The New York Herald Newspaper, July 7, 1851, Page 11

TICLAs. he . out we are ishing how many of the measures of their igment. Edward Eve- such octavos a8 & son- could well afford to bestow 2 out some six months, and © can never discover a flaw in @ man enjoying tea thousand need them equal to Burke, or ; but all this is very absurd, obably regrets it, and despises the om they are written; it cannot be orations are deficient in many of the of immortal eloquen:e; that while irably adapted to his peculiar style o¢ are diffuse in an extraordinary degree, imagery is generally commonplace nd. Mr. Everett has much learning, a most estimable man, with enough indi- and independence to be unmoved by all and imposture that characterize the ourrent speculation; but he had not enough roe, or the praises to which he has so loag ave made him too careless andcon- ly great man in letters. He is now } it is stated, a collection of his contri- the North American Review, which oom- two hundred articles, several of which, , Were considered remarkably clerer by e6; they had, however, little life ia them, hould regret that they are to be again before the public, if Mr. Everett were not e bills out of his own large fortune. He yngaged upon another work, of “ Interna- w,”’ but he comes too late who follows in that department, unless his mind and place him far ahove the average of pub- Mr. Wheaton was suffered to die of star- itis literally true, as many know, ddle of the nineteenth century, that on died in the shadow of Harvard Col- nt of bread! and Mr. Everett would follow by the same road, if by the should attempt to supply his table. ble task than the discussion of public . Everett has undertaken, is the edit- ches of Mr. Webster. ign of the ‘Speeches, Forensic Ar- Diplomatic and other Public Papers,”* B oretaky, are to be issued from the tle & Brown, who appear to eviuce of the character of Barnum in their of the business. Mr. Everett, it is ia the editor, but that gentleman, after to write a brief memoir of Mr. Webster, oof-reading, notes, &0., are to be cared Mr. March, once a Tribwne attaché, and atly the writer of a book of “Reminis- Congress,” in which the ex-Senator was figure; and it is advertised that every- subscribes fora large papor copy shall . Webster's autograph thrownin! The smrst have visited Iranistan. But tho vo volumes by Daniel Webster will bo * worthy the best fume of any man living. voral éditions of Mr. Clay’s speoohes are In oblivion; they disappointed; whoever hem was astonished that so little thought was by a person so celebrated and powerful. ver reads the works of Mr. V"ebater is amazed reputation and authority, supported by nce, de not overshadow the world. is one of character; Mr. Clay has tact Pmitable will, while Mr. Webster, with ly intelleejual capacities, lacks decision, re preparing to furnish . “The Speeches and Vari of Public Affairs,” by Lewis Cass, out under the supervision of Mr. George of Baltimore. The book willcontaian ‘ated diplomatic passages with Mr. Web Jetter to the Chicago Convention on In- Improvements, and the Niohoison letter, on hioh Mr. Hickman will be expected to furn- lumiogus notes. For the 54° 40 General Vass, Mr. Hickman will find sex nalia in the contemporary speeches @nd Calhoun. H. Seward has made several books, for part in the manner of which Professor aud Mr. Henry Theodore Tuckerman gentleman who was desirous of the place of reader fur them, several months ago set about on of his visits and sketches among the ttes of Kurope (in letters which are wait- trumpet in old files of the Avening his spevobes and reports on imprisonment small bills, his discéurses before our citizens, his arguments in the behalf of irderers and white conspirators, and all Fitions ot higher law theology and morality. ‘i ht the book in several ways would in- Page, aod scoure the support of the Irish, ‘tMnists, and all the new light ive demooracy. ‘The schome was ap- by Webb, Greeley, Fred Douglass, and hbishop, and needed only the endorsement State Printer; but that personage impera- ohibited anything of the kind, assuring he could play him “a develish sight “whe public should never sec a line by what he himself might juote in leading ton, unlike Mr. Seward, is without a and never consulting even his barber, ho to work as soon as he found out that he im the Senate, to write his “ Per- ‘olitical Memoirs, treating incidentally of his Timos;” and through the hn A. Dix, of this oity, he contracted our leading houses fur the issue of the stout volumes they are to fill. ‘The i be rich iu a thousand ways; Old Bullion but once gave up a grudge—indeed, in Gen. 'e onso, ton to one, he pooketed more hate eurrendered—and they, who, having crossed have since found winding sheets, are for- Bven Senator Foote, perhaps, will wish Calhoun, he were a shade; and sinaller fry to follow Judas, Jefferson, and Jackson, atmosphere. To svorets of the Senate whioh he has troasused up for thirty years will be displayed in a manner worthy of » who will be to his book as Noah lark, exoept that the ark of our liberties will wn to have been ail the time, since ho has with public affairs, in tho Sena‘or's time ago, it was intimated that Mr. Bu- was to make use of # volume of his ‘and letters in the l’residential game, and igned the editorial management of it to oular friend, Mr. Georgo Plitt, who, nothing of an antiquary, would probably his researches concerning Mr. Ba litical composures, by the line which federal from his demooratic assovia- recently we have heard nothing of tue jie reporter took down every syllable of odio epecch of Henry A. Wiw, whioh ize oooupied the attention of the Con- Gonveation in V oia. Mr. Wise, ood Londition, speaks about twenty amall- # in an hour, and at this rate, seven hours y would furnish nearly a thousand pages— propor index, j that number. The con- n is publishing this performance, and it may jeed that whatever a man’s tastes, princi- ocoupations, he will find in it Mr. Wiso’s Jation to them, set forth with eloquent h su comprehonsive, this pkind in the Old Dominion in it; ond it will bo ished the chief examples; and the said | flattered with the encomiums of some | found that nearly all the o tions, | donot annoy thee more by bi thee to justioe whether of the apostles’ creed, the negro basis of pa th pore sets dihoaan aed or the proposed abridgement of | “py this time the ip hm to look women’s petticoats, cluster by some subtle relation | serious at each other, atd py were around the resolutions of 1798, of which the Acoo- | exhanged between them and the Suotioncer ; and mac Constitutionalist says, that they are the rook latter, conscientious Quaker was lecturing The forth- | upon whioh he will build his party—a party equally ith ed a bring home ** a splendid opposed to Mr. Webster’s centralization and Mr. the countryman was starin, in amazement, mouth and eyes wide open. ahh ‘ambition to watch,” attached toa Calhoun’s disunionism. Mr. Wise is a great | “ twenty dollar chain of rare beauty,” had grown to the highest pitch ; but now he began to mistrust player, but it is among the peculiarities of his for- that hehed a into a wroi hap aed he glided tune, that while he beats every body else he never | out, no doubt thanking the ‘fae for his on wins bimself. A distinguished friend of Judge M’Lean has written to this city, for information respecting the cost of stereotyping @ collection of his orations, charges, and addresses, at public dimners, before juries, and to class meetings and temperance socie- ties. It is suspectedthat he would carry as many Methodists and Washingtonians, as Seward would Catholics and abolitionists, by # similar process ; but we believe it is not determined whether to pro- coed with the book or no. In the matter of tee-to- talism, Judge M’Lean has been eclipsed by General Houston, and there are several aspirants ready, per occasion, to compete with him among the religious voters. Mr. Francis Baylies, of Massachusetts, has re- lieved Major General John E. Wool of the neces- sity of bringing out an edition of his own orders, letters, speeches, &c., by presenting the public with a yellow-covered narrative of that distinguished sol- dier’s “ Campaign in Mexico;” which is to be ful- Jowed, in a few weeks, with a history of his previous life. Ina letter to the Hon. L. 8S. Chatfield, and one hundred more Albanians, Mr. Baylies declares that it was altogether a “ labor of love,” and he does not intimate that either himself or his subject is aware of the existence of such an edifico as the White House. The military career of General Pillow, which was b!azoned in a very handsome manner in Majot Ripley’s ‘‘ History ot the Mexican War,” has boen treated very differently in 4 work forthcoming from the press of the Appletons, entitled ‘‘ Campaigns in Mexico and by the Rio Grande,” by Brevet Major Isaac J. Stevens. That General Scott will publish his letters (vig. a “bowl of soup”); Judge Woodbury his opinions; Mr. Corwin his reports; Mr. Clayton his | correspondence with Major Poussin; or any other candidate for the Presidency, except thoseshersin- before mentioned, any book whatever, for the pur. ] pose of instructing the people in the matter of choosing a successor to Mr. Fillmore, we cannot say with sufficient authority. It argues well, perhaps, that so many are willing to submit such credentials of their fitness and desert ; but we suspect there will be needed s little watchfulness, lest in adapting old speeches, dispatches, &c., to the present time, there be too many omissions, or other changes. Aside from any interost which such books may have, as indexes to-the political characters and services of their authors, they are, in many cases, important contributions to history and to good lite- rature. Could John Randolph’s speeches have been exactly reported, it is believed by many, that they would have made his ephemeral fame everlasting, | and given him rank with the great masters of clo, quence in ancient times, or with Pitt, or Sheridan, or Mirabeau. The speeches of Webster, we aro in- | clined to believe, constitute the best literature this | country has yet given to the world. Those of Bon- | ton are singularly rich in olucidations of intricate history, and those of Mr. Clay, General Cass, and | others, must be studied by men who would under- | stand our parties, or policy. | Judge Woodbury is printing in Boston, and will } have ready for the fall trade, his “ Miscellanoous | Writings, Addresser, and Judicial Opinions,” to | make four octavo volumes, in thestyle of Mr. Web- | ster’s half dozen, and to be issued by the same house. We understand that the Hon. Jacob B. Moore, Postmaster at San Francisco, has in his pos- session Mr. Woodbury’s autograph of the famous coffin handbills, which made such a figure in tho early Jackson campaigns. A fac-simile of this relic should face one of tho title pages; aud if the great Treasury report on the removal of tho doposites is included, Mr. McDuffie’s speech thereon should be given in an appendix. The works of Mr. Justice Woodbury will be valuable for much sound learn- ng, and @ raro degree of judicial tact and judg- ment. They will not injure his prospects for the Presidency. While mentioning the publications of living statesmen, it may be well to add that the fith volume of the job edition of the works of Namilton, to consist of seven volumes, is now published, and that the remaining volumes will be issued as soon as possible. The third and fourth volumes of the works of John Adams are printed, and will imme- diately be delivered to subscribers. Tho series will make ten or twelve volumes, and they will be fol- lowed by the works of John Quincy Adams, in the same style. Mr. Calhoun's dissertations on govern- ment, &c., were all stereotyped nearly six months ago; they are to be published in Charleston, and will be followed by his memoirs, letters, and speeches, edited by Mr. Crallé. Becne in a Chatham Street Mock Auction Shop. A fow afternoons ago, the writer was walking up Chatham street, and # short distance before him was «tall, venerable looking Quakur, wending his way in the same direction. The whole dress, cap a, pre, of the grave looking Hicksite clearly indicated he was a coyntryman, who had come to the city to join the religious celebration of bis urdor. Arriving in front of an auction shop where « dignitary ef counterfeit gold and silver watch notoriety was call- ing out, ina stentorian voice, “‘Oaly twenty-two and a half, twenty-two and a half, going for only twenty- two dollars and # half, gentlemea—spleadid four holes jeweiled—Englich gold lever, gentlemen —left here by ® young gentleman scarce of money—imust be sold for whatever it brings—come, gentlemon, ive me a biua—sball | have twenty-three, twenty- ee, ehall | bave twenty-three, gentlemen !”” The Quaker stood for about a mi.ute at the door, with his ar imbo, and then walked, in just when twenty-five dollars had been bid by a youn, man whose every external appearance s#vor strongly of rural verdaucy. Curiusity to know the object of the Quaker’s entering tho man-trap prompted us to walk in also. Several Peter Punks were bidding lustilyover the young couatry bump- kin, while two others were persuading him te buy | the wat that “ it was adead bargain at $00; and that * | would give $75 for it_bofore I would let it go, if | hadtue moncy” Thus encouraged | by wint he considered disintercsted friendship, the young man seemed determined to have the wateh, | and immediately bid $35. ‘The watch ofi.ced for sale, io all appearance, was ouch as the inexpe- rienced and unsuspecting eye might take for gena- ine. One of thove scoundrels s.epped up to the | serious-looking iicksite, saying, ** Friend, won't you have # look at this splended gold watch? I | would buy it myeelf if 1 had the money about | me.” The Quaker shook nis head with a most | contemptuous sneer, said nothing, but walked up to the counter where the auotioncer was exhausting | his voioe to pin his victim to the tune of fitty or sixty dollars fora four-jewelled gold-brass wateh. | Quaker, (with a solemn countenance, and shaking | his long, slender forefinger at the pieve oa the | opporite side of the co: r)—"Frieud, dost thou know what thou art doing '” u Avetionnger.— Ys; ra know well what I'm doing.” Quaxer.—“Then, dost thou think it honest | Can thy conscicnce allow thee to rob that simplo young man by taking his ua for nothing {" AwcTionser, (darting coular daggers at the tall | man before him)—“Kobbing! robbiug! Whas ao you mean! How dare you to interrupt mein my | business 1” ‘ Quaker, (stretching himself to his utmost alti- } tude, and assuming a dignified and resolute air)— “If thy business was lawful, friend, | would not un- terrupt thee; but thou knowest it is not lawful, and they conseionce must smite thee. There —’ Averionssr, (interruptingly, and getting t wrious) | pursuits of the greatest nations on the globe. every such respect our one among the nations of the earth; and second to | none in influence, sources which constitute a great people. ever civilization has extended, and commerce pene- | ig ¢, there our great name is known and respect- ed. rious fin fenoer—the American heart to beat with patriotic aud swell with gratitude, affords a protection to our | countrymen in the remotes: corners of the globo. The respect for ment for the Cow ci my countrymen. give the subj | tion. | aspect of our political affairs, and the scotional as- perity which exists among us, urgently demand that all who feel @ solicitude for the perpetuity of our government, and the welfare of our people, should examine carefully every great question, the decision of which involves our prosperity, if not our very ex- jstence. our unparalleled condition of happiness and general advancement of all that distinguishes us a8 a great and powerful nation? How did we acquire our commanding the great nati that sudden power which causes the hearts of the patriots, in every couniry’s flag with euch deep veneration and almost unbounded respect narchical and despotic powers in every quarter of the world regard us as a formidable rival, able to enforce protevtion to our interests on land a: at home or in a foreignclime? There are pertinent questions, my friends interference. But, as he walked out, the looks that followed him from the enraged auotioncer and his nefarious colleagues were mournful in the extreme. The auctioneer thea ed the Quaker thus: « You have no right to interfere with my business I am a licensed auctioneer.” Quaker, (still Legg tee position) —Thou art not licensed to rob thy fellow creature, by sell- ing him a brass watch for a gold one. I have a mind to prosecute thee, but, if the laws of man will not call thee to account, the laws of Heaven will.” Auctioneer, (with perturbation)— Go out, my good man, the sale is adjourned.” Exit Peter Funks, uttering incoherent denuncia- tions against the Quaker, whose opportune inter- vention bad rescued their intended victim from their upballowed clutches. It would be well for huudreds of strangers in this city, that such men as the honest country Quaker were more numerous, and that stern justice was brought to bear against those legalized robbers who are leagued together throughout the city. THE FOURTH OF JULY. The Celebration by the Gid Guard—Capt. Rynders’ Oration. Independence day was celebrated by the Old Guard, at the’ Gem Hotel, Broadway, with much spirit. There were several Southern gertlemen in attendance, and the whole number present were about one hundred and fifty. Captain Isaiah Rynders was the orator of the day, and delivered the following oration: — Fellow Countrymen :—Y ou have assembled for the lurious purpose of celebrating the anniversary of merican Independence—a day held sacred in the estimation of every one who loves his country. It is 80 held, because it isa day on which our nation dates her era of Freedom, and points to it with pride and exhultation, as the noblest achievement ever sm a by human wisdom, intellect, and | t a da) bravery. y which, under any circum: stances, excites the warmest and noblest emotions of our hearts; but under the present aspect of our olitical affairs, when danger seem: to threaten us, it ia a day which should, and I trust will, inspire every American heart with a patriotism, and a de- votionto the Union and the Constitution, as pure as the light of living truth. And I trust that the fire of liberty and patriotism may ever burn as ar- dently in the hearts of the Amorican people, and that their fidelity and attachment to the (onstitu- tion and the Union may be astrue and unwavering, as uncbanged and as unchanging, as the great luminary of day in his course through the heavens. It is now three-quarters of a century since # small but noble band of patriots met together, under the most trying circumstances, to proclaim tothe world that they were, and of right ought to be, indepen- dent; and the still greater priaciple, that man capable of self-government. This, my friends, w: no vain boast, or idle declaration; but a high and holy resolve of brave and patriotic men, who pledged “their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors,” for the faithful execution of their patriotic declara- tion, or wore determined to perish in the attempt. With a firm reliance on the justice of the cause, and the protection of Divine Providenze, they | launched the glorious bark of Freedom, with a allant crew, atd our own noble and godlike Vashington for a pilot. He conducted them through a perilous roypge of seven years, wi @ fidelity, patience, and perseverance, which most justifies the bclief that he was gifted wich attributes more than human. I will net, customary on like occasions, rovert in detail to the many pri vations and hardships which had to be en- dured during the revolutionary struggle. It would be superfluous to speak to you of the many brave but determined battles fought by the friends of indepen- dence, and in many instances with signal success, by a small but determined band of half-olad ai half-fed soldiery, against a well-disciplined troop; or of the numerous ¢: f individual heroism per- formed during the revolution. The history of the times is full of evidences that prove that @ spirit had been awakened, that the fire of liberty and freedom had been kindled, and could vot be smoth- eied by the power of an army of hired soldiery, whioh bas ever been the instruments by which ty- rants have perpetrated their outrages against the rights and liberties of the mass of the people. But these things are matters of history, and | strenu- — recommend to my countrymen a careful pe- rural of the history of the revolution, with the hope that the noble and glorious examples of patrietism and fidelity of our forefathers, which are therein portrayed, may yet awaken the linger- ing sparks of the fire of freedom, which, I srust, is not entirely quenched in the hearts of the Amori- can — Though I fear that, in these times, when public patriotism is at its lowest ebb, that the noble examples of our forefathers have been, in & measure, lost upon many of their sons of tho present day, and that we are becomiog mors un- wortby of the gloricus inheritance which they have bequeathed us. I fear we do not properly osti- pacar cee agg ng ag it — to achieve our wndence, nor do we properly a iate the invaluable blessings which are derived 8 from it, because we have not experienced the hardships and perils which had to be encountered to accom- plish that glorious result. Weare now enjoying an age of prosperity and happiness unequalied by any cotempor: nation. ile we have been @ ——— republic other nations have experienced loody revolutions; monarchies have been over- thrown, or left tottering on s basis ready to cram- ble into ruins upou the commencement of a strug- le, on the part of the down-trodden masses, to throw off the yoke of despotism whieh has so long been fastened upon them. While all Europe has been convulsed with foreign wars and civil commo- tions, the United States has steadily progressed in her march of civilization, and has concentrated within her republican bordors all the elements of national and individual happiness. It may be re- garded, that in the nineteenth century of the Christian era, the free, independent, and intelligent people of the United States have solved a problem that some of tho grestest minds th: ir lived have firmly believed never would be sol firma- tively. ere it not for the successful experiment of this republic for three-quarters of a century, the great majority of the world, at the present day, would have firmly adhered to the — that man is incapable of self-government. The human mind is 80 organized, and the vices of society are so numerous, that even with our successful oxperi- ment, a large portion of the human race regard the great problem as still unsolved. ‘T it is, that we have oxisted but a brief period in the history of nations; but we have grown with such an aston- ishing rapidity in numbers, power, and wealth, that our progress and example have astonished the world. ir advanceiment has even astonished our- selves, and excecded a point far beyond the most tanguinary expectations of those brave patriots who perilled their lives in the cause of our indepen- dence. We have, from a few dependent colonies, become the rival in commercial and a a sition is @ commauding wer, and all the natural roe Wher- Our sails whiten every sea, and the glo- of owr country— star spangled very name of which causes every emnotivas name, and our country’s flag, be maintained so long as we show ourselves people, and continue to cherish an attach- titution and the Uni: Upon this point, | would r fully solicit the attention I would ask them to reflect, to ‘ta profound and serious cousidera- I do this, fellow-citizens, bocause the nt I would ask, then, whence did we derive pmo in 80 brief @ peri |) amon ons of the earth? 4 hence comes rt of the world, to look to our tt And why ie it, that even mo- water, calculated t) lead to sorious as is | ternity among those who compose it. Isitthe thising with the condition of the sleek and well-fed fisted’ rich & their valenbivand megeitcost taple The ben a bid a ot . an —* mo Fenaageanes or the ent > fre sity that is an} Dut commendable. of the East, from which much of our grea may a7 $0. 708) my in all sincerity, that ness is derived’? No, my friends; our power and | 1 coincide wi Very common opimion, which atness come from none of these separately. Our | asserts that even the evils of African slavery, as it commanding ition is due to no section exclu- | exists inthe Southern States, will be the most ef- sively. Our powerful influence grows out of our | fectually removed by abstaining from any interfe- union as one rence with it on our part. If # blow is to be aimed eplemanlted under the wgis of our Copstivation—es the union of States. Uher our confederacy, we have enjoyed religious and political liberty to a greater extent than any other nation. If we wish to continue our career of glory and power, we can 7 do so under the same a1 ¢ as here tofore. ‘© must centinue under the protection of the Union and the Constitution. This is a proper time for all true friends of our Union to manifest their devotion to it, and to the Constitution. I am no alarmist; but it would be wrong to with- hold the opinion that there is danger of a dissolu- tion of the Union. No work of man bears upon it the marks of a never-ending existence. Our hope and our bénediction is, that it may be perpetual. Our duty is to do all in our power to prolong its existence while we are members of the community, enjoying its advantages; and each generation should transmit it to the next without a link severed that binds ittogether. Every friend of the Unionshould repudiate, by words and actions, every attempt to agitate questions which tend to diminish the re- spect and confidence that should bo cherished be- tween the people of different sections, having diffe- rent interests of a pecuniary or business character. Enemies of our form of goverzment are trequentl found among ws; coming generally from abread, they embrace tae opportunity of alienating our poo- ple by attacking with nce the institution of frican slavery. They are assisted in these at- tacks by the fanatics of our own land. Against all these fanatical enthusiasts, or hypocritical preten- ders, our people must take a firm and resolute stand, or wo may hasten the period when this mighty ing, sooner or later, or despotisms, in which human rights and liberties will ne longer exist. ‘The experience and the histo- ry of the past admonieh us that such would be tho inevitable result Break this glorious Union into fragments—rond asunder this magnifisent structure of republican government, and I know of no rule in logic, or principle in human nature, by which wo can reasonably hope to re-unite the fragmentar: portions upon an enduring basis. Once dissolved, and none will be so blind as not to tee that we have lost a valuable and priceless blessing. We may un- derestimate its value now; but when we have part- | ed with the noble inheritance, we will soon be ia | @ condition to regret the madness of the act.— Now is the time, my countrymen, wher & speck of danger appears in our political horizon, for every udmirer of the Union to guard against its growth, to check it in its incipient stage. and re- solve to continue to fulfil the destiny which the patriots and sages of the revolution marked out for us, through a seven years’ struggle, amid perils and privations the recital of whice makes humanity shudder. Let not our great republic be arrested in rious anticipations of the future be stayed in the madness of a dissolutioa of the Union; let not the sun of American liberty set before it has half at- 4 apes of millions of the human race. Shall we rashly endanger or destroy the liberty and happi- eventually, | to agratity | tical minds, who see no evil in anything but nogro slavery, and no good in anything but adolitionism? While millions of our own race aro suffering the | most abject and degrading poverty, and have a | hopeful eye cast towards our comparatively happy land and free institutions, shall we, in the maduess of the hour, arrest these hopes by severing the link Paty ps, of the whole civilized world, | into one great and prosperous Union? Union of free and independent States will be bro- | ken into many petty and insignificant governments, | in which the people will have their sectional preju- | tively the history of the past, who have studied the dices, Soa aieagenionieet feelings and interests, end- | motives and actions of the human mind, this Union, into so many petty monarchies | ite brilliant career; let not all our bright and glo- | tained the zenith of its giory, and thus blast the | at it, let it be directed by those who have a right to strike, and not by us, who have it not among us. Our interference tends but to aggravate its evils, andto rend the Union asunder; a, calamity far greater than any other which could befal our happy country. | am aware that! am discussing a subject that has been analyzed by the great statesmon of the country, and the argument has been exhausted b: the purest and ablest minds of the day. But it one which, above all others, involves the happiness avd prosperity of the Union. If, after all that has been said on this subject, and the experience de- rived from the history of former republics, the peo- ple are still deaf to the voice of reason, to the | menage f appeals of their wisest and best men, in javor of the Constitution and the Union, then it would seem that there is little hope for the perpe- tuity of our institutions ; and we would be com- pelled to exclaim that we are the degenerate sons of noble sires; that they bequeathed us a noble in- heritance that we lost by our folly and imbecility. We are often told there is no danger of a dis- solution of the Union. This is a very common and natural expression. It is, in fact, a com- mendable one, as it must generally emanate from those who love the Union, and cannot har- bor the thought that this mighty fabric, that has communded the admiration of the world, will be torn down by the hands or madness of the very men whose rights it protects. It is, there- fore, generally a deep and earnest love for this Union that induces the expression, ‘‘there is no danger of its dissolution.” But to the moro philo- sophic minds, who have looked more profoundly into the causes of things, who have read more atten- like all other works of human wisdom or folly, son- tains within itself the very elements of decay. True itiesthat it is the best form of government the world ever saw, and, with prudence and wisdom, its perpetuity would be handed down through centu- ries of unborn generations. It is a duty incumbent on us to transmit it to our successors unimpaired. We should indignantly frown upon all those who ive to the Constitution—that sacred instrument that binds us together—a Tony. ¢ struction, whether upon principles of ** higher law” or “lower law.” The eloquent warning of the Father of our Country admonishes us to accustom ourselves to think and speak of our Corstitution and Union as the palladium of our liberties, our political safety and prosperity, and that thero is good reason to distrust those who may endeavor by any means to weaken the ties that bind us together into one eom- mon bondof brotherhood. The divorsified intorests of a country, so great in area, is inevitable; but the general protection of the whole, by a commoa oharter defining the powers of the national govern- | ment by diroct expression or by necessary implica- tion, far more than counterbalances any and all ovils that inevitably result from so many different interests which exist in the several sections of the Union. Thore demagegues aud fanatics who tell us there isa “higher law” than this sacred ohar- ter, that would justify us in disregarding its obliga- tions, tell us plainly that we must dissolve the Union. Such would be the ‘aevitable tendency of ness of a large portion of the family of man, and | following the dictates of such men. It is these men against whom the immortal Washington ad- e morbid philanthropy of a few fana- | movisked his countrymen to beware, and to treat as | enemies of our hberties. They are tho insidious fues to our Union, and should be ‘denounced by all true friends of the Constitution. As no haman law or government ia free from defects, it would be folly to expect perfection in the organizatioa of our go- vernment or administration of the laws of the Union. But our republican form of government, that binds together so many en Sie | and the general liberality of our insututions an 0, my laws, seem to be as near porfection as it is possible | friends, never! Yet, if such is not the direct ob- | for human wisdom to approach. Wo should, there- ject and purpose of ubolitionism, of those mad fa- | natica whose only object isto force the South to abandon the institution at their bidding, no mat- | ter what the danger to both races may be, it qlll be the inevitable result of success on their part. There is no exouse for these funa;ies. If they ab- hor slavery, let them strike a blow at tho slavery of their own race first. Seek to relieve the desti- tution and misery of the white laboring classgs, and can slave ia the South to the management of those who are by law held responsible for their welfare. The white slaves, the poor whito laborers of the reater part of Europe, and many portions of merica—the United States inoluded—are not | treated with as much humanity as the negro slaves | of the South. Our abolition philanthropists have not moved step towards their amelioration. Oar white brethren have certainly all the God like at- tibutes which adorn the human character, andit | is generelly admitted that our own race are supe- rior to the negro; and the morality or philanthropy | of thoee mad-brained hypocrites, enthusiasts, or | Monoman:acs, who would rend the Union asunder to abolieh the slavery of the latter, which is quite well fed, at least, and leave tho slavery of the for- | mer in all its hideousness, ia a proof that their oha- rity, benevolence, and love, is confined only to those whom the Creator has enveloped ina black skin. It is @ preference for color, and wholly disregards the mental, moral, or a ser attributes of oar ._ There is a prince P more active in the United States than in any other country. But the Almighty has oreated different races of men with different degrees of intellect, aud the whole civilized world 13 just rr the state of slavery. The habiliments of tf are yet worn by four-fifths of the human race, of all colors, and in nearly every country on the globe. The miseries of this dervile condition of man, with- out any regard to color, are not seen in the Cnited States to that extent they are in other countries. Nominally it may be abolished in some other | countries, but practically it oxists in the most hor- rid condition. As a recognised institution in the | Southern States, it has been forced upun them be- fore the States had an cena A existen re. Having grown to such magnitude, its abolition must of nocessity be tho work of time, aided by more favorable oiroumstances than are at presont existing. Wisdom and justice must direct the movements that look to its abolition. The North has nothing to do with it. The institution is local, and State power is the only ageat that can act in the matter. Ins social point of view, my friends, Ihave had some experience of the institution of Southern slavery. 1 have lived in the several seo- tious of our Union, and have had an op tunity of judging of that social sympathy and connection between the employer and employed, capitalis: and laborer, master and slave. | am satistivd that there is more friendly foeling, more social commu- nion, more real sym \y, existing botweon th master and slave, ti there is between the rich capitalist of our northorn and eastern cities and the laborers they employ. | firmly believe there is more social equality between the former than be- tween the latter. The capitalists in the free States seldom associate with the laborers. ‘There is no ia- intermingling between the rich audthe poor. They appear, in fact, to be almost distinct races of men and women. ‘The rich man may meditatean attack upon the virtue of an industrious woman, aud have social intercourse that he may accomplish his baser do sg or he may, if he is a candidate for some jucrative or honorable office, condescend to be very sociable with @ poor maa just about the time of an eleot) ut for all the nobier objects of mutual #ympathy and common improvement, thoy arestran- gere to each othe:—the one is master au other slave. this condition of is woree than that ofthe Southern s| these circumstances, without feeling in favor of the slavor: Lhave never been able to directed humanity or philanthropy ia the move ments of the abolitionists. If they are sincere, they are, nevertheless, deluded and wrong. It is our duty, as friends of the Union—as friends of free- dom, of liberty, of humanity, to defeat theirschemes by every practicable ¢tfort consistent with the object in view. They endanger the Union, and thereby endangor the liberty of both races. hey strike a blow at human bappiness that would be fatal, if not foiled by the strong arm of public patriotism and justice. Some of oar countrymen may think diie- rently, and they may merit oar respect though dif- fering on so impo:tant a quostion; but their princi- ples should be condemned in solema and serious earnestness, or this Union may be dissolved andour liberties lost. 1 would not prevent a free oxpres sion of sentiment upon any enbdject that may be om- braced within the limits of legitimate pelitical con- troverey; for it is this sight that | now exergiso in denouncing abolitioniem. But those who declare that they would glory in the dissolution of this Union, if negro slavery is not immediately abolie ed, Lregard as madmen. Such lenguage is tre sonable; and in my view of the case, no man has a right to promulgate such sentimonte w 1 distinctly and unhesitatingly deolare that @ majority of Nurthera laborers laves. Uader all ho comes among us Lo promote agitation on this of no nature that shoala ind , nan oo visit this —"D—n the conscience, and you, too. You are an | refection. Lid we derive all this powor aud ro- | country and denounce the institution of well-fed black insolent intruder. Get out of my shop spect of which | have bees speaking from the great | slavery, and leave white sinveiy in a stave of stac- minute? ‘ It closer)“ will no: | State of Penasylvas the Keystone,” asehe is | vation at home. Th wh # mnaa t Quang, (odging up still closer) ot wilt tng | termed of the teaeral arch, rick in her agricultural | bypocritiesl and villanous.. fle preaches phiin» get out, friend. 1 want to convince ~{ Sm 4 | resources, in ber mines, and in her manufactories? ibripy where it is t needed, and wiuke at ti wickedness. Remember, ten fs a tsod above | Dia we derive the power and influence from the most nhject and ue ablo poverty amo g lis ow thee who knows what thou ws Tl od furtos; ia’at | Bret State of New York, termed the “ Empire | childien. His sympathy is « xpended among siran , Avera (enrages) — his steagoous man. | "tate," tich in agricultural and commercial re- | gers, while his wn b id ia din rage big oe oy A Pat iakes ae”. an | sources? These States are great only as tions | and the images of hia ‘ i hisown nor t Go out, * x of a large estate, as members of a poworfal faily, | Ss" yuton skeleton forts. lie children QUAKER, (ouimiy) "A | Friend, take oarg I whose tabiy dogs pt + bro! scty fee” | BATH Lo brews: yet jcct—whe leaves behind him millions ubhis own | leave the well fed, and generally well treated, Afri- | to declare that there is fore, be cautious of the bold and reckless innovator upon @ system so nearly replete with all the great | principles of liberty and equality.and under whioh the great mass of the pesple enjoy more happiness than under any other government on the globe. [tis ouly after mature reflection, and at the suggostion of the wisest and best minds, that any changes in the fun- damental laws of the Union should be made. How abrurd, then, it is for men tig | high positions law” existing in hough wanting entirel boand to obey, thoug’ the minds of individu: the form of law, that wi the great charter of our liberties be ow, in conclusion, wy friends, 1 would sincerely admo- nish you, and al my countrymen, North, South, East and West, that this question of Southern slavery must be let alone by Northern men. | teil you that, in the present ovndition of the world, the degree of advancement of the human intellect, it is not entitled to half that importance which Northern fana:ics attach to it. 1 unhesitatingly declare that, in my opinion, the Southern States hare as much right, under the Constitution, to say that we of the Ncrth shall establish slavery among us, as that we have to say that they shell abolish it in the South. If this is @ true view of the case, and | fiemly bo lieve it is, then none of us can fail to soe that we have no right to meddle with che institution o! ryin the South. But if we had the right to abo- lish at, or if the South were willing to abolish it themeclves, as a friend of the human race, without avy regard to color, I confess that | should fear the result. Why, then, by a series of aggressions upon Southern rights, by a continual agitation of this subject in the North, do we irritate the South or endanger the Union? | trust, in all that sinoerity with which one man can address another, that our people will meet the crisis as men of intelligence and patriotism ; and that, instead of a dissolution of the Union, the time is not far distant when it will embrace within its extended borders every foot of land on the continent of North America. But if, notwithstanding all the warnings of patriotic men in different sections of the Union, it be found necessary to take a bolder stand against the fanati- cal minds who keep up a continual agitation of this subject, it is my A. aA hope, that if this crisis arises there will be a gathering of true and patri- otic hearts from the North, the South, the Mast, and the West; from the border State of Maine, the franite hills of Now Hampshire, from the lake und shores of the Empire State; from tho ri LE any panes mining, avd manufacturing districts ot the Keystone Stute; from the hills and valleys of old Maryland, and Virginia, the mother of States; from the plantations of the extreme South; from the wild prairies of the great and mighty Wout ; and lust, though not lesst, from the golden shores of the new State of California, washed by the cid waters of the mighty Pacific. 1t is our ardent hope that they will all moet on one common plat- from one extremity of the Ucion to the othor, pro- claiming with one united voice, that “ this Union must and shall be preserved.” A band was in attendance, and performed th» naval national airs. After the delivery of the oration, tho gentlomen prevent sat down to an elegant dinner, when the following regular toasts wero given and drank with epthusingm :— The Day we Colebrate—May it ever be remembered with gratitude and patriotism. Alr—* Yankee Doodle.” Our Country always right, but right or wrong, our —s Air—* Hail Columbia.” The Union—The true source of national glory and pros- perity—may its ares sever be less, Air—" Star Spangied Benner.’ The President of the United States—Ilis noblest pre Togative @ fxithful execution of the inwa, Air—" Proai- dent's March.’ To the memory of Warhington. (Standing and in silence ) The Army and Navy—Their brilliant achievements proclaim their glory, Air—~ March to the Battle Field To the memory of Andrew Jnckron—He took the re. yor | of necting nobly, and a nation sanctioned it Air—" VU. K., Jackson'y March The Constitution—The palladium of our politieal and religious Liberties; upon «faithful adberence and strict construction depend che perpetuity of the American re- public. Air Jefferson's March.” State Righte—The encroachus pte Air n” their posterity wid Lang Syne.” "ee of the emulate their noble ‘The Independent people's rights, Ai Edu etion— The fountain from Tehotoest gift—hor true value cannot be estimated. Air—~ Green grow (he Rushes 0!" The following volunteer toasts were then drank with enthusiasin :— By a guest from the South— The New York Herald—A faithful sentinel on the ram- parte of the Union. By a member of the Old Giuard— The Patrivtio Guard of Thirieen, who stood firmly to their ports om the Compromise meacures. The Old Guard Will never desert them, By Captain Ryndere— The Advccates of the Higher Law—May they apeedily take their flight to regions more eo 1 ve Judge Lyneh the trouble of exeoutiag the lower law The foreigner | go | murs haveeu- | insiple @ much me The company thon retired, delighted with them- Ives, and the celebration, the Declaration of lade pendence, aud the constitation of the United States. Celebration in B.ooklyn, Thie anniversary was celebrated, yesterday, one » Liberal scale than has for a number of pears be ever been the case in Brooklyn. At cur rive the nacional! salute was ficed from Fort Green, by Captain Graham's company of Light Artillery; aud about a quarter past 7 volook whe Sth Brig under the command of Genoral H. 8B. Luryea, ¢ sting of the 13th Regiment, Col. Smith, ad the Mb, Col. Crooke ajor General Underhill, and some other paared officess, were in Attendance. ‘The let company of Continentals wore | absent at New Maven, escorting the O. U. A., aad the Brooklyn Cry Guard were at Ulencoo, where ha is in @ distant land, sympq | they bad formed aa gnoampment. With theeq ox- form, and send forth a shout that shall be heard | , to Myrth avenue, by Fulton, Joralem Hic! Pinea) to the A were dismissed. agi Shortly afterwards, about exercises were commenced in t¢ Chureh, (Rev. Mr. Hodge.) in Ni presence of a very fair audience ¢ members of the Common C neral Duryea and some of his Greenwood, and others. They a prayer from the Rev. Pastor, h which the Declaration of Independe' Col. C. J. Jack. Hon. Daniel A. Bokee bein, orator of the day, that gent with considerable applause. Theo cheered throughout, and the sentil tained were universally acce; le. citizens’ dinner whi hed by Major D. K. Haines, at Montag well attended, and passed off in an The ftom MH. C. Murphy presided ¢ Hon. H.C, . side were the Rev. Mr. e and a . Te ie Preside: ied by Mr. D. M. ~ The Presidont prepesedttbe first! Day we celebrate,” and said the ac met to celebrate was the one which the British empire. It was done by d the principle of the British oconstitut! ple for which John Hampdea had 1 which Wood and Chatham had spoke: should be no taxation without represen! fathers had hogs they bad not los by placing the billows between them and had defied the British constitutj British lion; and, in so domg, had bro fathers, sons, and brothers; but they c see what would be the consequences 4 act. They could not tell that hundred eands of the down-trodden and opp would this day be flocking to America, from tyranny and oppression. (Hi They could not tell that, at this hour, Fy be debating a question of constitution stead of reform by the storm. (Hear, envied not the man who, from sordi the love of luxury, failed to attend and thie day’s ceremonies. He would aa first regular toast :— “The Day we celebrate.” Air Spangled Banner. Drank with throe ob Then followed— ‘« The President of the United State with three cheers and a tiger. “ The Governor of the State of New the next toast, followed by— “Tbe memory of General George Tho first in war, tho first in peace, the hearts of his countrymen.” Dri “ The Union—The bond of pate most perfect and noble structure among of the earth—complete in harmonious and poetic beauty—cemented together b; of thousands of patriots. It must preserved.” This being enthusiastically rece’ deut called upon Mr. Van Cott, very good speech. It was the y stitution that had come go their y without it, the meze declarat would have been as nothing. prebended, al) Union men. cheers preserving it in all its integrity. (Ap concluded by a voluntary toas! **'] he Centrifugal Force of the Cons! it link these confederated States into th embrace with which the earth clasps th “The J jary—The congervati political government’’—was responded Greenwood, who propent— “The Union—The life of the natior and hope of the world. Esto perpetua.”* * The Clergy of all denominations, sponded to by Dr. Keanad, ‘The Army and Navy of the Unite Their deeds shed a halo around the U. time canuot efface, and which will ever beacon light to by Mr. Smith. “ The Battle of Lon, after the Declaration of to by Hon. Howard C. Cady. «* Tle Mem: ry of General Nathaniel —The noble representative of the pacriot Island, who preferred to die ca hor tha felled to say ‘God save the King.’ ” replied. he Press,” was acknowledged by ) “The Orator of the Day—'luv Hon. esponded to by himseif. * The Ladies,” by Judge Greenwood. “The health of Col. .™ . the reader of Declaration,” @ligited some upproyriate rem Jrom that gentleman. The regular tuasts being disposedof, ths heal Mr. H.C. he chair! other personal i the party adjcurned about seven o'clock. TUE FIRE WORKS, FORT Gum From sundown ® succession of ro charged, and at nine o'clock, a very display of large fire works was mate, va Green, by direction of the Common Council The old fort presented a very gay sceue; &c., were to be seen in all parts of tho this height, ard a number of touts were for the sale of cakes, &o., principally fur tj fit of the juveniles, aud many persoag their walk bere in the cool of the even k, Or ther night, till a late bour. UR, to this morning, no account of any aco had been received: and all appeared to have off without any unpleasaut draw ack. ndependence 7 Complimentary Dinner by the © of New York to their Friends from © Agreeably to previous arrangements, tho i comprising about one hundred and fifty gentiomen fifty ladies, left this city om the 6th instant, to at Harlem, At three o'clock, the President of the New York © dian Society, G. Franchere, Kaq., touk the ohair, ace panied by the other officers of the society ani the inyil guests, among whom were Enoch F. Camp, Raq,, K. Mf | seras, editor of Le Phare de New York. The table was covered with all the luxurice of son. and Shelton's band discoursed sweet music, at Ist.—* To Canada—May it itself, and grow cording to the wishes of ail Pagptrs nd ” Music—.1 la Claire Fontaine, followed by an elo response from Charles La! . 4 —-To the United States—The republican cotumal the world—the home of the oppressed ; their ties offers to all. Union, labor, and liberty.” Music—- Mail Columbia,” followed by a respomse Mr. Enoch B®. Cam —* To France—Though separated from her for century, her Canadian sens have not ceased to es their mother." nio—" La Marseridaise,”’ followed by a spirited from Bo Maseerns. 4th —“A Josephte—the faithful companion Reptiste. Bbe is the true light in lis adversity, aa the ornament iu his prosperity.” Muric— : Canadienne,” followed by ® je tiful song from Joweph Lepolr, Kay , composed wl Oth — The Pres —The vanguard of human She opens to nations (be route of their future Music—Natioual Merch, followed by a few remarks from KR. Masecras, Keq , who alluded ber the Conadian p-ess, and then proposed Canadians living in the United States. ich panied with remarks as to their Ubroughout the Unien. ae Ky J.B. Laviolette. — The health and donators tothe banner presented to the Caf New York on the fourth By F B Derion —‘ Il. Goulet, whose art portrayed upew the banner of St John,” " J. 0. Ledous — George Bacohelor, of the Canadian Benevolent Society of New + mertions ha olined to ur all the pleasures ligbtful visit from our Conadian brethron.”* Moric —Yankee Doodle ‘The epterininment was interspersed by dian and Fronch songs from Capt. Fortin, P A. Guy and others; and the whole arra though pr pared in baste. gave universal fil prerent. ‘Lhe compauy returoed at thetr respective quarters, crccrted by dent in this city Ata meeting of the ereursionists from the Fourth of July the steamer United 8 e Bey soluvions were ¢ ree, ely adopted: — he pyntricte of Canada, We considee speet, HC is proper that @il ehould p Will take pico om Hei at one o'clock, P.M, at Tw Uerefore respeottudy request tinat ep «cu the ec Thet thie mor Datebelor forthe netive and « #0 rveeee ful’ y made to rend tw Verk ox re bap once That the shove f the Proned and Regt Ad that the seereterica cf 4 teomey P