The New York Herald Newspaper, December 12, 1851, Page 1

THE NEW YORK HERALD. WHOLE NO. 6987. MORNING EDITION---FRIDAY, DECEMBER 12, 1881. THE METROPOLITAN BANQUET LOUIS KOSSUTH. Splendid Speech of the Magyar Statesman. Complete Exposition of the Hungarian Question. TREMENDOUS ENTHUSIASM FOR KOSSUTH Colome! Webb not Allowed to Speak. THE PRIENDS OF HUNGARY TRIUMPHANT. EXCITING SCENES. dic. dic. do. ‘The Metropolitan Banquet to Louis Kossuth was givea ‘Last evening, et the Irving House. The following is a copy of the notes sent by the city authorisies to the in- vited gueste:—— Crry Hat, New ¥ bo gi tau Inpersxvence, On. pede 7. PaTRICK KELLY. Invitati ‘To James Gordon Bennett, Bsq., New York, Accompanying this invitation was a card of admission, Of which the annexed is a copy:— Asneneenceniecraseeeneenenenersenssoonnecsssnnnsesntes : MUNICIPAL DINNER * ” To * 4 LOUIS KOSSUTH, : * AT THE * s IRVING HOUSE. $ * « . AAA AAAENAE ANA EAEE EERO RRA EEEE HEHE ON CL RELE EEE EE ‘This banquet was @ magnificent affair. The room was ‘Lastefully decorated all round with » festoonery suspsnd- 4 over each window, consisting of the tricolor bunting rot Hungary, fastened with tri-color rosettes. The ‘Columes in the centre of the room were wreathed with ‘evergreens and being lighted up with numerous chande- ers, and filled with about four hundred persons, the Senquet hall presemted @ fout ensemble such as we have ‘not witneseed for along time at a public dinner in this city. ‘The entire arrangements were of the very best descrip- don, wud teMlected great credit upon the committee of arrangements, and upon the proprietor of the Irving ‘Mouse, The bill of fare was of the richest and most sTaried detcription. It was as follows;-- > COMPLIMENTARY § ¢ DINNER wT . LOUIS KOSSUTH, |; ay THE MUNICIPAL AUTHORITIES OF THE CITY OF | KEW YORK. sour. Priatapicro, ‘ ea090, ‘ Baked Bass, dls Chambord, Fe Fanoves. } of Mutton, caper sauce. , Bolted Clsvon eelery saasen eyat ia El ‘Hoent Sirloin of Beet. Roast Copone, stuffed with trcies, Roast Saddle of Mutton. le foie gras, ae Per x, Bux true escent ‘ils: getaie Yliste ds Poison, Pte ohaud do msurinenss ts Aasae ‘Torcapid Apes \a Port Wine, Oysters tc VeORTAnLes. ‘Sweet l’otatoes. oO Fried Parsnips. Oyeter Plaat Ckulidswers = tate Balls. I bd Baddlc of Venison, with ourrent jelly. a aarlill 4 i Bead ks. Ae spe with pork > Ducks. oye, stuffed with traftes. ee re retraite a ee Sere cero re ee eo ray PASTRY, Charlotte Russe. a ls Vanilie. Gatoau, a 4 Mrocdeine fe eit a, addin, ncia dg Peers, Mince Pies lane Mane CONFECTIONERY aR 4 Not " a Nowe }y Peasles leo Cream Lemon lee \engnoce-onecanenentnese-eneenenOONOAOAGNOt AGA CD ONG Otto ONO Neeson eces othe O ei rmetereieeste inendeubibleateccodstointeieeeieeesec ee: Peer Sree Sore rey Amongst the ornamental confectionary on the Presi Gent's table was a representation of Barclay & Oo.'s brewery, in London celebrated by the unceremoniour expulsion of Maycau. Several figures in front of the dvaliding represented the indignity offered to the «Avs creras Botorne,” by the draymen, This elicited marked attention, and was carried round the room inthe arms of a colored waiter, and excited the detisive taughter of the whole easembiy Another piece of ornamental confectionary reprosanted Georgey, the Hungarian traitor, and Arnoll (the Amori- en traitor) endeavoring to emerge from ell, and two devils, with pitchforks, sending them down still further into the flames, ‘The Mayor. the Tow. A. 0. Kivosuawn, presided The Vice Presidents wore Chief Justice Edmonds, of tho Supreme Court, and Alderman Morgans, President Of the Board, aod Assistant Alderman Alvori At the head of the table, om the left of the Mayor, was the great guest of the evening-- LOUIS KOSSUTH. On bia right, Count Pulsaky. Becretacy of the Bunga. flan Governor, amongst tho other guste at this table wore Alderman Fhaw, who sat on the left of Kossuth; Alderman Franklin, Gemeral Sandford, Alderman Miller, Profersor Mott, Chief Justice Oakley, Judge Duer, Jadge Daly, Judge Mason, Alderman Oakley, the Recorder, (Hon, F. A. Tallmadge) several Hungarian officers, Rev. Doctor Bethune. Amongst the other guests were Judge Betts and his son, Mr. Betts, Judge Woedruff, Judge Sandford, Juige Paine, Judge Mitchell, Judge Campbell, Judge King, nearly ell the members of the Boards of Aldermen and Assistant Aldermen, General Webb, (of the Courier and Enquirer,) Horace Greeley, Edwin Forrest, (the American tregedian,) Hon. R. H. Morris, Hon. Johm MoKeon, Mesere J.J. Ring, — Sayers, H. Ward Beecher, — Corneil, Rev Dr, Peet, Hon. Hugh Maxwell, Ogden Hoffman, J. R. Whiting, Ka- ge-ga-gah-bowh, the Ojibbeway Indisa Cbief, in his mative costume, Col. Berzcenzcy, (Hungs- tian.) Mesere. Gerard, Qutler, Schell, Simeon Draper, Benjamin Tallmadge, Deputy United States Marsal, Sheriff Carmley, @. W. Riblet, County Clerk, Mr. Taylor, the Comptreller, E, K, Collins, Mr. Stap‘es, late Consul to Havre, Wright Hawkes, Hon. Robert Ranteui, Wash- ington Irving, Rev. Dr. Wainwright, Doetor Doane, Profesor Foresti, the Italian exile, Mp. Tuckerman, the author, Governor Cleveland of Connecticut, Rey. Mr. Beliows, N. B, Blunt, District Attormey, John Brady Lieut, Nelson, of the Mississippi, Mr. Davies, the Oorpo- ration Counsel. Amonget the military gueste were Major-General 3and- ‘ord, Brigadier Generals Morris, Hall, Ewen, and Spicer; Coonela Ryer, Bogart, Postley, Yates, Warner, Peers, Duryea, Devoe, Ferris, Halsey, Morris, and Stebbins. At half-part six oclock precisely, Kossuth was coa- dected into the banqueting hall, by his Honor Mayor Kirgsland. When he had reached his place at the table, Alderman Buaw eaid— Cextiewen—We present to you Louis Lossuth, @overaor of Mungary. Tiamense applause followed the introduction, and Korsuth bowed his thanks. The band then struck up a lively air, Soon after The Rey. Dr. Bernune asked a blessing. He said— Bountiful Giver of all Good—We look to these gifts; and, on this ocosaina of sh blegs Th hast ab cered, through 0 Cored, theo neay Thee, oh Go ‘tru at are permitted to welcome trodes’ tne’ ‘th Meee th Pease ogy | may go thro world, again anny, 30 all the eo juepees inge, Weask Thy blessing, foe Jems Christ's ake, At balf. past eight o'clock, the cloth was removed. Gen. Sanprorp rose and said that he was desired by the Committee of Arrangements. to request that, during the toasts and speeches, the gentlemen present would re- tain their original seats, so as not to crowd thealleyways. This caution was very necessary, as the room was #0 Geneely filled that if a few persons left their seats they would cause great inconvenience. No sooner had the General concluded his remarks than a number of ladies entered the room and took position along the southern hall. Their appearance was the sig- val fora round of applause. Their desire was to see and hear the Governor of Hungary deliver one of his eloquent epttches ‘The following letters from distinguished gentiemen at 4 dictance, who were invited, but could not attend the banquet, were read by Chief Justice Edmonds, the Vice- President of the evening. LETTERS FROM SECRETARY WEBSTER. Wasuinoron, Friday, Noy. 14, 1851. ‘To Geo. H. Franklin, Eeq., Chairman of the Special Committee of the Common Veuncil of New York:— Sim =I have to acknowledge the honor of your com- munication of the 12th inst., inviting me, om behalf of the Committee, to be present at New York and address the aco mero stranger, whe is now expected shortly to arrive in that city. 1 em obliged to say, my dear Bir, that m: les, of a period #0 near the commencement of the ses- of Congress, render it quite impossible for me to leave Washington. Governor Kossuth will be at po loss to understand from the published letter from this D: ment to the Americen Minister, of the 28th of Febraary last, the sympathy felt by the government of the United States. for bia long captivity, and that of his companions, and che pleasure with which the President has executed the wil of Congress, in providing for bim and for them, « terpectable conveyance a yee of - Lowen 9 . bare the honor to be, with very reapect. your obedient sei vant. DANIEL WEBSTER. Wasnixeros, Wedneeday. Dec 3, 1851. +uen :—TBe Common Council of New York Gest bigely bepored me im asking my etvendance at the a lie divaee to be given to Louis Kossuth, whose arrival in the United States is now deily expected; but my public duties render it quite impossible for me, at the present moment. to leave she geet of government. sr With great regard, I am, gentlemen, your ob't serv't,” mae net DANIBL WEBSTER, LEITER FROM HON. HENRY CLAY. ‘ Wasnixator, Tuesday, Dec, 2, 1851 Sertienen :—T have recetved the tavitation in bebalf or “S*- Common Couneil of New which you have dows me tac SOOT to transmit, to attend the public d'tmmer to be given +o Louie Konsath, ihe day succeeding thot of bie publie recep. 88 the city ie T: would afford me very gist Matiatuction to pe Sole to unite in apy demonstrations o: *4e hospitality of our ccuntry to that highly dirtinguishea ge"Uemian; but { regret that the delieate state of my hetith wil mot allow we the pleasure of accepting your invitetion. Tam with great respect. your obedient onrent, | OE AY LETIER PROM GEN. LEWIS Cass. Wasninatow Crry, Dee 3, 1851 ivsvceMen iJ thank you for remembering me among those to be invited to the public dinner to be given by tae Common Couneil of New York to Louis Kossuth, the chempion of Hurgarian independence, and regret that Guties bere will prevent me from being present on absent, I par. 6 do honor to itself, by thus z honor 4 the cause, so lear to every ver of buman freedom throughout the world. Glorious ve been the career, and bright will be the fame of the ian jot and statesman. The struggis of his the irom yoke of Austrian despotism ‘ne of the noblest efforts ever made by an — people to recover their lost liberty. It was marked by ‘hs mort heroic services and sacri end, acrid all its vicissitudes of success and disaster, i¢ commanded the respect of the world found its support in the breasta of be whole Hungarian people. And valor and patriot- ist: would bave been crewned with their just reward, the ertablichmont of @ free government, had not th: right of nations, and the best feelings of our nature been o@ieced by the interposition of Rassia, and Weerty fell b the union and the crusade of the Cossack the Pandour, And now the world. renowned exile is coming among us The expatriate loader is seeking f- in the New World, from the injustice and oppression of the Old. At on ¢ (be champion and the representative of a gloriou cave the cause of humam freedom—he has a right to ou: esteem and affection, and sach manifestations o popular favor ae will convince both the oppressor and the cppremed that wherever @ nation is struggling fo fre tom, the hearte and hopes Of the Americsa Moe bitin the effort. May the land of Washington asylum of the exiled patriot, who, less for- Washington. bet Ii him. country, i# doomed to abande ame ng strangers from the rengeance of arbitrary power. Ant im this may the great republic weloome her guert end 1y respect for him, and her hope that he may ere long te bis beloved Hungary, to enjoy dence of a free and happy people nt servant, LEWIS CA33 LETTER FROM GEN. JAMES SHIELDS. * eron, Tuesday, Dec 2 Covruemes:—You do me the hondr to invite me, in belelf of the Common Gouneil of the City of New York, to attend & public dinner to be given to Louis Kossuth, the chempton of Hangarian independence, at the Irving Heure at bovelock, PM. Gentlemen, you will please aecept. for yourselves and the Hon Gommon Council, my sincere thanks for this polite invitation. I deeply regret that my public duties at th f {he eorsion will prevent me from attending on’ that hi ly interesting Oocasion. It be extremely ing to me to be able to part with areat American demonstration to the but though denied this pleneure, T hope, as T joined giving bim a oon a Participate in ege, upon bie arrival in of giving him ecicrious national republican wane ores Gentlemen, I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient rervant, JAMBB SULTELDS LETTER FROM WM. H. SEWARD. Wasniroros, Dee. 4, 1851 Gevri ewes : I segret most rincerely that my encere- cote here will prevent me from accepting the invitation Common Council of New York to at: on. tortainment te be given by them to Kossu arri- val wihin our borders, Learthiy aympathiging with that ilustrions exile, in his etevgs'e for the redemption of bis macdve land. oa in t rat folly with the Common Counoil in their esti- tate of smavione So monkind, 1 hare She bener fe be, Sreat respect TTLIAM H. BEWARD. LETTER FROM HON. HAMILTON FISH. We Dee. 8, 1861. 7 otanatee, te, 8 de at your invitation to the to be authorities of New York to the world-renow! Yernor Kossuth. I that I shall not to unite with the public authorities and citizens of my native in their demonst: re- I have the honor to be, Your very obedient ey HAMILTON FISH, LETTER FROM GOV. HUNT. Acuany, Wednesday, Dac. 3, 1851. Gentiewen :~-I have the honor to receive your letter inviting me, on behalf of the Common Couneil of — city, to attend @ public to be to is Kossuth, the champion of Hungarian Nothing but bo oe public duties 0: prevent my acceptance this kind invitation, It would be most to my feelings to unite with in person in greeting the illustrious pi ‘and © cordial welcome, when he first steps upon our soil as est of eur mation. Be assured bed | sincere participation in the patriotic sentiments whiol prompt you to confer vet aor honors upon one who struggled ncbiy, and ventured all ia defence of the institutions pagent liberties of his country. great regard. yours. WASHINGTON HUNT. LETTER FROM HON. CHRISTOPHER MORGAN. Brate or New Yorx, Becuerany’s Orrice, De] of Boh partment of Common ‘Acoayy, Me , Dec. 1 1851. Gurriemer :—I ack with thankfulness tho seach of bg tens int 5 me beng gies _ ner at louse, ven * Louis Kos suth, the Champion of Hi rane, 7? Kossuth isnot merely the champion of Huagsrian in- dependence. but of constitutional liberty throughout the worid. He has already impressed himself upon the rit of the age. Pits passiotion genius and general His ‘tiem, his i le lect & e in of the civilised world than aay other living man. a I fear thet my duties here will not me to unite with you in this demonstration of respect to Louis Kos- suth. Very respectfully, your obedient servant. CHRISTOPHER MORGAN. LETTER FROM HON. J. H. HOBART HAWS. Wasnixarox, Dec 4, 1851. Grstiemen—I bave the homor to acknowledge the receipt of your invitation to the public dioner to be given by the Common Council of New York to Louis Kossuth, on his arrival at that city. at occasion, and to jolu ma flow cltseas: goaesdily. Ya joi ci io welcoming €0 these shores. the Gistinguisied man-who basso ably exerted himself to extend the principles of liberty, and to promote the welfare and piaess of bis fellow men; but I find my duties here will not allow me the pleasure. ing you for the compli- ment intended by your invitation, I am, with sentiments of the highest respect, your obedient servant, J. H. HOBART HAWS. LETTER FROM HON. ROBERT C. WINTHROP. Bostox, Thursday, December 4, 1861. Gexturmen:--1 am obliged avd honored by the invitation which you fave indly communicated to me in bebaif of the Common Council of New York. to attend the public dinner to be given to Louis Kossuth, on nis arrival in the United States. T regret that en; its at home will not allow me to witness the enthusiastic reception which awaits the cloquent and distinguished Hungarian, ard to unite in thore words of weloome which Americans cen never withhold trom those who have labored and suffered in * cause Of freedom. ite 1 cbetiont am, gentlemen, with great respec nt servant, ROBT. C. WINTHROP ‘The regular toasts prepared by the Committee of Ar- rangements being next in order, ths Chairman, Mr. Kingsisnd, said, Gentlemen. prepare for the first regular toast. ‘Tho President of the United States. Music, Hail Columbia. Before proposing the next regular toast, Mr. Kings- land spoke as folloWs:— MAYOR'S SPEECH. Orerastes—T sim spout fe & toast. to whlch one s SEL SoS LE aS SE Sonne and champion of Bi You a his character, In in the wel ences executive of sea anion nation, he has shown abilities und patriotism re in nationa! anpals, His genius challenges world; bis devotion to the welfare of tory of his public life. It was through bis efforts, expecially by bis burning and resistless eloquence, t! the Hungarian peasants were placed upon & with the bighest nobles; that five millions of serfs were raised to the rank of freemen, and that popu lar rights and political equality were established ia the midst of the gigamtie despotisms of Kurop> Tt was voice which roused his countrymen to the vindication of their righte agains: Austrian tyranny, which inspired them with such matchless valor on the field.of battle. The unrivalled ability which be displayet in all these positions, the magical power which he exe. cised over nation, and the high and sacred objects for which that pcwer was always used. will be held to ever | lasting remembrance throughout the world. His name will stand for ever u the monuments of history pre- eminent penene the champions of liberty and of human rights. Inspired by his elequence, the people of Ganzary, after making all possible efforts to seoure che peaceful recognition of their constitutional rights-—efforts whi:b. were frustrated by the ryelype and ae Bly of those ven FR sucoess depéhded--deciared their fadependence cf Xustria, and Yindicuted that declaration against ber utmost power. But they were not left to the free decision of that arent qurttion with their tyrants. Russia came to the aid of their op- preasore; and the = ower of beth those en- pires, aided by etic treason, crurbirg their national existence, With this all their anolent rights have been swept away, eod Huogary now lies prostrate at the feet of despotic Austria. Gently men, our faith in the righty of man, nod the justice of pid. cemmand us to believe that this cannot last for M bile Kossuth lives, there is life and bope for wucoreded in Vem = Zag dey of her reeurrection is at hand. Hor sightful governer, s22 cboren champion of her pro. ple, is now upon the soil of Amen cs King ready for test which must decide wnetuer Eu- eos ome sed millions ate to be trodden in the dust forever. We have proclaimed to the world the inherent and indefeasible Pe it of han | a. 3 choose hows He 1d ont own Jawa. le — Hungary arks us, wy the Wie ef gifted and devoted for her the free exereise of tha: fundamental right, 1 am sure there is no aid which cast be Justly aod pro- py extended in so holy # cause that le of t Jp! ye ed States will not freely grant. Ge. men, Ig Iuncsay—Betrayed but mot subdued Her all fut heip is but the echo of our appeal against the tread of oppressor.” Governor Kcaevrn rose to reply. ‘Theenthasiasm with which he was greeted was perfectly terrific It fairly shook the building, and the chandeliers and candelabras trembled before it. Every one present, without an ox. ception, rose to bis feet. and each appeared excited alm ><’ to frenzy with enthusiasm. Each waved bis handker chief, and the ladies participated in honoring the Han garian hero, At length the storm of applause subsided, ond then ensued a silence most intense. Every eye wa: Oxed on Kossutn, and when he commenced his speech the noise caused by the dropping of a pin could be heard throughout the large and capacious room. Soon Kossutn poke, and im a clear and calm tone, his eye sparkling with brilliancy, and every feature of bis noble counte- pance radiant with intellect and talent of the highost order, commenced as follows: — Kossuth’s Speech. Bir, in returning you my most humble thanks for the honor you did me by your toast, and by the benefit of coupling my humble name with that cause which is the rnored aim of my life, Leonfessto be eo overwhelmed with emotion by all it was my prodigious lot to experi ence since I am on your glorious shores, that Lam unable to find words to express my feelings; and knowing that all the honor I meet with has the higher meaning of principles, Tt once beg leave to fall back to my dative, which are the lasting topics of my reflections, my sor- rewe,and my hopes. I take the present occasion fora highly important opportunity. I take it for such as will probably decide about the success or failure of my vicit- ing the United States. I must, therefore, humbly om. brace ycur indulgence for a pretty long, piaia, and in no cage eloquent developement of my humLle views to the be- nefit of that cause which the citizens of New York, and you particularly, gentlemen, honor with generous sympathy. When I consider the aympathy of the people of the United States for the cause of Hungary so generally diffused as to be almost universal, and #0 resolutely pronounced as men pronounce those feelings which are intended to be followed by noble and great deeds, I would fori inclined to take your generous aid for the restoration of my native land to ite rovercig: dependence, already as granted in principle, and for me nothing left to de but to enter into a negotiation about the arrangement of the details, were my confident Lopes not checked by that idea of bon. interference in foreign, chiefly European affairs, whieh, sceording to the numerous testimonials of your mort distinguished politicians, we are told to be 099 of the ruling oud leading priasipies of the polloy of the ET I ES aS ae A a ec AE Sn tins ell CS Selle ache ctl eal United States. I highly respect the source of this con- viction, gentlemen; this source is your religious attach. ment to the dostrines of those great men who proved to all posterity their wisdom, by bequeathing to you the immortal work of that constitution which, aided by the unparalleled benefits of nature, raised you, in the short period of seventy-five years, from tho precarious position of an infant people to the predigious strength of a gient nation. The beneficial results of the wisdom of thefounders of your great republic, you see in a happy reality. What ‘be the consequences of the depar- ture from that wisdom, you are not sure of. It is. there- fore, natural that you feel an instinctive fear to touch, even with improving hands, the dear legacy of those great men. And as to your glorious constitution, all humanity can only wish, in the common interest of man- ind, that you and your posterity may yet long con- serve this religious attachment to its furdamental prin- ciples, which by no means exclude developement and progress; and that every citizen of your great Union, thankfully acknowledging the immense benefits of this constitution, may, even in the moments of the most passionate irritation, never forget to love that constitution more than the passion ef his heart, or the egotistical interest of the passing hour. May every citizen of your glorious country forever remomber that » partial discomfort of @ ocrner in a large, sure, and comfortable house, may be well amended without break- ing the foundation of it, amd that, amongst all possible means of getting rid of that partial discomfort, the worst would be to bum down the house with his own hands, But, while I do aoknewledge the wisdom of your attach- ments tothe fundamental doetrinesof the founders of your united republic, I beg leave, with equal frankness, to state that, in my opision, therecan be scarcely any- thing more dangerous to the progressive developement of whatever nation, than totake for a basis that which is none; to take for a principle that which is but the con- venience of a passing situation; to take for substantial that which is but accidental; or, to take for s constitutional doctrine that which is but the momentary exigenoy of administrative policy. Buch « course of action would be like to that whena healthy man would refuse to take substantial foed, because when he was once laboriag under weakness of stomach his physician ordered him to keep @ severe diet; the consequence would be oén- fumption, death. Let me suppose, gentlemen. that yon- der dootrine of non-interference was really bequeathed to you by yeur Washingtons, (end it was not, I will prove it afterwards) and let me ev ju ppose that your ‘Washingtons imparted such a meaning to yonder sup- pored doctrine, which were equivalent to the words of Onin, “ Am I my brother's keeper?” which supposition would be, of course, a sacrilege; but suppose ali this— end I believe that I am even under such suppositions—I may be entitled to ask, is the dreas which weil suited the ebild, still convenient to the full grown man—nay, toe giant, which you are? Would it not be ridiculous to ay the giant into the child’s cradie, aud to sing him to sleep by alullaby? In those times of the foundation of the Uni- ted States, you were an infant people, and tbe large dreas: of your comparatively then not large territory, hung loose over your puerile limbs. In those times, you had, of course, nothing to do but to grow, to grow, amd to grow. But now you are #0 far grown that there is no foreign power en earth, from which you have anything to fear for your own existence, for your own security, This be- ing your present condition, you have entered into the recond studjum ef politieal existence, the destination of which is not only to exist for yourself privately, but to exist as a member of the great human fumily of nations, having the right to all claims which are due from that family towards every one of its full grown members, but also engaged to every duty which that great family has the right to claim from every one of its full grown mem- bers. A nation may be in the situation by @ comparative weakness. or by choice acd policy, as Japan and Chiaa. cr by both there motives, as Paraguay under Dr. Francia, to live @ life secluded from the world, indifferent to the | destinies of mankind, in which it cannot or will not have any ebare. But then it must be prepared to become also excluded frem the benefits of progress, civilization and vational interccuree, Such a nation may well say—* [ don’t care about the fate of whatever other nation in the > But Iam sure no citizen of the United States bed, has, or ever will have, the wish to see this coantry degraded to the rotting vegetation of Paraguay, or the | mummy existence of a Japan and China. The feeling of | s*if-dignity and the expansive quality of thet enterpri- sing spirit which is congenial to freemen, would revolt against the very idea of such a degra- ding national captivity. Bot if there were even & Will to live euch @ mummy life, (here were no poss!vility todoro, The very existence of your great gomntry, the principles upon which it is founded, ite a ogeaphical po- sition, ite present scale of civiligati“p and all ite moral and material interests, Wool lead on your people not coly to maintain, be’ necessarily more and more tc Je- lope 30" Yatercourse with the world. Then,of course, ‘cing in so many respecte linked te the w irld, connected with the world, you can have neither the will, nor be in the possibility to remain indifferent to that outward world you are, in 60 many respecte, connected with 44f you cannct remain indifferent. 90 you must feel ved te put your own relf-consistent weight into that t ¢ in which the fate and condition of the world Is weighed. In a word, the glorious republic of the Vaited States murt feel resolved to bea power on earth--a power emonget the nations--or Itself would be doomed to eon- tnul decsy, and goon cease to be great, glorio ad free. You area power onearth You must be « power onearth. So, of course, you must als¢ unbevitatingly secept all the natural consequences of thir i{uation. You cannot allow that whatever power should dispose of the fete of thet great family of mankind, of which 0 sre such preeminent members, Or else you would resign ycur proud position and ree’ gm your ull prouder future, and be @ power on earth no more Bo, [hepe I have sufficiently shown that, shoald | peepect te your own inde even that doctrine of non interference have been established by the founders of yeur republic, that which would have been very convenient to your ia <iBcy would not. now be convenient to your manhood th tiful word of Monterquiew. that republics are to be founded om virtue. Amd you know that virtae, ae sanctioned by oft Christian religion, is but an #ffective exercise Of « pricciplé~-of that great principle— + Thou shalt do te others as thou desivest others to de to thee’ So lam confident that it were ruiilvient to me torely simply upon the question I have now to urge upo the virtuous feelings of your generous republican heart and upon the consistency of your principles; but still I beg leave to mention, also, im material respects. some esrential differences between your present condition and thatof yore. Then your infant republic comp sed of thirteen States, was restricted to the borders of the At lsntic~ now your giant republic is spread to the Gulf o Mexico and the Pacific.and your territory is a world Your right hand reaches Europe over the waves, while your left hand reaches, over the Pacific, the But of Aria; and there, in the midst of two great continents, there you etand proud immensity, a world yourself Then you were « small’ people of three millions and a half; now you are a mighty nation of twenty-four mil- lions; and more than nineteen millions out of these twenty-four are over yonder immenee territory. the rich est of the world, employed in the cultivation of the soil, that honorable occupation, which in every time has proved to be the most inexLaustible, the most unfaltering source of public welfare and private happiness. as also the mort unwavering ally of the love of freedom, and the mort faithful fosterer of all these straight, neble and gfnerous sentiments which the constant intercourse with every young, every great, every beautiful virtus mparts to man, Add to this consideration that this im- mense sgrioultural interest, which, desiring large markets, and affording at the same tine a solid basia also to your manufacturing industry, and so your commerce, devel. | oped in such an immense proportion, makes such a bound lene difference between the infant republic of the time of Washington and your present giant republic, that | theugh you very well may be attached to your originary constitutional principles, because the principles of liberty are everiastingly the same; but in respect to the | | } exigencies of your policy, it is impossible not to feel t if you are to be regulated in your policy by interest, them your couutry has other interests to day thaa it had then; and if ever you are to be regulated in your | policy by the higher cobsideration of principles then you already strong enough to feel that the tir come todo ro, And I, standing here before you top ad | Ore cause of oppressed humanity=I resolutely dee. ioe (hat there may, pethaps, never egeia come a time Warn the elevation of your policy to the high level of princ!- ples identified with liberty, could prove either more giori- ous to you, or more beneficial to humanity; because we in Europe are spparently on the eve of that day, when either the hopes or the fears of oppressed nations will be crushed foralong time. Having stated so far the dif- ference of the situation, I beg leave now to state that it is entirely an unfounded supposition. that the doo- trine of non-interference in foreign matters had been, to the people of the United States, by your great Washing- tom, bequeathed to be a constitutional principle to | you. No! that is not the case. Firstiy—Washington | mever even recommended nom-interferenee, or indif- ference, to the fate of othes nations, to you | He has only recommended neutrality. And there | is @ mighty difference between those two ideas Neutrality is an idea which has reference to a state of war between two belligerent powers; and it is this case which Washington contemplated when he, in his Farewell Address, advised the people of the United Btates, rot to enter into entangling alliances. Let quar- Felling powers, let quarrelling nations, war—you consi- der your own concerns. and let foreigu powers quarre! about ambitious topica, or scanty, particular interests. Neutrality is matter of convenience—mot of principle But even a8 neutrality bas reference toa state of war between belligerent powers, the pynciple of non-inter ference has, on the contcary, reference to the sovereign right of nations to dispoee of their own domestic con- cerns. Therefore, these two ideas of neutrality and non- interference are two entirely different ideas, having ref | erence to two entirely different matters. The soversiga | right of whatever nation to dispose of itself, to alter its | institutions, to change the form of ite owa government | is @ common public law of mations, common to all, and, therefore, put under the common guarantee of all. This | sovereign right of every nation to dispose of itself, you, the people of the United States, must recognise, because it fe @ common law of mankind in whieh, being acommon | law of mankind, every nation is equally interested. You must reeognise it, secondly, because the very existence of your great republic, as also the independence of every nation, rests upon this bagia—rests upon this ground. It that sovereign right of mations were no common public law of mankind, then your own independent existence would be no matter of right, but only a matter of fact, which might be subject, to whatever time,to what- ever chances of power and of violence. And where is the citizen of the United States who would mot feel revoited aguinst the idea, that the exist- ence of this great republic is not a righteous nor « lawful one, but only a mete accident—a mere mat- ter of fact? If it were so, you were not entitled to in yoke the protection of God for your great country; be- cause the protection of God cannot, without sscrilege, be invoked but in behalf of justice and right. You bad no right to look to the sympathy ef mankind for yourself, because you would profess an sbrogetion of the laws cf humanity upom which is founded your own independence, ycur own existence Now, gen tlemen, if there be pridetples of common law, of that Inw which God bas given to all and to. every vation of humanity— if the faculty to dispose of itself is th common, lawful right of every nation, then the iater. ference with this common law of ali humanity. the vio- lent aet of hindering, by armed forces, « nation from coneerns is again a matter, mot of principle but temporary exigency—the motives of whieh have. by the lapse of time. entirely disappeared— to mueh that the balance even turned to the opposite eide. President Monroe mentions distance aaa motivo of the above stated distinction. Well, since the prodi- gious deve ponent of your Fulton’s glorious tavexitiom, distance is blotted out of the dictionary, or rather ro- wow af by the word time, Distance i# mo more calou- ited by miles. but by hours; and, being se, Bu~ rope is of course less distant from you them the greater part of the American contivent. let even the worl distance be taken in @ nal cense, Burope is reoret to you than the part of the American continent ~ yea! even peete than perbaps some parts of your own territory. - dent Konree's second motive is, that you are separated: frem Europe by the Atlantic. Now, at the preseat time, and in the present condition of navigation, the Ati; separation, but rather » connecting benett facilitatipg rource of that commercial intercourse which brings oF owe of a Pom a to zoe ou ‘with it with every tie of moral as well as ma! Tatenest, It is chiefly in New York that I feel induced to speak so, becsuse New York is by inn ties com- nected with Purope--more copneeted than several of Europe iteelf [tis the agricultural interest of coun'ry whieh chiefly wants an outlet and amarket. Now, it is far more Kurope than the American coatineat to whi h you have to look ip yh Sp circumstance canaot allow you to the fate of freedom on the European continent, because, be sure, gentiemen— and let me have spoken this ct to the geutlemen of trade—should absolutism ground in Europe, it will, it must make every obstacle to the commercial intercourse of can America, because commereial intercourse is the most powerful locomotive of principles; and be euro the victory of absolutism om the European continent will in mo quarter have no more injurious ma- tional consequences than in the wast extent of your agricultural and commercial interests Them Why not preventit, white yet there is @ possibility tods tits HE 7 hi i so vith Bene, or com ve small than t> abide thet fatal catastrophe, and to mourn the immenre sacrifices it would then cost’? Even in poll- tical considerations, now-a-days, you have stronger m> tives to feel interested in the fate of Europe than im the fate of the Centra! or Southern parts of America. Whatev-r may happen in the institutions of these parts, you are too powertul to ree your own inetitutions aifsctet by it. But let Europe become absolutistiosl—as wich- out the reetoration of Hungery to its independemse, and the freedom of Italy s0 strongly connected wits Hungary, to be sure it will—and your children will see those words. which your national government spoke im 1827, fulfilled om @ iarger scale than were meant, that ‘ the absolutiom of Europe will not be appeased until every vestige of human freedom had been obliterated even here.” And ob! do not rely too fondly upom your power. It is great, to te sure. Kou exercising that sovereign right, must be considered as « viclation of that common public law upon which your | very existence rests, and which, being a common law | of all humapity, is. by God bimseif. under the safe- guard of all humanity; because it is God himself whocom- | mavde us to love our neighbor an we love ourselves, and to | do towards others as we cesire others to do towards our- relves. Upon this t you cannot remain indifferent. | You may well remain neutral to every war between two belligerent nations. but fyou cannot remain indiffurent | to the violation of the common law of humanity. That indifference Washington has never taught you. I defy | « man to show me out of the eleven volumes of Washington's writi e le word to that effect He recommended newt in the case of foreign ware; but | be never recommended indifference to the violation of the common laws of humapity, by interference of foreign powers with the scve themecives And be could not have recommended this indifferenee without o to be wise as he was, be- cause there is, without justice. 20 wisdom on earth could not bave recommended it without becoming imeonnistent, beceure it was this common law of mankind which ycur forefathers invoked, before God and wankind. when they proclaimed your independence: was be bimeelf, your great Wi , Who not oaly accepted, but asked again and again foreign aid—toreiga help for the support of that common law of mank!n1. in hn ‘ — mee. Kaowl and ia- struction are so universally amongst the euligh:- ened people of the United Btotes; the history of your country Issuch a household science at the most lonely bearthe of your remotest settlements, that it may be suf. ficient for me to tefer, is to the imetrac ions end correspondence between Wi end the Minis ter et Parie-—the eyuaily immortel Frankiin—the modert mar, witb the proud opiteph which tells the world that be wrested the lightuing from heav and the se from the tyrant’s . This I have proved, I believe, that War! vo wokegs J Dequeathed to yeu the principle of yon- inte: inst the viola- tion of the sovereigy right of nations to dispore of them. | celves. and to regy/ate thelr own inrtitations; but he taught you ee, in respect to the wars of fo- Teign mations wih go further. “And | state tnat even that doctrine of meutrality he fad bequeathed to Yeu. not as a constitutional pri — regala- Hou ter all future time, but only as a matter of tempo- be pe policy. 1 refer fo that respect to the very words of bis Farewell Address. that ‘it is your policy to steer clear of nent elliepoes With any pc Of the foreign world.” These ere bir very words, Policy is the word. and you kvow that poiicy ie not the science of principles, but of | notes; aod thet priuctples are, of course. by a free and powerful nstion, never to be maarifioed to oxigencias. | The exigencies are passing awsy, Uke the buboos ora rain; but the nation is immortal; it must cousider thy tuture ale}, aid not only the exotletical ooméart of tha | It must be aware that to av immortal na- | peseing hour, on nothing can be of higbet importance then immortal principles. I will go yet further; and state that even this policy of neutrality Washington taught you, not a4 & permanent rule, but as & temporary convenience 1 rreve it egaim by referring to the very words of Lie Farewell AG when be, im reference to his woliey cf neu Pjlicitty srr. that ~ with hic, \Wathitgton) © predow!nant motive has PR {9 52 deavor to gain time to your country torettle aud distur? ie favtteticne and to progress. without Interruption, to that degree cf strength and consistency which |* neces fary to give it the command of ite own fortanes”’ These ere highly memorable words, gemtlemen. [ere I take my greund; and carting # glance of admiration over yeur ae land, I contidentiy ak you, gentiemen, are yeur \re Jou, OF are you pot. come to that degree of strength and censirtency to be the masters of your own fortunes ! Ob, my God! how I thank thee for ing given me the glorious view of this country’s greatness, which answers this quertion for Yea’ you have at- tained that degree cf strength aud Consisteacy, when your less fortunate brethrea im mankind may well clatra Jour brotherly, protecting band. And here I stand be- fore you. te plead the cause of these, your less fortunate rethren=the cause of humanit, may succeed. or I ‘ail; but I will ge on, pleading with that faich of by which mountator were moved. And I may | ‘©. perhaps, still | will say with Lather, “May ~ lean do no otherwise’ One word more to jrove that Washington never attached to his doctrine of | neutrality moreytoan the sense of teay| policy; refer | to ene 4 bis letters, written to , wherein he cays —"Let us only Dave twenty years of peace, and our ccantry will come to such a pay of power and wealth hat we will be in just cause, to Goty, whatever power on earth’ just conse’ Now, in je name of eternal truth. and by all tbat is ssered and dear to man, | since the bistory of mankind no cave more just the woe there a people. without the slightest reason, erilegiously, more treecherously, and by fouler means, tacked then ilupgary. Never bas crime, cursed tion, despotism, and violene more sa- at ima more wicked manner, united to crush and the very lite, then tgpinet Hungary & country more mortally cilerded ¢ mh All your sufferings —ail your compl th so much right, your fore fath out of which the heart of Hungary cause of my people ia not suilicientiy just to ineure the protection of God, and the support of gord-willieg men—then there iv no just cause, and po justiee om eorth. Then the biood of no new Abdel will ag Ba jan love wards Heaven The genius of charity, Oh and justice wil mourningiy fly the earth: « iit Upon merality fail— oppressed mem Jespair ari oniy the Osine of humanicy waik impious drow about the ruins country violation of ed the doctri but only neutrality two ideas are essentially that even the dee tended to reoomm: ecnatitut! porary pelicy, advisable wa: rogress in strength and consistenoy. ¢ Jragea twenty years to be eufficien himself declared to be resolved to cause. Now, allow me brietly to eo pelioy has been developed in the oov respect to the principle of uom-interve ros. 1 will only reosil President Mouros. United States wou 9 arma to ors. QW free ragay. wamny) at time, wick ta foteaa — i (oemalna (0 (he poliey quad Views A Waal auigace, 1h om ¥ right of nations to dispose of | He | There Le states explicitiy, | European emigrants they are: men, who, Metitutions settled and matured or are they not! | adopt pricier Kystems Mor 9% | have not to fear w: ‘ver single power on earth But look to history. Ancient Rome has fallen, and mighty empires bave vanished from earth Let not the enemis of oe too strong. Victorious over Earope, and then io, ie Se be too otra ear And be sure. they you with an ii ‘They must hate you even more thanme. They you as their most dangerous opponents. exnnot ——— sleep while the republicam pria- ciple bes such a mighty representative as your coustry is. Yee gentlemen; it was the fear from the pol- tical reaetion of absolutistic principles, which ia duced your great statesmem—that we they proferred for Central and Southern to 1d to Europe also, end by no meaas the publick feeble motives. Every manifestation of out of those times. shows that Iam urope'ty uations were, about 1823, oh that indeed you must ‘bave. fri anxious Dot to come into any tical contact with th. ;estilential atmosphere of Europe. when as Mr. Otry said in 1818. in hie «perch sbout the jon ft South America, “ Paris was traasferred to Bt. Pet burg” But scarcely has within « year later. the Gr. -< ation come in ite contest to an tamt stan) «. which geve you b that the spirit of frew « ie waking egsin, | at once, you abandomed , > principe cf political indifference for Burdpe + | knew he yeur Clays your Websters spok. «+ | if really they were epeaking for very You know how your citizens acted in Bennte os ggle for liberty im that part of Europe whieh is it than Hungary; and, again, when Poland foi. pirit pervaded the United States. Bol. + shown you how Washington's doctrine of trality £ your foreiga relations bas, by eb. into the declaration to oppo, with ail your Anda pe sclutistieal Europe. in interfering wigh tl r republican institutions of Central ant Sou"hara awe. T have shown you why this manly ressiatioa wan not extended then to Bnrope. I have shown yaa the further differences between Jour presems omvoaieaae | and that of the (imo of President Monuro+—aot leas fmportant (ban thoge between Monroe's and Washing ten's time. Dut one mighty didereace [ must ei. com memorate. That is, thet your population has. siace Meproe’s time nearly doubled, I believe; beat ia oreaced by muiiions And wbat sort of men } millions’ Are they only mative born Ameri of the United States. are, by the most secred oe te That is a cor. to +d your calma- 1 ection, MUS gras et wero YOU ae, AE Lows ot im the fate of Burope, aa you: + War twebly.cight years ago, declared themselted in rested in the fate of Central aad Southera Amer’ Ay d really eo tt ie, The unexempled, immense, Ay *) Diy Athy from the cauve of my country whic | me} wi 1 tiopabip, attaened to Futope's raticn Wertby of the refleetion wisert men, who. after calm me. that in present o- much intere 7 in the United hy oy oven that itiseo Yourgener ! interference with the Turkish captivity of the Gorerao: of Mongary proves that itis so, And developem-a rather tham change in your fore); policy, is 9% eve a inetinetive ebullition of public opia'os, whicu is by-and by to _ & direction to your as- tiomal g icy; the direction is already imparted and the jon of the ls already aa avewed principle of the peliey of goveransa, I hare # good, I ae _— Soe oe I coving eo. Tt message tof the United pate His Bxoellency. Millard Film ove. | commupicatea to Congres, & few days en ey t reed the paragreph —“Ihbe ue"! Interest whic we feviia ) the spread of liberal primoipler, anc she estabtishan: ov ments, and the sympathy w.'h which my earnest endeavors to erent the cause of Hu: ary 1 have only respectfully to ask, is @ pttac - ple which the public opinion of the of the Un. ted Stater —_ professes, a Po gemnees Cf the United States with the full sentiment of ite respoa ibility declares to your ae to be a ruling petac!pie of your national government—is that pri treant tor be rerious’ Indeed, I confess that it would be tr moat impertinent outrage towards yout great aot Jour netional government, to entertain the ~ yo opinion, that what the people of the United States, pa ite national goverament. os cneeae diplomas menver, profess to be a rul your pokey should not be meant to be but a joke alout the moe eaored interests of humanity. ‘sod forbid that [shout feel the impertinent arregance to think so Therefore [ take the principle of your policy a+ | Gad it era. blished, without any Interferencs—and T come im the mame of oppressed bemanity to claim the natura logical. unavoidable, practical, comeejueuces of = wowed to the whole world. the right t» osm ication of these expectations which your sovereign people of the United States bare chose, cut ef your own accord. to raise in the bosom of ay ccumtryimen and of op) humanity You wi ex cose me, gentimen for beving dweit ro long about tase prinetple et non interference with Koropean Hy pat | have found the reck thrown ta my spoke of whet | Hum! the T have been ehareed your existing policy that fundamental principle of not concerts: and havi , not atioaliy. thet it n * hope achieved My humble,requests to your operative fy mpatby may be still oppoved by—l don't Know what erber motives; but that objection I will never more ineet— Lot to interfere with European concerns ttl: on. jre lon t8 dispoced of and forever T hope [It remalae © to iuvestiqnte, that forent to the cause ef Buropean freedom. is Lie cause of Hemery auch as to have just claims to your active and assistance and eupport’ It is. Te hie i do pot now intend to enter into an eaplens: tien of the pat toulars of our struggie whick, T had the diect. sa the choren Chiet Mag'at It ts highty gratifying to ing some <feulowt wisre Aroly Csderstood here 1 rd 1 upon you wit! rent ¢9 pone mary the doo- ~ aes om atateanen, Picstiges er # houeTu Pace) at