing years rolled on, those feclings ripened into sincere poemonal eseetm; and I am proud and happy to say 1 believe that neither on the noble marquis’s port, nor on mine, have the circumstances that have separated our political connection in the slightest degree tend- ed to warp our personal feelings. (Hear, hear.) 1 hope this is only an example of many other similar eases, whereby it is proved that, amidst all the con- flicts of parties in this great country, men entertain- ing opinions far more widely different than those which separate the noble marquis and myself, may continue to entertain feelings of personal re- been taken prisoners. No doubt this affair will have a curious termination. The Dutchies of Holstein and Schleswig have been restored under the power of the King of Denmark. On the 18th inst., the command of the country was surrendered into the hands of Count Reventlow Cri- minil, et Kiel. B. H.R. Important from Japan via Holland. EXPECTED INVASION FHOM THE UNITED STATES—AS- SISPANCE FROM HOLLAND DEMANDED. [From the Amsterdam Courant. February 26. Accounts from India state that the Court of Jeddo (Japan), in the event of an expected attack from the United States, has claimed the assistance of Holland, by virtuo of ancient treaties still in force. The Netherlands jour are of opinion that, in the event of such an atiack, it would be better for the Netherlands to act the part of mediator than that of ally. Bank of England, An account. pursuant to the act 7th and 8th Victoria cap. 82. for the week ending Saturday, Feb, 21, 1852 ISSUE DEPARTMENT. AB Government debt...£1 Other securitice. .- Geld coin and bul Notes issued. ... 1,015,100, 2,954,900 lion. ...». see Silver bullion £52 A16,745 BANKING DEPARTMENT. Government seeur- rities, ineluding dead weight an- nuity..... Other securt oners ‘ontl Debt, a ¥ ti vidend ace’nts, 6.302.181 Other deposites.... 11,916,013 Seven di and other bille 1,148,0% The Revival of the Anti-Corn Law League. A meeting is to be held at Manchester, on ‘Tues- day, at which Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, and Mr. Milner Gibson, will be present. The circular, which is signed by Mr. George Wilson, says — ‘The accession of the Far) of Derby to office. pledged to an attempt to restore the Corn Law, is now a fact beyoud dispute stion which the country and the P: tobe re-opened, and the ver! ple i# again tobe demanded. N preparing for the struggle. which is now e. It will not be a long contest. but it will be de- on it depends the liberties and the future (ran- ty of our country. Tam instructed, by a pretiini- ing of gentler whom the friends of free trade ed. to summon a meeting of all those who were members of the council of the Anti- Corn Law League. a hem, with -iinpose a tax uit the supply of food to the nited Kingdom the poli re 4 abuse of this right. It respe trality guaranteed to the The refugee question is not the only the great powe 10 changes in the present constitutions, which, (as is well known,) 6 force in 1848, ard took the place of those Vienna was founded, in been exchanged on this month and the begin- is os well az to the propoee, though miion, that the de- out threate mecratic intrigu of the subversion ¢ In regard to (Le refugee q actly the same tone as the AL The q heen the 1 be put the notes bear ex- eed to England Aus- veirous lo prevent the intervention the Vrince wished to taraper, 1 i tio. He proposed to try ng ultimatam, without de- | ry occupation. Pr { jon, once upon mi onberg declined ihis line of av hat it would be vain to ppt inti ik of, The to act alone y ee sonpa- tion until the re heen received. mente are acting the opportunity for > French go ng note to the Pec witch are now well known ving instractions to its } t the his oceasion, J help of the high deed stand! only as regards gression. in fact, addressed a 1 1 tonts of neb government. ented to he the amiable mw circles of the On Tuesday of February Ont Houley Bastille, where wen J Fould nat, be oppor n flowers on the gravest thats § is and relations, who are bu under the mouunent. Thiet wae not the r police were on (he pot, and many arresis we inade The soldiers Ww also to the atsiet of the pol vod, with their aid, the whole offair peed off swift shed: but ft was a narrow every thi emarig ie 2th « Felbrutty, Uf Vje appened to fall e h Mardi Gres, a day devoted & fun aoe bumvug, wus | ernally for the eppressi a It is essential to observe that Prussia was not deem- ed qualified for these }t¢h political conceptions Lheso negotiations were curricd on at Paris, without a word being eaid on the subject to the Prussian or even te Russian ambavsador, both of whom might 1 ex I their astonishment at the nro por of s i meagurer, Without consulting the ther great powers coe It appears that interpellations haviag been put to Prince Schwarzenberg on the subject, he replied thot the intercsis of Austrin and France were direct- Jy at stake in this question, and that it was not thought neecseery to coneult the other powors on the subject, the more go as there seemed little probabil- as England would, oppon rf projects in every | be set by the pec gerd unembittered by party contention—that what- ever may be the views which a sense of public duty compel us to entertain, there is nothing in this di- versity of opinion that can influence the personal feelings of English gentleinen. (Cheers.) My lords, I trust I may ree ‘© misunderstood, but Iam told that the noble marquis iv*imated on the occasion to which Irefer, his intention of tly retiring from the active pursuits of that political life, and from those political duties, which br so long a period he has Car with such signal success. (Hear, hear.) My lords, if differences of opinion between me and any individual could lead to the alienation of personal feelings between us, it would be absolutely impossi- ble that such would be the case with the noble marquis who—Iam sure I am expressing the opinion of every individual at both sides of your lordships’ house—has won the esteem—! might almost say the affection— (hear, hear)—of every one of your lordships who has witnessed the firm, uncompromising, and digni- fied, and yet perfectly friendly and courteous manner in which he has discharged his duties. (Hear, hear.) My lords, it may be—if the noble marquis in truth intends to retire from public life—an encouragement for future statesinen to point to him as en example from which they may see how, after a pe nearly fifty years spent in the public service statesmen can retire with th and cordial triendship—of hi with the cordial and sincere his political opponents—and with a cl blemished by a single stain on his poli (Cheers.) My Io: from adebt of gr noble marqui: a friondsbip—the warm Folitical associates— and estee i aul virtues. 's, having thus relieved my imind itude which [feel due to the tis, 1 must new proceed to the far more ardent pertion of the task 1 dto myself to perform. (Hear, hear.) My is unnece I shou lordshiips ny specul of mine us to the that led; or may have lo doy ate administ:ation. (Hear. wy lords, there had been a that ‘the reeignati f not far di I, fo little expected that such au occur on the particular occasion when it took place, that oy sare aware, | went to the country to » (Hear ar.) to whether the at determi or whether other form that deter- ied by that vote. i will spend three atten s jon whieh w: Gicar, hear.) M. s on Satarday I re- ceived t pr intelligence of the result of the di nin the Hor { Commons, and of the ministers; and on he honor to reecive gv of that day T bad hor Majesty’s commands to wait upon her at the lace at halt pet two o'clock the following day. Hear.) My lords, I had then to consider not what course it wat my interest (hear, hear), but what course it was my publie duty to perf Hear, hear.) I had to weigh deliberately and candidly all th ‘whelming difficulties of the situation in whieh I was placcd, aud all the awfal respons'bility of the task J felt I might be called upon to perform. (Hear, hear.) J had to weigh, onthe otber hand, as it appeared to me, & more awful responsibility, | if it could be impeted to me t from personal fecling, or through 2a unwilling- ness to take upon me the labor or respoa- ‘lity. I had left, hy my act, the Queen or the country at the present time without an adminisira- tion, however imperfect that wiininistration might ye. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I saw litile prospect of any other government being speedily formed. (Hear, hear.) “T saw little prospect—and I trust the noble lord opposite will forgive me for saying it— of a ves'gnation be again followed within a short | period by the resumption of office by the late minis- uy (Hear, hear.) I felt, therefore, however wn- 1 to the task, however great the difficu'tios that might stand in my way—diffieulties from iy own position, difficulties from the position of those who shared my opinions and were unable to command a majority in the other house of Parliament—(hear, hcar)—deliberately weighing and not overrating any of those difficuitice, { felt my first duty to | the country was, that this time t country should dot be left without an administra (hear, hear)—and not without a deep conse ness of th at responsibility of th of my own inability adequately to perform the duty I was undertaking, I at once and without hesitation (rian g intimated to her Majesty, on receiving her gracious int note with Fran commands to that effect, that I revolved to attempt 10 be followed immediately the task of forining an administration. (Hear, oidpilanns, hy t nt hear.) My lords, by the coucu Af almost all tion of French and Austrian troops. bof there to whom J felt it iu the first ive my thas ovaitives, PEive Napoleon duty to apply, 1 was enabled on the following uesting the in ament to day to lay before her Majesty the out of a tho denen government, and in the couse of t days ae ent that sinee elapsed I have bon cnabled to submit to ich has been approved of by her 6 Will Gll all the principal offices. ) My lords. at the same time, the govern- ment being thus constituted, I feel it necessary that J should state to your lordships, frankly, and with- out the lenst reserve, the course of policy which thus J feel it an imperative duty in m ¢. Clear.) My lerde ons of this country, iy wy one of your lords! 4 ' who will see maintained the blessings of universal peace. (Hear, hear.) 1 am sare there is not one of my noble frievds who hear me that will not think that overy effort on the part of govorn- ment should od for the purpose of averting even the remotestchance of ineurring the miseries and horvors of war. (Hear, hear.) And in my humble opinion, that desire of proserving peace which | en- tertain, and which, I hope, will continue wibroken, is not best to be supported by the lay of large military and ‘al prepara pns—by a wing an ap- yarently hostile attitude, or by offensive easures. (Hear, hear.) It is not, on the other hand, as I ape prehend, to ‘lo best maintained by those Utopian Uncories in which some gentlemen indulge for uni- versal disarmament. (Hear, hear.) If that disar- lauwent be not universal, and if the example should pple Of this country, they would Wes in @ position where they would be 1 the means of defending themselvay. (Hear, peace will be bost preserved by main= e vith reganl to the fu place them withe 5 vith taining with all n powers & culm, tempernt Hutory cou luct—( Py —not in lone, but in words aud exproveions—(hear, hear, by adhering, with the strictest ‘fidelit the spiritaad in the letter, to thoobligations ga dees upon us by duty—by respecting, to : the independence of ail » (hear, hear), and their absolute according t affairs of the right lo vegulate r own Will and pleasure the infernal le. This reply is ambiguous enough, gives another indication of the projegt of @ ECG AAU WED Vas othe rane beta S aeraniils own administrations. (Hc vo that the ¢ itution a iy #8 (0 live is, of all imaginable + ALP CO I Prine je baypi- My lords, I hell we have the | Whedbee’, calmly to state the cause of complaint that wo think we have—not indulging in vituperation, or intem- rate language, but submitting equally to the jonor and justice of others the claims for redress which, in the same position, if the circumstances of the parties were reversed, we should be the first to .acknowledge. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I cannot but think that by ae pes on those principles, alike in reference to the most powerful and the weakest of the forcign nations with whieh we are brought into contact, we may not only be able to maintain the blessings of peace, but to place this country in the attitude of cordial and sincere friend- a with most of the nations ofthe world. (Cheers.) And the more I entertain this belief and hope, that the preservation of peace and good understanding with the nations of Europe is in the highest degree probable, in the same proportion—strange as it may ay I should be inclined to say it is a duty incum- bent upon her Majesty's government not to neglect those preparations which, in my judgment, our pre- decessors wisely adopted for placing this country in a position, by the internal organization of its domestic farce, to be free from alt By aor of foreign inva- ‘sion. (Hear, hear.) lords, I believe, and I fine due credit for it to the noble lords opposite—I ieve our naval force was never in a more effective position than at present. (Hear, hear.) I believe that for all purposes for which its services should be required—whether to guard our shores from invasion or our distant possessions from violence, or to pro- tect that almost boundless extent of commerce that crosses every sea and fills every port through the wide world—the state of our navy was never more efficient than it is at the moment I have the honor to address you. (Cheers.) The regular army I be- lieve alse to be in a state of perfect efficiency, so far as its numbers are concerned—for, with the extent and varely of tho dutp it has to perform, there isno army on which in times, even of peace, 60 heavy a load of military service devolves. (Hear, hear.) But efficient as the army is—well as those who constitute it are qualified to discharge the duties of their profes- sion ifcalled upon in the service of their country--that ary, and Iam happy at being able tosay so, is nu- merically inacondition which renders it impossible that it can afford the slightest ground for jealousy to any foreign power. (Hear, hear.) My lords, the fvel- ings and dispositions of this country are hostile to a large standing army, England has no projects for changing her condition; she has no desire for the extension of her dimensions; she has no wish to qngage in unnecessary or uncalled for quarrels, ren- dering necessary the services of a large army. But I think it is due to the honor and character of the country to-say, I know well if this country were for a single moment threatened with aggression or in- vasion, that England, Ireland, and Scotland would rise as one man for the pares of defending it. (Cheers.) But, my lords, I cannot but believe that even the gallant and loyal hearts who would rush to the service of their country, could not so effective- ly defend it, however warm they might feel in the cause, as they could do if they formed a portion of an organized force. (Hear, hear, hear.) Unless they formed a part of such @ force they would meet invasion or aggression under terms of feerfal disad- vantage to themselves. (Hear, hear.) My lords, various occesions have occurred when propositions were made, not for the purpose of creating, but re- organizing an old constitutional foree, which has been always relied upon for the internal protection of this country. (Hear, hear.) But J think it ie un- fortunate that those preparations have, at recent periods, been made under the pressure of gome im- an te anxiety or the appreension of some imme- diate danger, and that when t hension appeared to have passed i ¢ unfortuns 0 he forgotten. course there was a double 3 were taken to hastily ve- organise u force which was not of an aggressive, but of a defensive character, and if such prepara- munder the pressure of immediate the courge must be attended in the with large and unnecessary expense— 1)--in the second place, the prep n would most probably he too late to meet the danger; and in the third place, from being hastily adopted the preparations themselves would probably be inade- quate. (Hear, hear.) But depend upon it there is this further disadvantage, that the effeet of taking those <traordinery precautions must be to increase the panic and alarm that gave rise to the necessity for taking them on the part of the government, and must tend likewise to excite the jealousy of those foreign powers against whom it is supposed our pre- parntions are diveeled. (Hea ) The more I hin convinced of the necessity of taking such pre- cautions, the more I would urge upon your lord- ships the imperative necessity that they he taken, (hear, hear.) and that we when the next cause of apprehension occurs, be ta- king the necessary measures with a view to meet the threatened danger. (Hear.) Measures should be taken with sufficient promptitude for gi large military force to the country, but for giving that organization and discipline to the people which, if the moment of danger should arive, ought to bo atthe command of every loyal and well-affected mait in the country. (Hea r.) My lords, forthe maintenance of the tranquillity of this country, no military foree, regular or irregular, is likely to be required. (Hear, hear.) On some memorable ocea- sions within the last three or four years, the people of this country have acted in a manner to exeite the admiration and wonder of forcign nations (hear, hear), and the peace and tranquillity of the country may safely be entrusted to the loyalty of the people of Englaid. (Hear, hear.) My ore, it is not the ability of her rmlere—1 am sure it is not the multi- | tude of her forces—that keeps this country in a state | oftranguillity and contentment. (Hear, hear, hear.) | T ain sure it is due to a frank appreciation on the | part of every class of her Majesty's subjects, of the inestimable value of the institutions under which they live, and their conviction that, in upholding | the just prerogatives of the crown, the liberties of the people are best secured by those institutions. (Clicers.) Under thoge institutions we are not only | peaceful and tranquil at home, but this country is, | and ever has been--and God forbid it should ever cease to be (hear, hear)—the refuge of those whom misfo tuncs of any deseription may have driven to seek shel. ter on our shore Uitene, hear.) With thedisturban- ces end distractions of forcign countries we have no- thing todo; but when from those distractions, and from | thoce disturbances exiles and fugitives have reached | the shores of thisecountry, they always have had a | right to feel, and 1 trust they always will have a right to feel, that they may expect to receive a frank hospitality from this country. (Hear, bear.) But my lords. Tsay alvo, onthe other hand, that it is the bounden duty of all those who, flying from misfor- tunes in their own country, have founda safe and feeure asylum here, not to abuse the rites of hospita- lity (hear, hear, hear)—not to compromise the in- terests of the country which has received them into her hospitable arms, by carrying on here measures against. the governments of their own country} which they feel they can carry on here in eomparn- tive safety, under the shelter of the constitution of the country, but throwing uponus, asthe coi quence of their acts, an unmerited and unjust respo ability, (Hear, hear.) My lords, itis not only | the right but the duty of her Majcety’s government, | without descending to a system—we havo no En, lich word for it (cheers)—of espionage or surve: lanee which ig averse to the whole feeling ef the country (hear, hear,) to keep a guard over the move- ments of persons who are disposed fo to abuse our hospitality. (Hear, hear.) And if any measures hostile to their native country on the part of those persons should come to the knowledge of her Majes- ty’s government, it is their right and duty to put that foreign government in possession ofthe facts, and place them on their gnard against Le Beane Pr gression. (Hear, hear.) Further than that, it is not the rigbt—itis not in the power of the British government to interfere. (Hear, hear.) If those pereon4, under any circumstances, and from what ever country, attempt to levy war against t country, that is by the law ® punishable offe and it is the duty of the government to visit such of- fence with condign and exemplary punishment (Hear, hear.) But while, on the other hand, we are hound to perform the duties of friendship reeulting from the comity of nations to- wards all foreign powers, we cannot, for the pur- | pose, I will not say of overting host, but of se- caring the friendsbip of those powers with which we are in the closest intimacy, strain the law aud ingti- tutions of the country beyond that whieh is war- ranted by the constitution. (Cheers.) I have now | to atate ihe principles upon which T think our fo- should be regulated. (Ifoar, hear.) subject of our commercial and financial Roliey, (Hear, hear.) My lords, in the year Il I was a warm cordial supporter ‘of the finan- cial measures introduced by the late Sir Robert Peel. (Hear, hear.) 1 entirely approved of the revision of our customs duty which at that time he undertook, and I entirely approved of the principles which I understood him then to announce, namely, of imposing duties upon the principal articles of im- port for the purpose of raising revenue, but not for the purpose of raising revenue simply, but for the purpose oflevying the duties in given proportion to the extent to which the articles the subject of the duty should be aflerwards adopted or not adopted for the porpoees of British manufactures. (Hear, hear.) J understood the principle to be laid down, and I fully agreed (o the principle, of the freest pos- sible admission of all raw materials which form the RCN TO TERRE ITE ORR ETS of reform in Parliament with an extensive improve- ment in the education of the people. I hope that for the improved education of the country no extension of the suffrage——no alteration in the a of Parliament—is either necessary, or W« slightest effect or infuence upon it. 1 . rejoice to believe, that the feelings of (ke community et large, the feclings of all classes, high and low, rich and poor, have cone to this conclusion, thas the greater the ainount oi edaeation which you ‘are able to give, and the more widely you © ead that education throughout the masses of the country, the greater chance there is for ihe tranquillity and hap- piness and well-being of the nation. (Cheors.) But when I use the term ** education,” do not let ma be misunderstood; I do not meaa by education the greatest developement of the mental faculties, the mere acquisition of temporal knowledge, and imere basis of our native manufactures. (Hear, hear.) My lords, a different system to a certain extent has been adopted since that period, and I cannot but think that if we look to the whole of our financial system there is ground for believing that it is open, in te of principle and practice, to considerable and useful amendment . (Hear.) Your lordships will forgive me for a single moment if I contrast (I shall not do so in detail) the system that prevails with regard tothe customs duties of this country with the tariff (which I have heard lauded as a free trade plan) a ie United States. (Hear, hear.) The tariff of the United States lovies upon almost all imports du- ties more or less extensive—duties in some respects of a very great and oppressive extent; but in almost every instance they levy those duties sage ats and avowedly upon those articles whic! plainly enter into competition with the produce of their own soil and industry. (Hear, hear.) My lords, we ppear to have ded recently on a* different principle, for while we admit with entire liom many of those articles which do so enter into competition * of our soil industry, we load . with an inordinate amount of taxation a certain small number of articles of immense and extensive consumption, and coming directly into the necessary consumption of the mass of the community. (Hear, hear.) And I beg of your lordships not to lose sight of this fact, that when the whole supply of any arti- cle is furnished from a foreign country, the whole amount of duty upon it fulls necessarily on the con- sumer in the shape of an English tax ; but if you impose a duty onan article, a portion of which is supplied at home, and a portion supplied from abroad, then the amount of the duty is not the measure of price, but increases the price in pro- portion to the amount of foreign produce that may be excluded, by any duty whatever, thereby diminishing the supply, and, to a certain extent, enhancing the price. (Hear, hear.) Between the two principles, it appears to me the American princi- ple ts the one caster eae and it is the principle ‘which will be found the less burdensome in practice. (Hear.) At the same time I do not either shrink from expressing again, as I have expressed on former occasions, and repeating in office as I did out of office, that in my individual opinion I see no ground why, if there be a general system of imposing duties ures foreign imports, the single article of corn should be le a solitary exception. (Hear, hear. T state this as my opinion, but at the same time have always said, and I repeat again, that I think that is a question which oan only be solved by refer- ence to the well understood and ¢learly expressed opinions of the intelligent portion of the community. (Hear, hear.) Including the range not only of the duties upon foreign imports—the customs duties— but also the incidence and the pressure of domestic and local taxation—I say, my lords, that any scheme so large and so extensive requires to be dealt by a government strong in the confidence, not only of the country, but of Parliament also; who would then be enabled to carry, with the concurrence of Parlia- ment and of the country, measures adopted and framed with that degree of deliberation, and of care and foresight which it is impossible that any ad- ministration could give to such a subject when called to deal suddenly with public affuirs at tho commencement of the parliamentary session. I know that in the other house we are in an undoubted minority—I know not whether we may be enabled to command a majority in favor of our views even in the house which I have the honor to address; but I say that the same motives which induced me to sacrifice all other considerations to avoid the responsibility of lenving tho a with- out a government, weigh upon my mind with equal force to induce me to think that the public interest would not be consulted at this period of the year, and under the present circumstances of the world, by unnecessarily interrupting for a considerable period the sittings of the other house of Parlia- ment, for the purpose of making and carrying out— ifit be to be carried out—the policy which I consider to be advantageous for the interests of the country. While, then, I state frankly and freely what that policy, and what my opinions are upon that subject, confess that, situated as we are, we have a much kumbler, but at the same time not a less difficult task to perform. I avow that we cannot command a Parliamentary majority. I avow that, in the face of that condition of affairs, I have felt it to be my duty not to decline the weight of re- sponsibility which bas been thrown upon me. I know that, in conducting the affairs of the country under such circumstances, her Majesty’s government will have to appeul to the forbearance of the oppon- ents, aid, in some eases, to the patient indulgence of their friends in the other house. But I have confi- dence in the good sense and judgment of the House of Commons, that they will not unnecessarily intro- duce subjects of a controversial and party character for the mere purpose of interrupting the course of sound and useful legislation, and of driving the go- vernment out of that moderate and temperate course which it has presented to itself. There are subjects enough, without dealing with these large and compli- cated questions, to attract the attention of thisand the other house of Parliament. I believe that if, avoiding all necessarily party questions, we apply ourselves to those (ee measures for which this ECL Ae long called—measures of legal reform, simplifying and improving the administration of justice, and imeasures of social reform, improving | the condition and adding to the comfort of the ; people—I believe that, even as a minority in the House of Commons, we shall not uselessly or dis- honorably conduct, the business of the country; and IT must say that, if interrupted in such a course by a merely factious opposition, I have so much confi- dence in the good sense of the country, that I be- lieve that factious opposition will, at no distant period, recoil on its authors and promoters. Amongst the measures, however, of social improve- ment to which J have referred, I do not include one to which her Majesty’s Jate government have thought it necessary to call the attention of Parlia- ment. It was announced by her Majesty’s late overpment that they intended to introduce, and I elieve did introduce, into the other house of Par- liament three measures in some degree connected together—the first for the disfranchisement of a bo- rough, in which a course of notorious corruption has been proved; the second for facilitating the means of examining into and correcting and controlling such Sore pece in other boroughs for the future; and the third a measure comprising a somewhat miscellaneous assortment of topics, but reps as its leading feature, a large alteration in the clective system and in the «lectoral districts of this country. With regard to tho first measure, without dealing With individual questions, I avow that no man is ready to go further, and [am sure that in this I speak the sentiments of my colleagues aleo, in check- ing, by every possible means, that gross and dis- graceful eystem of bribery, which I am afraid has in- creased to a considerable extent in the couyse of the last twenty years, and which, in the intensity of the | evils it. has created, has thrown fur into the shade the evils which it suporceded, arising from the ex- tent of the local influence by which constituencics were previously controlled. No man shall go fur- her than her Majesty’s government, in seeking to beck that system, so far as it can be checked by ogislation, and also in seeking to visit it with con- dign punishment, after fall and fair investigation has proved its extent and enormity. Nor do I pretend to say that the system of representation established in 1652 was a perfect systom, or one in- capable of amendment. I think that it may bave had faults ; I think there may have arisen, and will arise in the course of time, abuses requiring a change, and demanding reform; but [ say that before you proceod to apply remedics, before you pledge yourselves inde- finitely to an unsettling of that which is, be quite sure that you are aware of the course that you are about to adopt, and of the nature of the evils that youmean to meet—be quite sure that the remedy you propose to apply is calculated to meet,4f not aleulated to aggravate, the evils of the present system. And 1 do entreat your lor’ships—and if I were epenking in the presence of any of them L would entreat the members of the other house of Parliamont—and I do entreat the country, seriously to consider the incalculable danger not bed to the monorehy of the country, but also ultimately to the real ond true liberties of the country, in constantly, time after time, unsettling everything and ieee 4 nothing—rendering the country dissatisfied wit that which ia, without, in the slightest degree, re- moving the dissatisfaction with that whieh you | pose to substitute on the part of those whose obj are to go much further than any measures whic your lordships’ house or the other house of Parlia- ment would gauction. Her Majesty’s government docs not therefore propose, I need hardly say, to proceed with that measure for the reform of the rep- yesentation in Parliament which was introduced hy their predeceseors. (Cheers.) I say, my lords, on the otter band, that if you will show a substantial rievance, & proved abuse, none will be more ready Sian my colleagues aud myself to remove those grievances if we see a remedy that be properly und fectively applied to meei them, without at the time bevelvin: hor and contingent alterations in, and dangers to, the constitution of the countr hold, in some manner reign poles 8 «from dealing with questions of far 3, 94 oom pemsing bopk'y oe sig I will ne 2 hee which Tam ata loss to compres instruction—ureful as no doubt that may be—which may enable the man to improve his condition in ‘life, may give him fresh tastes, and give him also, by this means, the opportunity of gratifying those new tastes and habits. Valuable as such instruction may be, when I speak of edu- cation I speak of this, and this only—education involving the culture of the mind, the eulture of the soul, and the laying of the basis and the foun- dation of all knowledge upon a knowledge of the Scriptures and of revealed religion. I desire to look upon all those who are engaged in the work of spreading education, even though they be of a differ- ent opinion to that to which I am sincerely attached, rather as fellow-laborers than as rivals, in the war- fare against vice and irreligion. I will say nothing which can be offensive to any of those who differ with me in opinion, or who belong in other commu- nities; but I must say that, forthe fife see of edu- cation and of religious knowledge, J will rest mainly on the exertions, the able and indefatigable exer- tions, of the.parochial clergy of the United Ki doms. My lords, I bold that the Church, as the positary of what I believe to be the true religion, is the instrument of incalculable d here, and of even greater avd more incalculable good hereafter. My lords, I say itis not only the interest, but the uty, of her Majesty’s government to uphold and to maintain it in its iutegrity—not by enactments di- rected against those who differ from our communion, not by virulent invective or abusive language against the religious faith of those whose errors we may deplore, but to whose consciences we have no right to dictate, but by steadfastly resisting all at- tempts at aggression on the rights and privileges and possessions of that Church, come from what quarter, and backed by what weight of authority they may be; by lending every power of government to sup- ort and extend the influence of that Church in its high and holy ealling of diffusing throughout the length and breadth of the united empire—I_ speak not of this country ouly—that knowledge which is derived from the diffusion of the Holy Scriptures. My lords, I believe I have now stated, perhaps at more length than I ought to have done, but I hope neither with undue nor unnecessary frankness, the principles on which we propose to act, and with only such reserve with res to the necessary details as is inseparable trom the position which I fill. I hope I have stated fully the principles on which wo propose to conduct the administration with which we are instrusted. For my own part, when I look to the difficulties that surround us—when I look to the various circum- stances that must combine to give us a chance of successfully encountering the various obstacles that beset our path, I confess I am myself appalled by the magnitude of the difficulties that we have to en- eounter. But I believe, and I know, that the desti- nies of nations are in the hands of an over-ruling Providence. I know that it often is the pleasure of that great Being to work his own objects by weak and unworthy means. In his presence I can so- lemnly aver, that no motive of personal ambition has led me to aspire to the erous eminence on which the favor of my soverei as placed me. Ig the course of the discharge of those duties, no con- siderations shall sway me except those which led me to accept it—the paramount consideration of public duty; and with that feeling on my rmind— that deep conviction of the sincerity of my owa mo- tives—and that trust in the guidance and blessing of a higher Power than my own, I will venture to undertake the task from which I might well have shrunk appalled by its magnitude. And, be the period of my aduinistration ake or shorter, not. only shall I have obtained the highest object of per- sonal ambition, but I shall have fulfilled one of the highest ends of human being, if, in the course of it, Tecan have, in the slightest degree, advanced the great objects of pence on earth and good will among men, and the social, moral, and religious improve- ment of the country—if I can have contributed to the safety, to the honor, and to the welfare of our sovereign the Queen. (Loud cheers.) Earl Grey (who was very indistinctly heard at the commencement of his speech, in consequence of the buzz of conversation in the house) said:—I certainly shall not attempt to enter upon the variety of topics to which the noble earl has adyerted; but there is one point in his speech on which J wish to say a few words, by way of protest, against the principles which the noble earl has enunciated. The noble earl has told us, with that frankness which I ex- pected from him, what is the principle of financial policy upon which he proposes to conduct his ad- ministration. He described the principie with the utmost clearness. The comparison he drew between the tariff of this country and of the United States of America was, for the purpose of explaining the policy of the noble lord. the most complete illustration he could have taken It is true. as he sayy. that in this country the principle of customs duties which has been adopted for the last few years has been so to impose those duties as to make them fall entirely. or as nearly as possible, upon goods imported from abroad which do not compete with goods)?,13;aum character produced in this country. On the other1in | he has told us that in the United States the principlei+ the very reverse; that in those States tliey do not tax some of the great articles of consumption which are pro- duced only abroad, while they do tax articles produced partly abroad and partly at home, with a view of giving what is called protection to the home eonsumer, The noble loré has said that the effect of this system of taxa- tion is not to levy upen the people so large an amount of taxation as that which goes into the exchequer; and he says, in an argument which I confess I am unable entirely to follow, that it only partially raises the price of the important article, and not to the full extent of the duty levied. .Now, I have always been led to look at this matter in precisely am op- posite light. In my opinion. the effect of a duty imposed in such a manner is this:—When you impose a duty upon an article partly produced at home and partly imported from abroad, you raise the price to the consumer not only of the imported article. but also of the article which wag produced at home—(hear, hear)—and thus, +o far from its being true that you raise your revenue in @ way com- paratively unfelt by the consumer. the direct opposite is the case; you levy a large revenue on the consumer, not one sixpence of which is paid as revenue into the exche- quer, The proof of this is inthe very case of corn, to which the noble lord has adverted. You formerly levied duties on corn imported from abroad; those duties pro- duced an amount of revenue perfectly inconceivable; even since the act of 1846, and under the reduced daty, the revenue was not very large. But what was the effect? The noble earl wishes to levy a duty of this kind for pur- poses of revenue; but if he does #0, he will no doubt raise the price not only of the 4,000,000 or 5.000.000 of quarters that he might suppose would be imported ander such a duty, but he would raise the price to the consumer of cight or ten times the quantity of corn which is imported which the consumer pays for, but the increased price of which does not go into the exchequer, Supposing a duty of 5s, per quarter were levied upon 4,000,000 of quarters imported. the noble earl would levy a revenue of £1,000.000 puid into the exchequer; but assuming. and f[ believe that Vem not very far wrong in the assumption, that five times that quantity of corn is produced at home, or 20,000,000 quarters, the noble earl, in effect, ievics a duty upon the coneumer of all thie corn likewise, for he raisés the price of that aleo by the ramo-nmount asthe duty which he places on the corn imported. He raises from the con- sumer, for the purpore of paying one million into the ex- chequer, six millions which are virtually paid by the con- sumers of grain in the United Kingdom. That, I say, ia the demonstrubie effect of the duty, if there ix truth infigures; and by ucting on the other principle, by during the last few years repealing the duties, which, it was for many years argued in the Honge of Commons, were a vir- xon the community, though they brought no re- i exchequer—by repealing those duties carl propores to re-crtablirh, the eilect has been, as Lhed the opportunity and the pleasure of stating to your lordships, on the firet night of the session, that within the last few years duties to the large amount of £10.000,000 had been Tepeated, while the customs reve- instead of diminishing. had actually increased. We ». therefore, both theory and practice to prove the roundnees of that view, and L would only add this, that T have heard with conrternation. which I am altogether at a loss to express, that the noble earl propores to apply this most unsound system of commeree and finanee to the food of the people. Ihave heard that, by the authority of the government, a measure is to be proposed for again ienportig a ea of this kind. (No, no, from the minis- ch. er Meet of Drnuy.—What I did say was thie—T eat that I caw no reason, in my own opivion. why corn should form an exception from the general principle of imposing a duty on all foreign produce, but that that was a ques- tion which should be settled. and could only he settled, by the deliberate judgment of the large and intelligent eom- munity of this country, (Hear, hear.) I stated that neither with regard to that, nor with regard to. deali with the great and imperteni question of finance, had any intention of innking any proposition on the part of her Majesty's government, until that public opinion could be dvcidediy and emphatically expressed. (C) Karl Grey.—I am greatly relieved by mation of the noble carl. To a certain teg od him, but not exactly as he bas now s What 1 understood him to ray was, that he laid down what he considered ®& round wut prover prineipte of commercial lewislation: that he raid that the Sppllcetion of that prin- ciple requized great care and deliberation ; and that measure founded upon it could not be produced in w hurry, I, therefore, did not expect (aud 1 thought this perfectly Yearonable) that the noble cari would produce any such measure as this at an early day; but undoubt- iy T did understand that the nobje earl did look to re- vie the commercial policy of this Bantry upon the prin- ciple he has stated, as a means of revenw, and that in that general revision of our commercial policy, corn was not to be an excepted article. If L was wrong in so un- derstanding the noble earl, I beg his pardon ; bat T still think that, tothe best of my understanding, the words delivered by the noble earl could not be otlerwite under- stood. Now, upon that, allow me to make this obser- vation— ‘The Karl of Denny.—T have already corrected the mis apprehensions upon the part of the noble east, and stated what I believe Idid say, and what Lknow it wae my Intention to soy, But the noble earl proceed to say (Ue BSLV GS A Gatos MLS Wik Mas As Mauka asdieysd My Ube explawaden, ong thou Bp