The New York Herald Newspaper, February 12, 1852, Page 3

-able than the increase in the facilities of And the ori treaty of alliance with Franco had imposed gt country a serious burden, by uarrantceing the possession of her West Iodia lands, thus involving us, as she contended, in her controversy with England. And these were the evils that Washiogton had encountered, and against the recurrence of which he warned his countrymen. But who demands an alliance with any power in Europe, or who has the least desire that we should form any other treacies than those which regulate our commerce and our usual inter- course”? And the authority of Me Jefferson has been invoked wita as lit-le reason in condemnation of this measure. * Pose said that Patriarch of the democratic faith, “ Peaeo, commerce, and honest irieudship with ail nations, eutangling alliances with none.” Why, sir, there is no roem tor argument between the man who givos to this language of Mr. Jefferson its trua and vatural import, and him who applies it to the aesertion of a great national right They have no common groucd to stand upos. When tho declara- tion of aa importent principle, common to all na- tions, and made in connection with none, is showa to be an entangling alliance with ono of them, then may this sentiment be appealed to, and the people ‘warned against its violation. Mr. President, the -wonderful advance of skill and ecience has brought ‘Europe nearer to us now than was Savannah to Philade!phia at the adoption of the constitution, 2and similar causes are probably destined yot more tediminizh the distance And the increase of the -moral and material interchange consequent upon the progressof the age, has not been less remark- tercourse. We cannot be insensible to the en- ward march of events in the old hemisphere, nor indifferent to their operation upon the great mass of the people. Undoubtedly Europe, to some extent, has peculiar interests aud a pe- culiar policy, with which we have no concern. Dynastic laws, the balance of power, the influence claimed by five great States—these and other max- ims of policy give rise to questions with which wo have no desire to intermeddle. But, besides these, there aro great principles ef the laws of national intercommunication often coming up for discussion and decision in Harpe, and which affect inte- reat and the all the independent states of the world. The former we may regard merely with the natural interest which is felt in passing events; but the latter we should watch with sleepless vigi- lance, taking care that no innovation be established in the public law, without our consent, to which we should be called upon to submit hereafter, on the ground of its having been sanctioned by time and acquiescence, as the right to search our vossels would have been established, had we not resisted the claim at its very inception. Mr. President, near the commencement of the French revolution, two decrees were parsed by the convention, one of which attacked the iadependence of nations, by inviting the ople everywhere to throw off existing monarchical governments, and promising intervention by an armed force; while the other went back to ages of barbarism, by proclaiming that no quarter should be granted to any garrison which should not surrendor within twenty-four hours. Should any nation, rojecting its own duties, and setting at defiance the rights and opinions of the world, attempt to establish such principles at this day, by Lily ea them in solemn legislative acts, as rules of conduct in all future time, is there any man in this broad land who would invite our submission to them, even by silent acquiescence, instead of rebuking them in an authoritative manner, as indefensible innovations upon the laws of nations! Whether the administr tion of Washington took ground against these qua: manifestoes, either by diplomatic representations or othorwiso, I do not know. His was a poriod of difficulty, and that was the time of our weakness. Now has come, and still more is coming, the time of our strength, and with it a new position, and, if not new duties, more powerful motives for decisive action. No man an fail toee that the principles of the first French decrees and the Russian ukases, for such, in fact, they are, would give to foreign jewers tho right to intermeddle in the internal af- five of this country, whenever any of them believed, oraffected to believe, that ciroumstances existed here, condemnod by that system of supervision thus sought to be established. Rumors havo re- cently reached us which may well warn us to be ready to take our part in tho assertion of groat rights, intimately connected with the spirit of our own institutions. It is said, and with a good deal of confidence, that the great European continental powers have remonstrated with Kng- land against the refuge she has sfforded to political exiles, and in a tene which indicates that what is refused to diplomatic representa- tions may be demanded with hostile monscos. It is difteult to believe that the folly of powor and despotism can go so far, and yot a similar de- mand oa Turkey shows that, if it do not, it is not because they are restrained by a sonse of right, or by aregard to the independence of other powers. The liberty of escape is to be wrested from the un- fortunate patriot, and the liberty of the dungeon and of death only allowed to him. Europe is to become one vast prison house, and the aspirations of freedom inexpable crimes, which the hunters of men ar¢ to pursue eternally, and to punish inex- orably. I belleve England will meet such an inso- lent and barbarous demand in that sturdy spirit of resistance, which her people havo so often dis- layed. And recent advices inform us that the Bai h government is already up and doing, pro- paring to meet a grave conjuncture by fortifica- tions, looking to the defence of London, and by other military, and by naval precautions. But who does not know that, if the pretension succeeds there, our time of trial would come next? Tho broad ocean is not broad enough to separate the victims of despotism from the jealous wrath of the oppressor, who might well fear that the gales of the Atlantic would bear to his dominions that loud note of sympathy, which marks the interest the American people take, and which Washington took, in the struggles ef freedom. Well, sir, if this work goes on, and the decree goes forth to the world, either by declaration or by action, are we to wait till the storm bursts upon us before we even raise a voice in eupport of national and natural rights? No, sir; he who should recommend such a timid policy would find his countrymen far ahead of him in their generous appreciation of their rights and their duties. Distinct manifestations of such an in- tention to attack the independence of England for such a cause, would rouse a spirit of indignation in this country, which would not be dive: from its purpose by the cold allegation that wo intervene in the affairs of other nations when we pronounce eur judgment upon a monstrous pretention, utterly incompatible with the most sacred attributes of independence, and that to doso is to form “entangling alliances,” and “artificial tics.” As thero must be two parties at least to all alliances and artificial ties, it will be time to an- nounce our danger when there is any serious pro- Reston to unite ourselves with any other power. [r. President, it has often been said, that wohavo a mission to fulfil; and so indeed has every nation; and the just mission of each is to conduct its own | affairs, honestly and fairly, for its own benefit; but after that, its position and institutions may give to it peculiar influence in the prevailing moral and political controversies of the world, which it is bound to exert forthe welfaro of all. While wo disclaim any crusading spirit agsinst the political institutions of other countries, we may woll regard with deep interost tho struggling efforts of the op- pressed through the world, and deplore thoir de- | feat, ard rejoice in their success. And can any ono doubt that tho ovidences of sympathy which are borne to Europe from this great republic, will cheer the hearts, even when they do not aid the pur- poses of the down-trodden masses, to raise them- selves, if not to power, at least to protection. Whatever duties may bo ultimately imposed on us | by that dark fature which overshadows Europs, and which wo cannot foresee, and ought not to un- dertake to define, circumstances point out our pre- | sent policy, while at the same time, they call upon us to exert our moral influence ia support of the existing principles of public law, placed in danger, not menly by the ambition, but still more by the foar of powerful monarchs, the fear lost the con- tagion ef liberty should spread over their domi ions, carvying destruction to the established sys- tems of oppression. But I repeat emphatically what I said upon a former occasion, when this sub- jeot was before us, and what upon no ocoasinn ave { since contradicted or unsaid, and | may ad struggles of his own country, now the honored Ftd ‘of ours, in the first conversation I had with im upon this subject, that the poople of the United | States were not prepared to maintain the rights of poss, aed by war; ¢ sould exert was a moral, and not a physical ono. And certainly tho considerations connected with this branch of the subject aro so obvious, that | | must be aliowed to express my surprise that any American could seriously contemplate an offensive q@war—| mean offensive in the nature of its operations, chough not in its causes—against liussia and Aus~ tria, in tho present condition of this country and of Europe, by fleets and armies sont to the Adriatic or che Baltic, or both. Sach an undertaking can hardly be the subject of serious investigation, nor worthy of serious refu'ation. The very statement of the necossary preparations is rebuke enough for such a proposition. With a power of soif defence which, in a just cause, could rosist tho world, our capacity for distant foreign warlaro is unequal to such gigauiic undertakings. Our present duty and policy aro to place our views upon record, thus avoiding conclusions againtt us, and reserving yll_ ovr rights, and all our remedies, what evor these may be, for future considera— tion, W the prop exigency may ariso; when tho political viciseitudes of Europe may strengthen tho force of opinion there, by increasin, che number and power of the froo states, whic! would be a8 much interested as wo aro in this gront question, and whose views would bo similar to our own. | have no doubt but there aro viola- tions cf the public law, and this in my opinion is ene of them, which would justify the armed action of apy nation; though it is no part of tho task [ myself to define, or even to onu- o that duty to those who mi come after us, ani ose position may require thei decision. In allo. therefore, of our action upon this subject, 1 think we should limit ourselves, for the present, to the declaration of our epinions of Rreat questions, and there stop, leaving the fature to disclose our proper obligations and our proper line of policy. But the present has its duties as woll asthe future, and among these is a just regard to the condition of the couatry, and to the prudent have im; Mabey 7 merate them. | le: reach, 60 that while exercising her rights as a co- equal power of the earth, she may be freo to choose her remedy and the time for it Tha day may eome, will come, indeed, wien wo may act without hesitation, as we may act withou! apprehension To that day let us dismiss the queatioa of forse. The Debut of Lola Montes in Washington —The Fashionavie Turn Ouw [trom the Washington Republic, Feb. 10 ] This event, which has for some days past fur- nished food in expectancy to the whole raco of play- goers, took place last night in the National Thoa- tre, and was attended with fully as much suceess a3 , what | distinctly stated to the martyr of the | that the only influence we | her most ardent admirers had ventured to antivi- pate. The house was not crowded—tho quostion- able policy of doubling the iay prevented that but it was at least well filled. ‘Cho dress cirole, the rivate boxes, and the stage boxes presented a rilliant array of female beauty and fashion; the orchestra, which had been fitted up with reserved seats, was fully occupied; while the parquette and the other parts of the building were about three- fourths filled. A two act drama, and an abundance of exquisite music, consumed the earlier part of the evening. Shertly after nine the curtain was drawn up for the piece selected for the ep parance of M'llo Li Montes. It is entitled “* The Carnival at Seville, and, like all paces of that character, possesses no intrinsic merit, being, in fact, merely a succession of pantomimic scenes, designed to facilitate the por- formanccs of the danseuse If it is to be prosented a second time, we hope it will bo pruned at more than one point. The gymnastic feats of Monsieur Cane may, for instance, be agreoably dispensed with, for, though clever enough in their way, they are more adapted to a circus than a ballot, which is understood to be made up of “ the poetry of motion.” Of Loia we scarcely know how to speak. To judge of her as a mere dans:use were to try her by a standard from which she has herself appealed ; and yet it is impossible to overlook her characteristics, in this particular, without altogether sinking the artist in the individusl. She appeared last night in three dances—in a Spanish dance and a -‘Tarantelle,” in each appropriately and magnificently costumed, and finally, in what tho playbill calls a ‘* Pas de Mate- lot,” but what we should term a species Ce Tare of course habited in an appropriate garb. Al 0 dances are said to be more or less the productions of her own mind, and their style gives plausibility to the statement. There is a freedom—oocasionally an extravagance--about them which takes them out of the ordinary role, and gives to Lola opportu: nities of exhibiting her own indifference to stale ar- tistio efforts. She makes no attempt to stand onthe toes of a single foot; performs no marvellous pirou- ettes; achieves no prodigious bounds. On all those points she shows her good sense by quietly concedin; the palm to others; she makes no attempt to rival posture-masters, or to please by Dassiing the spec- tators; but, on the contrary, appears desirous of winning favor by the gracefulness of her steps and attitudes, added te the thousand charms which a beautiful and educated woman never fails to inspire. She seoms to have concluded that the “ poctry” of daxcing, like that of language, music, oratory, is not made up of violent effort, but comprises, in the main, grace and effectiveness ef manner; and her study has therefore been to distinguish every move- ment and attitude by exquisite good taste and ap- Brent aaneee to the scene. f the three dances in which she spec eren we fave the firat—the Spanish pas; but a little jit of by: play elicited for the hornpipe the largest share of applause. Availing herself of her nautical character, she picked up a miniature flag of the stars and stripes, and waved it over her head amidst thunders of applause. Each dance was very well received, and at the close she appeared before the curtain te receive a renewed and prolonged out- burst of cheering and clapping of hands. _ Lola’s personal charms, like those of her danc- ing, are of the concrete order. Thoy are pleasing in their entirety, not remarkable if looked at singly and by piecemeal. Her eye strikes you at once as the key to her character and history. She stoops considerably, andappears stronger in spirit than body. Remembering her remarkable career, her adventures and romances, many, no doubt, went with the expectation of seeing a Medusa or a Ber- ‘ia—a frame and physiognomy widely different rom those of the slight and almost youthful woman who stood before them. One word to the manager. We think that he wil please the public, and consult his own pecuniary interest, by reducing the prices to their regular lovel TheCan an Opinion of the Forrest Trial ‘rom the Toronto Colonist, Feb. 6.] We find that the American papers are still dis- coneing the Forrest diverce case, which pas been recently brought to a termination. Téis extra- ordinary trial lasted for thirty-two days. Every disgusting and scandalous particular of evidence was published at length in nearly all the Now York papers. These reports were copied again by many of the Papers in other towns, and by this means wore multiplied like rays of light, and scattered broad-cast over the republic. The very length of these reports was a coy Had they been re- published in the type in which this article appears they would have filled several hundred columns of this journal. They were read, we were informed, with in- tense curiosity, and this we ht have naturall: inferred from the Cig Wee with whio! Oe) abominable detail was seized hold of and re- produced in the columns of the newspapers. Even the judge upon the bench, in charging the jury, remarked upon this extraordinary and morbid cu- riosity, and stated, that in every tavern, bar-room, barber’s shop, or other places where newspapers circulated, this matter had been made the subject of constant conversation, to the injury of public morals. He even went to the length of suggesting that there should bea law to prevent the publication of evidence in such cases, until at least the trial should be completed. We are happy, however, to state that no Canadian newspaper 4 soiled its columns with any of the infamous details for the sake of pandering to the bad curiosity of un- diseiplined minds. We would not have alluded to this matter now, but ag public journalists we oon- sider ourselves bound to recordall the publie events of the day; and this Forrest trial, both in itself, and in its effects upon socicty, is an occurrence, as ave abovo stated, of an extraordinary nature. not our intention to pronounce upon the guilt or innocence of Mr. and Mrs. Forrest; and still less to roview the evidence brought out at the trial. Woe have not read tho latter with sufficient close- | ness to do this; but still we have seen cnough of it | to appreciate its quality. Our object is simply to notice a few of the facts contained in the charge of | Mr. Chief Justice Oakley, of the United States Su- | preme Court, before which the case was tried. [t appears, from this charge, that Mrs. Forrest filed her complaint against her husband, charging him | with adultery, under facts and circumstances and at various times. Mr. Forrest, on his part, denied tne | allegations set up by his wife, and then set up against her counter charges of adultery with six | men, who were named. ‘This was the issue raised, and to decide whieh the immense mass of evidence | was token. We may state, in this place, that the } verdict of the Jury was in tavor of Mrs. Forrest. Ske was declared innocent, and her husband guilty of adultery. | the privileges ot adivorce, but denics them tothe bueband. Sho is dollars a year alimony from the estate her husband. A motion was made for a new trial onthe part of Mr. Forrest, but it was over: ruled by the Chief Justice. To return, however, to the chargo of the Judge. He observed that tho effect of the peculiar manner in which the case was resented, was, that if the parties should be found poth guilty, or both innovent, the law would leave | them where it found them, and neither party would be entitled to a divorce. He went on to show that the jury would have to docide, by weighing the credibility of the witnesses. Ho stated, that ifall the oy, that had been sworn to, was to be | believed, both parties were decidedly guilty. He further told them that they would have to decide | upon the greatest mass of perjury that he ever wit- nossed, either on the bench or when he was prac- | tising at the bar. He then proceeded to a review | of the evidence, but in this we shall not follow him. We do not propose to permit ourselves to make any extonded commentary on this case, which, as the Judge tated, involved several distinct causes of action, and which latter circumstance was the reason of its great length. It was in effect, as a Peo states, not only the trial of Mr. and Mrs ‘orrest, but aleo that of the vices and moral srimog of the fashionable society of Now York. We would that the revelations had never been made known. We have hoard before of dens of infamy, and of the vices depicted by French historians, during tho riod of the first French revolation, when all the andmarks of society were in down, and the restraints of relgion av ney were thrown aside; but these, bad and revolting as they wero, did not equal the abomi reveals, hus existed, and |i the decent and comely mask 0 cies of New York fash’ that this society may, whited sepulchto, which i within is full of dead men’s b: We regret, for tho sako of ly does alr tho refir deconoy, if not for that no eooner is the result of the trial mado known, than Mrs. Vorreat advortises that sho will appear upon tho atage, to show horsolf off, and mako | pent out of the extraordinary notoriety sho has gain application of her rerources to objects withia our | The result, we learn, entitles ter to | to be allowed three thousand | of | blo sin which this trial | that of our common humanity, to have to add, | INTERESTING LETTER rROM MR. GHORGH N. SANDERS, RELATIVE TO THE Donaldson and Greer Correspondence, Hudson Bay Company, Sale of Government Muskots, ko, &e., &o. Astor House, s Gonpow Ki Youn Benaro: Dean Sin—I have over regarded the liberty of the press ag one of tho moat valaablo franchises of tho Amerioam people. It should be protocted and oberished asthe pailadium of our political free- dom. If the press was trammelled, we should havo, as in other governments at thia timo, hosts of secret spies and informers. Public men in this country must expeot to have their conduct, acd principles, and opinions, freely canvassed, and that sometimes injustice may be done to them. It is a tax that, ia afree country, ambition must pay to liberty. Or- dinarily, it is best for public men to waive reply to attacks upon them in newspapers, for they ge- nerally but provoke to @ renewal of the assaults; andaman conscious of his own rectitude, hasa shield from harm in the intelligent discrimination of his countrymen as to what may spring from poli- tical prejudice or party hostility, and what has jast foundation. It is otherwise with Fespect to indi- viduals not in public life. Assaults upom thom, if not zepelled are aptto have an injurious effoot upon the party assailed. Though but a private citizen, I have, for som months past, been repeatedly made tho subject of invidious statements and remarks in various paverts sometimes editorially, and sometimesin the form of correspondence. It is immaterial whother the authors ef these attacks are prompted bya mere love of mischief, by personal ili feeling, by political animosity, or by high, paeoks, and disinterested motives; nor isit at all impertant whether they are incited by sinister influences of third persons, or invent the statements they make, or whother their publications are gathered from idle barroom political gossips; the injurious effec:s upon the per son assailed aro the same. On Friday last you alluded editorially to a state ment mado 7 @ correspondent from Washington to @ Philadelphia whig paper, as intended to rofer to myself. ilar statements in like form have here- tofore appeared in certain prints in this city, some of which have been noticed by the Hera.p, in a manner characteristio; significant. The widoly extended ciroulation of the Heap in America and Europe, renders that answer to these state- mente prerer from me, which, if you had not no- ticed them, would have been abstained from. Your paper, too, claims to be independent and impartial —not & partisan press—and greater weight, there- fore, is given to what appoars in its columns on po- litical topics, than to most of the papers in this country. Hence it isthat I solicited of you, on Saturday, a column to reply to what you have re- ferred to respecting me and my aflairs. 1 now avail myself of your compliance with that request. let. As to the ‘ Donaldson and Greer Correspon- dence,” the authorship of which you say is imputed to me. It was an ungenerous joke in you to suggest that the guess that I was its author was ‘good guessing,” thus intimating that I was in fact the suther; for no one knows better than youraolf that I was notin any degree an aider or abetter of that hoax,fnor in any wise cegnizant of it. The first knowledge | had of it was reading it intho Heraup. Thave not since acquired any information Fempenting it, except what I have obtained from your columns. Insomuch as that correspondence has effectually morped the writing of political letters, I think you ought to introduce the author personally to the public, that he may receive his juat deserts. 2d. As tothe Hudson’s Bay Company. By tho Oregon treaty, the United States guaranteed to the Hudson’s Bay Company their possessory rights in Oregon, a8 enjoyed prior to the treaty. The com- any were disposed to sell their rights to the United tates. Governor Sir George Simpsou desired mo agent in the arrangements sought to bo made, i toa definitive agreement. Bo- fore acceding to his proposition, I consulted several of the leading men of both parties at Washington. Amongst them! advised with the late Mr.Calhoun, whe gave me a letter of introduction to Mr. Paken- ham, then the British Minister, and expressed his approval of the proposed mode of oxtin- guishing the claims ot the Hudson’s Bay Com- pany, and of my acting as agen: as suggoat- cd. Sir George paid to me an inconsiderable amount, and | rendered such services as{ could. My position was known to all, and I acted openly and above board. The proposition was presonted to Mr. Polk’s administration, and brought before the Senate in secret session, but the overwhelming agi- tation of the slavery question affected co unpro- pitiously all territorial interes, that I advised its withdrawal. My agency has long since ended, and lam in no degree interested in this mattor more than any otber citizen. { do not know that the terms once eficred would now be agreed to by the Hudson’s Bay Company and the British govera- ment; for the Company’s property and the British possessions on the Pacific have become enhanced vastly in value, since the discovery of gold in California; but 1 do know that the price then asked for the relinquishment, by the company, of all their rights of property, and herds and flocks, and their torts, and the exclusive navigation of the Columbia river, was less than it will cost the government of the United States to adjust the claims of the company and its employces, in Oregon, and to erect barracks and the necessary forts there, within the next five years; the eompany’s rights still igen in foree. 3d. As to the forty thousand muskets stated to have been sold by Mr. Geo. Lawand myself toGov. Kossuth. This isanerror. We are not the partios who sold him arms. This is stated by Mr. Law in his letter to you, published on Monday. [arly in the administration of the late President Taylor, I learned that the War Department had, in this city, one hundred and fifty thousand stand of new mus- kets, with bayonets and military equipments, for sae. The ey having adopted the percussion lock, and these being flint and steel locks. An act of Congress authorized such sale. (oneral Wet- more, late navy agent, has been named as connected with the transaction. He had no more to do with it than you had. War then provailed in Europe. Several nations were struggling for independence and freedom. Mr. Law, having the necessary capital, united with me in the purchase. J went to Europe to dis- ose of these arms to the republicans there, but efore the arrangements could be definitively effected, the intervention of Russia in the affairs of Hungary and of Austria, and of France in the affairs cf Italy, had defeated the patriot cause. Toe arms are still unsold. But, | ask, if Mr. Law and myself were to bargain with Governor Kessuth for thoirsale and ehipment to, and delivery in, Europe, would it be unlawful—would it be im- proper? Some logal wiseacres contend that tho ** neutrality Jaws” forbid such sale, shipment, and They have not read these laws as | have. y Yoru, Feb. 10, 135 Nett, Esq, Eprror ov Naw Jama E delivery. constitutional power to do more forthe preservation of neutrality, than enforce the laws of nations. It cannot, under such pretext, declare that asts not forbidden by tho laws of nations, shall be statutory crimes. he laws of nations do not make the furnishing, in time of war, by a subject or citizen of a neutral power, of arms, munitions of war, or provisions, to @ belligerent power, or to a poople engaged in rebellion or in a poi revolution, a violation of “national neutr Jf @ trader chooses to encounter the risk of aiding a belligerent by furnishing articles contraband of war, he can do so.” ‘That risk is the condemnation of the contra- | band articles if captured by the other belligerent. | To eay that in time of peace, an American trader, | or “speculator,” if you please, shall not soll and ship, firearms as morchandiso, because, forsooth, they may be used to effect a revolution, or ina war that may break out, and that such results would make the sale and shipment a violation of our ‘“na- tional neutrality,” is absard. Nor can Congress borrow from the constitutional power “ to rogulate commerce with foreign nations,’ [clause 3, section 8, art. 1, const. U. S,] any right to ‘oy com meree not inhibited by che lawe of nations, under the —In treaties between the United States and nmmente, the following articles are enumerated vs being “contraband of war” ---Cannon, cannon bail uppowder, ealtpetre, match, ewords, sabres, lances. sence, pikes, balberta, mortars, bombs, petards, grenades. sket balls or bullets, bucklers, beimets, murkets, m we que t plates, coats of mail, musket reats, belts, ere hortes and furniture, timber for ship building, ter or resin per in rheets, sails, hemp, cordage. ther art! Generally nll warlike instruments, or need for equipment of soldiers or vessels of war. re eo considered, and, under some circumstances, pro- virions are fo regarded, and if captured are liable to con- froation, though the versel may not attempt to ruu any 4 blockade, | alo that they are tho real though concealed causes | pretoxt of preeerving “ national neutrality.” Whoa the constitutionality of Mr. Jefferson’s embargo moasure was disputed, it waa not dofended on tho ground of being a moasure necessary to preserve novtrality, butas rightfal un ause last cited, and ander tho * war power”—ad @ moasure of just retaliation on both belligerenta for outraging our neutral rights. We are anzious to sell these muskets to European republican patriots—Irish, Hungarian, Italian, Austrian, German, or Russian—and if tho Bevorament of tho United Siates interferes to pra- vent it, wo intend to test th fons above ahatad, ard mecert hother th my Court of tha United States will devide that Congress, uader any power delegated by the constitution, oan oreate & new code of natioual morality, wot kav@a to tho laws ofaations un: he oretengs of proserving tha * national neutrality” If Congress posaosses ash power, it may, in despite of tue oonstitational deviaration tant it * shall make no law abridging the freedet of epecch, or wf tho press,” assail tue prose, and under the same pretence of the * neoussity of preserving tho national neutrality,” ine andim- prison you for every copy of tho HeraLp seat to Europo, catontated to irritate Louis Napoleon, or Francis Jozeph, or Nicholas, or which may exsite the people to resist despotism. Such articles aro as dangerous to the absolutists asarms. The ridioulous ideas some appear to entertain respecting the cha- racter and extent of neutral obligations, not oaly tend to the usurpation by Congress of logislative powers unwarranted by the federal constitution, but thoy lead to the most pernicious effects on the mo- chanical and commercial industry and enterprise of the country. Other governments do notspounte- Nance such nonsense. But for the course of those over piudential lawmakers, and the narrow and cowardly policy they maintain, hundreds ef thou- sands of American arms, cannon, muskets, rifles, [cose swords, &o., weuld be annually manufac- ured for, and exported to, and sold in foreign countries. ‘That enterprising American inventor, Samuel Colt, has been constrained to establish manufactories for his revolvers in England, and in Europe, lest his exportation of them from this country, for sale, might subject him to a prose- oution for a ‘ violation of the neutrality laws.” Again—when we purchased thesa muskets, the government well know there was but one class of customers to whom wo could sell them. Those ono hundred and fifty thousand muskets and bayonets could not be seld to the several States, as thoy aro aanually supplied with arms by the War Dopart- ment. ‘They are not fit for citizen sportsmen—they are instruments of war. The government were not ignorant of the object of the purchase. and where and to whom we oxpected togell them. It certainly did not desire us to sell them to arbitrary Sprecninent) to aid in crushing those who were fighting for lib- erty. It could not have anticipated any sale for re- volutionary purposes in this country. The purchase by us was notorious. Our purpose was well-known. It was avowed that it was to export and sell thom to European patriots. It was commented on at the time, in more than one newspaper of this city, and if I mistake not was montioned in the Hrratp. And yet there are those who would excuse the fede- ral authorities for committing tho palpable fraud of preventing us from exporting them to soll to others, and advise tho adoption of such measure. I shall only say"that these arms will not be sold or exported clandestinoly. When sold the fedoral authorities shall be advised of the intended expor- tation. If the statutes are as tho neutrality croak- ers say, it is high time that Congress abrogates or revises them. Noutrality, it has been said, is the weak resort of weak nations. ‘The rules alluded to as being maintained by some in the United States do not spring from dictates of justice—they are not to secure that honorable neutralit; sugiiating ina principle of duty, but they spring from craven timidity, and ond in self-degradation of the most humiliating character, sacrificing the interosts of our artisans and merchants, and, in fact, of every clags of our citizens. They tend to provoke insult to our government, and tempt to 5; liation of the roperty,and outrage of the rights of our citizens by eeiga powers. We have already twice seon foreign functionaries impudently reproach our government for alleged non-enforcoment of its own statutes, called the ‘‘ neutrality laws,” whon such functiona- ries could not find anything in the conduct of tho ane complained of, violative of the laws of na- tions. 4th. With respect to the proposed “ Ebony line” of steamships. hilst the compromise measures were before Congress, several gentlemen of diffor- ent sections of Union, in conjunction with my- self and at my instance, had a memorial laid before Congr puggesting the establishment of a line of steamsbips from the United States to Liberia, to carry the mails and freights and emigrants to that country, and touching at certain “uropean ports on the return passage. It was intended to aid in the colonization of those of the colored peo- ple of this country who might be disposed to go to Africa, and hence it got the name of the “ Ebony line.” The government cannot, as every practical man knows, very well carry out such project without connection with individual enterprise. We had an unquestionable right to propose the plan. We did 80, because wo believed ithe andortaking was honor- able and useful, and might be profitable. We dis- rogarded all the outcry that we knew small men would raise against the project. We presented facts and arguments to Congress, showing tho ad- vantages which would result to the country from the adoption of it. By the Ashburton treaty of 1842, the United States is bound to ‘‘interveno” with a naval force of cighty guns on the coast of Africa, for the suppression of the slave trade. This stipulation is seriously injurious to our navy. Ofiicers and seamen gent to that coast rarely escape severe disease, the effects of which last for years. The obligation to keep the force mentioned on the coast of Africa, prevents us from sending vessels to cther quarters where they arc necded for the protection of ourcommerce We can annul that stipulation by giving a year’s notice, as was pro- posed, if our plan was adopted. It would be better and cheaper for the United States te give President Roberts the vessels and eighty guns, if he would man them with free colored men from the United States, who would become citizens of Liberia ; and even fer a time to poy and subsist the crews, rather than keep our ships and officers and crews on that coast we now do. The establishment of the steamship line we proposed, would have in— creased the available strength of our navy, as is done by the Collins line, and by Law’s line, and by Aspinwall’s line. The means of suppressing the slave trade would have been increased, vast expense would have been saved the treasury, and the health and efficiency of our naval officers and seamen not endangered, and, above all, tho re- moval of the free colored people of the United States, would have commenced under such auspices, that it must have resulted advantageously to them and to the country. Tho Naval Commitieo of the House of Representatives apreore of tho plan, but it was not carried through Congress, and is not Low pending before it. It is said, in some of the attacks on me, that the “steamehip interest” isin favor of Judge Douglas for the Presidency, andof Mr. KR. M. T. Hunter for the Vice Presidency, and that, therefore, | am in their favor. They have been called the ‘steamship candidates” As to a political combination of the steamship interest in favor of any man, the idea is simply silly. Thore are fow interests more antag- onistical and hoetile to each other, than tho differ- ent steamship interests. I doubt if any two agree as tothe next Presidency. If any of those into- rested should prefer Judge Douglas, it cannot be for his course in their fav for General Mr. Buchanan, Gen. Houston, Mr. Diek- whather | if the terms of the acts did prohibit the exporta- | ; Col. Benton, R. J. Walkor, I. P. tion of firearms, or any other species of merchan- | Marcy, ‘Mr. Webster, Mr. » the prohibition would be unconstitutional. | ¢ sorwin, having all, | believe, gress is exprossly inhibited by clause tion | advocated every sicamship line heretofore estab- | 9, artiole 1, of the federal constitution, from sach | \jshed, have equal clai n that score. As to gielation. The ix “No | myeelf, | havo not, ard never had, any interest in | stout | any steamship line, nor have | been benofitted in | “4 | any Ru. 8 f a3 you have ‘The “Ebony projec avi or rico of the South, or of thaflour, or veof, or pork | before th shad ri 1 ae wok baw Eta | of the West, or of tho products or manufactures | Judge Donglas or *Sonator Hanter would pursue of any section or State whish, in high | With respect to it, nor would my support of them ss majority may be disposed t twas | ho influenced in any degrce by their course, if the | to prevent this wrong, that the constitational clause | osition should be again brought forward | cited, was adopted. lis violation is fraught with | ° Sih. ‘The charge cf being the ‘“‘cuitor and proprie- ite danger to the country. And, besides, it is | tor” of the Democratic Revinw. | presume, from d that the federal government posses: 'Y | the prospectus not giving the names of the conduo- tors, that they have determined to let tho work stand upon its own merits, and that no factitious aid or influence will be sought from the use of popular names, nor prejudite excited against articles, be- cause written by persons either unpopular er un- known. Writers for its peges thus remaining in- cognito, their productions alone speak for them. | approve of the principle. It is democratic. Names are too often employed for their prestige, and some- times lead to the favorable reception of unsound doctrine. I shall not, therofore, with ‘* arrogant humility,” deny, nor shall | admit, the truth of any statement as to my imputed connection with the Review. {do not either assume merit or shun blame in regard to it. Let the Review speak for itself— the public will judge of it by itself. While alluding to it, however, | wiil, ag any citizen rightfully may, the hberty of expressing one opinion in relation ts partican acerbity in regard to somo indi- ‘als might have been modified, without loss of good effect. Some of my personal friends are han- dicd in it with less forbearance than | would wish. ‘The commendablo desire, however, of placing tho parties upon the ancient dietinct basis of whig and emocrat, the living necessity of it to the nation at large, and the impetus tho Review is likely to ive to euch movement, somewhat excuses the per- cenal severity in its leader of the January number. ih. Ae to the couree imputed to me in roferencoe ho Presidential election. Allusion by me to my opinion and course would be ogotistical, but that they have been made eubjeots of assault, and but for most of the attacks upon me as to other mattors. Asacitizen, | have expressed the opinion froely, that tho most cligible nomination that could be made by the democratic party in the Baltimoro Convention, would be Bephen A. Douglas, of Illi- pols, for Prosident, and Kobort M. T. Hunter, of | 20%, 10°s, and 5's, upon tho Northern Bank of Ken- Virginia, for Vioo President. 1 believe and nave urged that such nomination oombined froshness, energy, talent, courago and patriotism, superior to any other that haa been prosented. No old and fostering personal prejadices and hostilities would have to be overcome if it was made. The iaborn and unsuspected democracy, frem oarly yout both these gentlemen, {a well known. Their ro- spective locality is auch a8 to render their aeloction appropriate at this juncture ‘* Young Amorioy” could be rallied ensnasse to their support, for by their election the country might bo satisfied that tho inceming administration woald not be distracted , or etultified by musty fogeyism. T expeat to on uy to sustain them until the action of the Convention, aud sball regret the subavicu- tion of other names. Messrs Douglas and Hun- ter are not responsible for a single word of this pa- per, or anything | may say, or write, or do other- Wise, on ary subject 1 donot coaault or correspond with them, noram I regulated by them 1 have notsecen either of them, nor reesived a line from either of them, since “ongrass met; and, on the other hand, they are not entitled to any crodit for anything I bave written or done, or may write ordo. Leapectfully, your fellow citizen, Geo. N. Sanvers. P. 3 —Since the foregoing was written, an even- ing paper of this city (the same one, I presume, Mr. Law incidentally refers to ia hia letter), elaborate editorial in its customary style, Mr. Law, and respecting these muskets, and gentle- mon, who never had any connection withthe matter, are inoxcusably dragged into it. That editorial affects to give only a part of Mr. Law’s letter, but the part it pretends to quote is strangely falsified in an important respect, by the substitution of $15 for $13, stated by Mr. Law to have been the cost of the guns to the United States. The allegations made are net merely ridiculous, there is ‘ooly & semblance of truth in any one, and not a@ correct item as to facts or dates, or sums or prices; and they also betray the recklessness or malice of the writer by their glaring inconsistencies and contra- dictions of each other. This scribler seeks to prove, 1. That Mr. Law makes $1,537,500 profits on the half a million more on the oartridgos, e ** presumea” Mr. Law * acquired ay,” making in all $2,000,000. 2. He asserts tbe sale was illegal and fraudulent, mado because the ‘‘government was much in want of funds,” and in order that ‘‘the wind might bo raised mere quietly by solling sorenneet pro- per'y than by making loans or levying taxes.” 3. He more than insinuates that ‘‘officors of the government were parties to the purchase.” 4. He denounces the sale as corrupt favoritism to Mr. Law and partners by a whig administration, and eays tho purchasers were the “ king’s friends;’ and 5th. He alleges that the Navy Department, (which never had anything whatever to do with tho muskets in anywise,) made the sale to ‘‘raiso money” “ a a and yet has improperly ex- tended a credit allowed for the purchase monoy, because of Mr. Law’s inability to pay up; and this compeund of half pay and contradictory and absurd accusations he desires may be investigated by Con- ress. 1 make this notice merely because the fowrnal of Commerce, ® respectable and voracious paper, and one that has an extended circulation, has copied part of that editorial into its colamns on edneeday; otherwise I should not have notiood it beyond my letter to you. G.N.S. of Overland Route to California—=The Mor- mons. A correspondent, writing to ® western papor from St. Josephs, Mo., Jan. 20, makes out a very good cage in favor of the overland route to the gold mines of California:—Many of my acquaintances who wont to California two years ago have returned within the past two weeks, and during the last month. They, or a majority of thom, have done so wondrous well, I have my ae for not going when the fever was on me, in although | have been doing well in St. Josephs. i have conversed with many about the two routes—by sea and by land. They all give preference to the land route, for 80 many reasons that [| have hardly patience to enumerate them. Choeapness, health and safoty aro tho most prominent. A company of three men can outfit complete with one wagon and four yoke of oxen, any where on the Missouri or Lowa frontier, for $400. They start Ist of May, not later than 25th, (unless on pack mules, then by lat June,) and arrive in California or Oregon by the Ist to the 15th August. Whon they arrive, they are at once iu the mining and farming districts, with their teams and wagons, as ready capital, worth more than when thoy started, themselves inured by the journey to hardship and ready to go to work; whereas if they had gone by sea, the amount expended for passage would be lost ca- pital, and their bodies enfeebled by passing through 80 | climates. Landing ata rt town two hundred miles from the mining di , they would have to make anoutfit, at loast, at California prices, and travel back into the country ere they couldcom- mence operations In leaving Missouri, by reforring to the map, you will observe that we travel on a direct line to California, in nearly the same latitude all the time. It has always been # healthy trip. Of course I remomber the cholera that scourgod mankind in all climates. I remember its havoc on the plains; but 1 have lived here eight years, and seon my friends go to California and return, by land, robuet and vigorous, and have seen some return by ses, pany and enfeebled, invariably, who said they were healthy ere they went on board ship. These persons, who have just returned, complain bittorly at the manner they have been ewindled by tho Panama steamors, and extras added to prico of pas- sage. They say it has cost them from $600 to $1,000. But I presume you have heard how the mail steamers run the independent line of steamers off, by reducing passage at one time, then raising to the present enormous rate. The reason more people do not return by land is obvious. All are anxious to leave for home in the winter or rainy season; then they cannot come by land. If they wait till spring, inducements are great to try their luok in pleasant weather. So they put off coming till winter, then are compelled togo bysea. Tho Mor- mons in Utah have a large settlement now, directly on the route from St. Josephs, about ono thousand he or dinner time of day from this to Sacramento ity. _By tho way, editor Orison Hyde will leave Kanesvillc, lowa, next spring, and ostablish tho Frontier Guardian paper at Salt Lake City. Think of it—a newspaper published in the Rooky Moun- tains in 1302. Shades of Clark and Lewis—why do we wonder that Jefferson wished to live fifty years longer to see how the democracy was going to work? Most of the Mormons in this country are now at Kanesville. ‘They will, nearly all, go to Salt Lake next epring. | am informed by an intelligent gen- tleman just returned from California, that he con- versed with many, and ho belives that three-fourths | of the passengers who return to the old States this | winter, ceme with the viow of arranging their affaires to settle permanently in California and Oro- gon. They intend to take as many cattle and other necessaries as theycan. All say it isa delightfal climate, and no rheumatic complaints are known. If I have any friends who expect to emigrate, toll them that I am responsible for saying they had better go by land, for pocket sake and health sake. Boats will commence running to this place from St. Louis, by 15th March to Ist April. Be careful to tell them to have light two horse wagons, wide tread and woll seasoned. Oxen are best. Thoy are plenty here at $45 to $60 per yoke; mulez do, go0 to G0 do. Lt would be well enough to got good wogons in Ohio, but useless to buy much else ull on arrival at place of departure. St. Josephs and Council! Bloffs are the two most prominent starting points, but there are other towns quite as good. INNATE An engraver o! that city, having occa- ce of work, took up bis atablishment of one Kobort | Neil, a hthographer acd stee! plate printer, at Mount Carmel, about fourteen miles from the c One day, during the absence of Noil, he observ an ixopression of a bank nove upon one ot the press boards in Neil's printing room. His suspicions | were aroused, knowing well that Neil had thority to print bank notes. and he imm came to the city and communicated the information to the president cf one of our banks, who advised bim to return end institute further investigations, which he did Den or Covnre NARY DEVEL de at the engra THE PRES Newspapers Published tu the State of Texas, ABSBRACT OF THE U. S. CRNSUS FOR 1350. These papers are all published woekly, unless othorwise stated GALYRBTON OOUNTE Nome Character. Civilian & Ganette, Galveaton.tri-w .. Democrat Galveaton Journal do vomi w Whig Galveston News. de. Galveston Zeitung, do. WARRIS Co Telegraph and Texas Regty bee oe .- es oes... Louston . Demoera! Morning Btar do. Demoorn\ striw, Commercial Advocate, do. |, Hourton Gazette. Wesleyan Banner Whig. - Democrat ravi B W. American, Austin, Btate Gazette, do ANDRKBON COUNTY The Wonder, Anderson, U. H.......scesseeeeeeee BEXAR COUNTS Wertern Texian, Sen Antonio, San Antonio Ledger, do nowt covwty 11g Rio Grande Sentinel, Brownsy’ ~— American Flag, do. = cMERo! Cherokee Sentinel, Rusk, «Independent 408 CALHOUN COUNTY The Commercial, Calhoun. ee pat Dallas Herald, Dallas. 300 PAYRTTE couNT! sereeee 200 Texas Monument, La Grange = HARMISON COUNTY Texes Republican, Marshall, Btar Btate Patriot, do. rAarER COUNTY Fastern Texian, Jasper ; & LAMAR COUNTY, Western Btar, Paris. secececrescerecerececs MO MATAGORDA COUNTY Colorado Tribune, Mi or . seseeeeee 250 RUSK COUNTY Texas Whig, Henderson 708 Agia of Truth, . pd Flag of the Union, do. om RED AI Northern Standard, Clark 500 AAN AUGUSTINE COUNTY Redland Heraid, San Augustine 506 VicTORIA COUNTY ‘Texas Advocate, Victoria + Independent 408 WALKER COUNTY: Hunteville Item, Huntsville. . ‘Texas Presbyterian, do, CAPITULATION S Weakly yi ssoes cscs ine 1 ‘Presbyterian 1,150 Tri-woekly papers. Boml.weekly. + Total papers ‘publial Newspapers Pub! Arkansas, ABSTRACT OF THE U. 8. CENSUS FoR 1850. These papers are all published weekly, except one (the Monthly Bulletin). PULASKL COUNTY Character. Name. Arkansas Banner, Little Rock.. Gazette & Democrat, do. CRAWFORD COUNTY. Van Buren Intelligencer, Van Buren. . Democrat Fort Smith Herald, Fort Smith INDEPEN Literary Newspaper, Batesville Batesville Kagle, do, . JOHNSON COUNTY. Demooratic Union, Clarksville JEFFERSON COUNTY, Arkanas Republican, Pine Bluff ovacita Ouachita Herald, Ouachita, Ouachita Tribune, do. Southern Shield, Hel ‘True Issue, do. Monthly Bulletin, do. UNION voUNTY, El Dorado Union, Corea Fabr . RECAPITULATION. Weekly papers. ....... 14 Monthly.... Total papers published in Arkansas. Newspapers Published in th Kentucky. ABSTRACT OF THE U. 8. CENST’S FoR 1350. ‘These papers are all published weekly, except whem otherwise stated. JEFFERSON COUNTY | Name. Cire. Louisville Journal, Louisville, Do. do. do. ti 9,090 Do. do. do. weekly... di Louisville Democrat, do. daily...... Dem. . Do. do, do. tri-w’kly. do, + 710,456 Do. do. do. weekly... do. . Louisville Advertiser, do. dajly..... — +) Do, 0. do. semi-w'kly -- ~ 2,400 Do, do. do. week} 5 ) Louisville Courier, do. daily. 2.832 Do. do, do. week|; 4500 Journal ot Commerce, do. daily. 750 0. do. do, wee! 1,508 Beobachter am Ohio, do. daily. Do. do, do, semi. w’ do. 1,500 Do. do. do. week; do. Presbyterian Herald, do. weekly lig 2,800 Baptist Banner, do. weekly, : 3/200 Indian Advocate, do. bed » do. 3,600 Baptist Review, do, monthly. do. . 625 Examiner, do. monthly .Emancipation. 1,200 Ciceronian Magazine, do. monthly ., 600 Medical Journal do. monthly ., 635 FRANKLIN COUNTY, The Commonwealth, Frankfort, daily.. Whig.. 800 Do.... seees Weekly,.Do.. 1,550 Kentucky Yeoman, 49. a Dem 1,500 4,000 1,000 6.006 1,00 2,000 2.000 Daily Locomotive, do. 300 BARREN COUNTY, Kentucky Reveille, Glargow.......... Whig... ++ » © BOONE COUNTY, Burlington Advertiser, Burlington..., Whig....... - ROURNON COUNTY, Weatern Citizen, Paris... verre 000 nove Kentucky Tribune, Danville. . mH CALDWELL COUNTY Princeton Republican, Princeton, , ,. Whiz. - Eddyville Telegraph, Kddyville,...... Dem... 600 CAMPRELL COUNTY. | Newport and Covington News, New- Port, datly..... cece seeee neers Newtral.ons 600 After roturning, he got into acon- | yerration with an ignorant German, who had been | in the employ cf Neil for three years, and learnin that he got but thirteen dollars per moath, he tol bim he could get hita a situation in the city at a salary of thirteen dollars a week; but adds the go tlemun, ** you cannot print bank notes, can you!” ‘Ob, yes,’ says the German; “ but, you must not tell Noil, as I am sworn not to say anything about it by Mr. Neil, who says ho prints for the State.” Me was then told that he had been making conn terfeit money, and was liable to imprisonment in the penitentiary. The German became alarmed, burried off to Neil, ard refused to work any moro, and informed bim what he had been told. The gentleman immediately came to the city wilh the German, and tho information was imparted to tho S. Deputy Marshal, 5. B. H anicd by other o! 2, immodiatel to I's residence; but tho bir not only fled, but destroyed overyt could be brought against hi German states that over money bad been made by N years. ‘Lbo notes were 50's, upon the State banks of Ohio tucky. Mr. Hayman followed him to New York; but losing all trace of him there, itis supposed that bd has iled to Europe. Many things have been elicited, since the discovery, implicating persons of | high standing in the vicinity of Cincianati. It is supposed that thia establishment has furnished nearly all the counterfeit money on the above a that hag flooded the country for two yoars past. | on the oocasion CHRISTIAN COUNTY, People’s Press, Hopkinsville Green River Whig, do b The American, Owensbor FULTON © man News Letter, sulton, 300 GARRARD Garrard Banner, Lancaster. 459 HARDIN Kentucky Register, Elizabeth... 00 Cynthiana News, © - Heapensow county | South Kentuckisn, Henderson + Whig...... 430 | Democratic Banner, do. soeseesDemoctat,. 950 KENTON COUNTY Democratic Union, Covington. Democrat.. 700 ipgton Journal, do .. seee | 750 Covington Gazette, do, moi 1,000 | LO@AN COUNT Rugeellville Herald, Russellville Whig. 809 MADINON COUNTY Whig Chronicle, Richmend..... 500 MERCER COUNT ‘The Picughboy, Harrodsburg .. Democrat... 700 Mas diayeville Eagle, Maysville, do, do. do. 1,356 do, Fing, do. 2000 do, Herald, do Whig...... 1,000 ‘The Post Boy, do. Demoorat. - do do, weekly. Demoorat., == MCRACKEN COUNTY. Paducah Journal, Paduowh........ + Whig 432 MON TGO Kentushy Whig, Moun vt 809 Dardstown Visitor, Bardetor 300 do, Hereid, - ower ny « The Observer Owrley, O LL, tri weekly. Whig - do do. weekly... Whig.. - SHELBY COUNTY Shelby News, Shelbyvillo ...sssseesees Whig... #0 sCOTT COUNTY. Georgetown Ifereid, Georgetown......Indp'dent joe Delphian Oracle, do, monthly... Literary... 1,100 Semi.» Vousss Total newspaper Besgrit ron Cuarrtance Pi | turer on payobology, &c., gave aa exhibition, on Mouday evening at tl rooklyo Museum. id e fund of the Brooklyn Vive Depaztawent. About $00 was reaitwed A Marrer ov Lire ano Daars.—The Boston Times, of the Wth ivst,, heads one of ite columns “ Life in Town,” and the first arti in said columm com. mences with the word © Deaths,” and goes on to record the demise of several persons Wo have just “ebufled of this mortal coll,”