The New York Herald Newspaper, February 24, 1851, Page 3

‘ecebodiog, ot one time, the mort disastrous renuliy \* on arrangement of the diffoultiss, 0% in a spirit of compromiso, aad which po napa yo al knreg ted been any an imytolate the conatityvions® oot at Bi rcmumermanemaecasm mu jut though it Lar done much towards and ere tobe wy, Son measures speaking yet; in powerful ones ‘from every prairie, throu, Th eal fore y fi ublic opini Bich promounces a nd measures, end thess stan! ‘Tho com promirs iwws that poken ond t a 1 hope it rom every oily, town hill and valley, and ery breese. whic bb the ia 4 and thou jon, more pow -of Congress are now upon the Stata Jet them rem: Gidered as the great hous obj: jon, Seelings hereafter ‘our country, they will be m: ‘and tranquilty be Ir such coun: wan people, for generations ‘harmon: and moderation, gether as you do wi -voke bi: prosperity and glorious with age, amighty community, ‘wide, like the shadow of a grout rook ina weary land Tam, gentlem: Yourfriend and feliow ci FROM JAMES BUCHANAN Wurariann, sean Lascasree, Fob. 10, 1651 Gentlemen :—I have been boudret by lus receips 0 ur invitation to the dinner to be given by the Union jatety Committee of New York. on the approeching anniversary of the birthday of the /ather of bis coum. try. I regret that of the upon this importa: Our constitutions! Dlessing which Providence bas ever beste ought not to fer, Ghat it partakes among sovereign potuity must, th ‘cution of its provisions by the parties to the constitution is to be nullified, on the p: ¢ law” condems it; and if the tawsof man may be resisted with impunity, «henerar f demagogues choose to decide that these are oun ‘to the law of God, then farewell, not only to the con a“ stitution, but to all Ot the measures of comprominy adopte) » Jast session of Congress, the only one tu South feel any ne. interest is the & law. Whilst a large 8 will, I believe, forthe sake of the Vnion, Sn the other measuror, we d realize the undoubted sad imp quiesce in “Ought to fe , that this acquiescence is founded express condition peak the Fugitive 4S! taithfally executed. tiently submit to witi which this law was violate: d and destroyed by mubs «4: movements at the Can. execu ities? which exalted station. FR Gentlemen :—Most cordially do I rxura you ments for the courtesy éxtouted to me, by an invitation to the public dinner te roaching snaiyrsary of th i acknow! by youon the , in ail ~violable as the constitution iter hile in the fullness of their heert Tejoicings upen their politic: jessings upen with difflculties, laia thy ‘oundations of thew reatners in the and finished their work by a fatr! wer, cemented together by tive of interest aad atte ion, and bidding defiance t+ tims and trial, when Loe rains descend. and the floods come. and ¢ ‘Dlow, and beat upon it, it will mot fall, but w their eaventi matioasl acrang ey embrace at ono’ a L 4, that « ands arise be upow this e memory of t qt rotecting az At will extend with great r: er engagement: pleasure and the privilege of un: it occasio! Union is the of the uature re, depend upon elvil goverment majority of tt assured ¢ their const orth. d will, the Fugitive Slave by the President and the con ‘This is one of the mest important ever Leen propounded, beokuse u result may depend the fate of our biesse though notin his confidence. | am conv! mo risk in answering thir question in the ‘The Prerident possesses the power, » cise it with energy and determi cltizens will cheerful this would be to doubt wheth Yours, bas OM 8. U. DOWNS Wastinnroas day of the Father of his Country » that the partioular attention. dvmand>\ by some im. | t interests of my own diate, now ba ors Cougruse and my Be ask North, to the cause the most dire cals: try. bi peace, no rafety, and South Carolina w bare veils to wi time for a series of ip your own State, ree Boil Abol public duties, generally, near thy will necessarily prevent my As events pri 08, the more gal more I cette eeiate th of and are 64a acter, utieriy incom ie, and the duration of the go miat government. ites; and ite preserva’ Committe and tie indir the public tranquillity, aod will yer I tr jomg, complete the good work ; #tili It ts uw juised, that im extensive portions of onr oo ie yet @ ferling of discoutent, and ¢ vocated, 1 vbuke wil great erful tien phy iguen ~ they wil hows, who, strng: al rights of man. | ef freedom and of | winds 2 EWIS CA4B a will deprive me wil you riohest politiea! ed upon the laowover, of the stica and 7 woteh th the hi tuti dhe good o doubt nis , Feb. 14, 1851 my bentves dicth- | | nagtet very mach clus» of the an jag ot ow tu aost oka p Ler duals aw the only state where 4 disauion my extent ition agitation ears, beeo rests jm Massa chusett+ has. for the fire ained aad balls in Ohio, and i other States of the North The caus of the compro mise has been nobly sustained ia the ciections in in diana, Pennsylvania, and eleaewhere Legislatures have evinord their div otion to do jus thee to the Bouth, by expressing their this ecmpromise, pledging theme! faithfully, and b: adopted, whie Mar institutio: lading resola ¢ deemed uatrien Several Northera tious previously ndly to Our psoa- All this we feel and know and tor it we give you just and proper credit, Goon then, in the Do not panse im 5 Dave so nobly begu’ toon. Your victory—our vistory a complet ‘® recur: switch eentim gentlemen, your obt. serve. joni there rem work you efforts tow whould amy will ns the lewat dan of sof the highest corsiJeration, I am, DOWNS FROM JOHN SEROEANT Dear Bire:—I ha of un bee himeelf to obligation. The: y magonnd of secessi: ‘99ch January the testival on Washingt: ing with you in your 10: ‘Veneration for th to ry constitation ed ert other nforced and submitied to. This ir tne the constitution, made by the peo hich they require every pubi el, by the mort o your kin doctrine is argument: itution neverunder te a, Feb 2. 1851 nolo ileartily anit- ite my you propose Hiary political the eons itution be unwilling to part, there is into practice, by forcible | al inw of Congress, on ride justifeation, and the other (he are in direct hostility to each other in . The Union new a roe rtook to make to enjoy rights have been born under it—end we canaet be despolied of it otherwise than by lawless force. ‘The Union, and the constitution made under it, are the crowning mercies of Providence to our oo ory. ‘They bave beem the blessings too, which have filed the measure of cur affection and reverence for baton ington, who was in ment for recarin, ‘Washington’ Gentlemen: —T rr po nored. ‘ashingtor them no" ide bis memory ro +o meny ways ced and repudiat! arto us? h? For secession, dirsolution Ince of agr: 4 ) with you in the object motionary to | | dectine, I rejoice at this an: | moo of Div | (ution of the United States is among the picious the defender of her that the most valued tribute of respect we oan’ POy to hie memory is to follow his counsels. Impressed with these fontiments, I eordiaily un,'"? you have in view; but the season o' the year and my infirmities must be my apolog) for declining ‘th Slaer of your invitation. * ol am, Very respectfally, yours. ~ Ti. WILLIAMS. FROM THEO. FRELINGHUYSEN ew Bau Gentlemen :—I am honored by your !: | Union Di: ym the 234 inst. public respect for the day, ipeton. and revives the recelleot! charaeter ond illustrious services, It is refreshing remember his forgetfulness of self, his leve of country, 6nd with special luterest, bis profound reverence fer she majesty ot law. The dark periods of the American revolution afford many illustrations of this coatrolling of bischaracter, That venerable body of pa od wt all times his prompt held the eword by their will, and when he had glorio ly aceompliahed the purpose that drew {¢ from the ronbbard, he returned it to the pi whioh gave it, with the grateful consciousness that he hud bs abled through Infinite Goodners to fulfil the high m| Prov in the deliverance and indo- pendenve ot hés ndin his farewell counsels speaking out the ripe experience of a most eventul lite be urges upon bie fellow-cltizens the sacred dut of obedience to government, * The basis of our politi- | cai syetem,”’ in the words of his last address, ‘is the right of the people to make and alter their constitu- tion of government. But the constitution whioh ut ony time exiats, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sucredly oblige- cory upon all, The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government, pr « the duty of every individual to obey the estab 6 government.” hese are sound and whelesome doctrines—they lie et the basis of all our institutions—and commended to us by the Father of his Country, they deserve, for d their own, the respect and support of rican citizen, ‘It is our rightfal boast. that, ve no master but the law, and only a6 we ehall cherish an abiding aad unquestion- ed subjection to this constituted authority, shall we remain a free people. There is one other tribute dus from us tothe memory of Washington. ‘The consti. blessings we enjoy, on the fruits ot his wisdom and virtue, with who shared in the work. ‘There of opinion to 4 the spirit of legaey, to " With great respect, gentlemen, T remain your obedient servant, THEO, FRELINGHUYBEN. FROM COM. CHAS. STEWART. oj his country, whose valor and whose virtues have raise or pon lcten | hearts of countless lions of his countrymen. #0 through his priceless services, that no monument in the affectio: pace G 4nd no human power can ciroumscribe. He left us upited,and in grateful remembrance of him, so we ought to remain, not forgetting that through the great gift @nd ianifold blessing bestowed upen us, by the luded humanity, tkat in ispensation of Providence oft times de- ma a to the Divine will, will be found peace, plenty end prosperity, and that in Union there | invitation of the P imporeible for meto join the integrity of our ssored wud ite ttitutional rulers of the g fixed laws, are but jon of alt that bi wat we forge’ Your's very traly. _ JOHN SBRGEANT. FROM M. A. BOARDMAN. Prrapecrnr * pro i a. Reb. 17, 1851 duties will ret that my accepting the invitation with whieh [am ite with you in celebrating the birth da througnout the tot means of L tor one day the character and penceiee Tare, ington it would do much to aliay the scerbity of aco. thenal I revive that devotion to t' ‘Union, the deca: hich in rome portions of the oo: federacy bas awakened #0 much soiicitude. I remain, ‘Gentlemen, very respectfully and lw FROM Gentlemen—I beg leave to acknow' thanke tival on the muspicions day.” Circu: Vhis gratification; but I in the soatiment the memory of Washin, which it merits wal Bosto: DR. JOUN ¢ invitation to braary, “ ances sincerely wish th: may meet m ail true Americans, and yours , BOARDMA RREN. ” f. 17, 1961. with mony unite in the fes- honor of that revent me from ea- eartily concur with which has given origin to the t tribe te to h the res your efforts for the preservation of the constita- gion and the Union may be pros; pered I have the honor to be, tw "ToaN'o. 0. WARREN. FROM TH. 8. WILLIAMS Hanrronn, Feb, 12, 1861 Gentiemen:—Your favor of 29th ult. is duly re seived, vitation to the Union dinner im celebration ia "1 ul Petre eres sao sh the most grate to gth, but in dissolution there is nd wretchedness, ther by law and affection, id of strength; loosened, it no rine again, I tender to you my regrets, that the special duty I um now professionally engaged in, will deprive me ot the bonor of attending your summon: But have the honor to remain, very FROM COM. M. C Ww. Dy Dear Bir :—Ihi PERRY. O., Feb. 18. 1851 e had the honor of receiving the mittee of Arrangements, for the iven on the 22d instant, together {the 16th, and I deeply regret asamember of @ board «i navy in seseiob int ity will mal y fellow-citizens ot New holds forth the twofold mmory of Washington, and nion fing, as I do.toe service, in its organization istory. strictly loyal and obedient to the coa- overnme nt. I hardly need say, bies and best wishes will be necessarily absent in York, in object of perpetuat fon whi ing th Belon, t my warmest 6; with you, theugh I person “ny I eek the favor of you to lay this before the committee Most respectfully and truly, your obedient servant, M. 0. PERRY, FROM GEN. JOHN E. WOO! end the sacrificss’ of the Father of bie Country, achiev: its liberties an independence. A more appropriate occasion coul i vot Rave been chosen to commemorate the sublim eparacter of Warhington, who was © firstin war, firs in pesce and firet in the hearts of bis countrymen late bis character. is but to coutemplate a devotion to his country. To his «x the storms and tempests of the revo of bis compatriots in arma we behold xtending trom the Atlantic to the Pacitio yoy ty ness aod prosperity, he fact lobe. Let, his name To cont lite of unceasin throug! ertion if followed, glorious Un! Being ecanged to celebrate the day with my Trojan is. 1 am compelled to the honor tendered in bebalt of the York Co ee of Satety, to join you in your festivities on the 22d inst. 1 am, gentlemen. very respectfully, Your obedient servant. JOHN B. WOOL, preserve and perpetuate our co y ave the ment cheering evidences of he Union; and the Lae py of the © Father of his Country” has been deemed « fitting oo- casion throughout the land, to assemble together and review the events that have to acknowled, cour obligations to those patriots who bave fearlessly breasted the storm. and to take care, for the futare, that the republic and the | niom be m my judgment. it ie time to disrobe the demagogus. and exhibit in bis true character before the country I regret, ge that I cannot be this occasion eogening adjour rene will render it impossible, in consequ im portant ees » Tey tables. enpectfully yours, J. PHILLIPS PHENIX FROM GEORGE W. BEINUNE. Brooxiys, Feb 11, 1851, Gentlemen -—|! juties for th: fo opr ged x invitation to # public di which you propose shall be given on the 224 of portion of it. te and ver; fet forth ote. wn the Americ: conse to recard Washington aa their tather foyai contor- mity to hie far reaching counsels as @ Gilisi the hour of our political ruin will be not far off, because h founded our libertios will have been joat In nothing was Washington more remarkable then his consistency with himeeit. [t was the concordan union of hie noble qualities which made him grea above other human example. Pasion never swayed him to the left or right of the truth H threatened none, wronged mone, teared mone, bu thought of all, cared for all, and served all. stay ci'ear ‘sounteyenen, for Tei th type and por judy et our eoun: , the ty tern of what our national character should be, har is as te our various interests, mutually cour. beoaure ever just, faithful to eur covenenmte that be true to ourselves, fied by & sense of our hte and a sense of what is due to others. It such « calm, intel! it 5 igemt, fixed determination of our opie, that our trust, under God, must be re- posed either the windy threats of braggarte nor the declamation of raving enthusiasts will ever prevali over merican heart. We will never for the sake of the Union give up what the Union was intended to nor will we. in Stvempting to hasten the temporary, partial evil, the sys. Delieve le destined by the God of the Gorpel to accomplish universal good The constitu- oo Son te thee tae oe bs he EY en sovercign in tl te, upon aoknowled, principio, j¢ the corner stone of that. foundation=it u orl stone be torn out of ite place, the whole eu per-structure must fall into ruins. Who dare limit tne benefit which eball accrue to our whole race, if the present system of our mational government be pre: served P to thi arrest ¢ destruction of art, the violence ot trath, orruption of reli . Which would follow the’ ip into hostile ments of the elements of Union? [ cannot but consider the man ‘ould attempt to destroy well of the whole world ia the infamy to wi All posterity would e bim. Gentlemen, it is my hopetal prayer and confidence, that Goa who “mekes even tbe wrath of man to ptaiee Him, and the remainder thereof will restrain,” will rule over oll that concerns our beloved Ces | The Amerionn people is yet im the freahness of yout! ‘There ate many members, but ; #0 must we eve one life, ope heart, one mit one one will. done me by yous with a a 5 Nation, Lam, very reapectfalty, obedion' — ‘ORORUR W. BETGUN FROM J, ROOSEVELT BAYLEY. ‘Apcms Reteooras, Besiogrce, ew @ entlomen: Important cust onal Gutioe wiil Bia ¢ from resent at bration birshdey ‘atwe your festive oelel ae Be your tiriatinn CCain tat be y A.’ e my case, be in- tentodese rsonal compliment, I can only regard it as en," to me om ecoount of my being a Uatho- lie clorgy."¥42, aud as manifesting @ desire on your part to give all portions of the community a “ re- presentation’ in your “ Union Festival,”’ ‘bilat th that seem to 7 Committee” necessary, I cannot let passthe « unity of declaring to you m; fetion, that, not # single Gatholic 1n these United has ever joined 19 the cry of disunion that has be eardic Our mid’. I cannot but regret that adhesion to peculiar party Combinations ha» tven to some the appearance of ban'ng doners, Whether as Dative or adopted citizens ob this great i.»public, we yieldto pone im eur attachma’t to the constitution, and submission to the laws. We re for t and we see no necessity font singl cbain that binds us together should be etrai less breken. I have no authority to speak for oth I am expressing the mind of every Cathollo t and layman, in the United States, whon I in this matter we arc as unanimous asin our religious faith; aud that, in case of neceusity, we are all ready according to our various stations, to use every meave in our power to avert ro great @ oslami- ty as the dissolution of our confederacy 1 have the honor to remain, witl iments of ein- cere respect, your obedient a J. ROOBEVELT BAYLEY. LETTER FROM ALEX. W. BURL. Hover or Kernesen Es, Wastiinaron, Fe 0, 1861. Birs:—I have the honor to acknowledg: receipt ot ye letter of the 29th ult’, informing me, thet t! Union Safety Committee of New York intend to cele- brate the epproaching 224 bruary, by uniting with their fellow-citizens, at @ public dinner in honor of that auspicious; day, and inviting me to be prerent on the proposed festive occasion, For the compliment you bave thus shown me, I de- sire to offer you my sincere thanks. To commemorate the birthday of Washington is well; to emulate bis virtues is better. His pure patriotiom, his ardent de votion to his coumtry, end above all ternel affection for our Union, caonot be too often recalled mory, nor too closely imitated: That can ervile imitation, which leads us in the steps of our revolutionary tathors, We cannot close our eyes to the fact, that our coun- try has recently passed through the most perilous pe- riod of ite history. jay that period ‘The Union and the constitution ha trial. The fiery ordeal through whiob they show their strength rather than their weako: at remains to be if they gre strong enough in our hearts, to save them from overthrow, and us from anareby and civil war. Bectionalinm has become our great apple of discord, and the epirit of the Fatber of our Country continues to whisper and warn us egainst tasting that baneful fruit, From the dangers and unoertainties which have surrounded us, we learn at least one cer- tainty, whioh is, that the Unien can etand er theconstitution. It is folly to talk of sustaining he other. We may as well com- nd, while ite base is crumb- @ Union,” while its constitu. e ¥ .Rentlemen, to express my sincere regret that duties will prevent me from being present at the approaching festival. and I beg to conclude by offering the following sentiment:— ‘The Constitution and the Union - Washington loved them bot d they will be forever note; under the guidance of his example. I am, gentlemen, Very reapootfully, your ob't servant. ALEX W. BUEL. FROM HENRY W. HILLIARD. Hovsy or Rernesentatives, Wasuincron Oiry, Feb. 20,1851. Gentlemen:—I have withheld any reply to the invi- tation with which you have honored me until this moment, in the hope of being able to accept it. I Qnd now that my public duties will not allew me to leave my seat bere, andI can only express my regret at not being able to join you in the festival which you are about to give, in honor of the birthday of Wash- dpgton, we Under ¢! government which he contributed #0 b, our country has grown to be y its population, ita wealth, and its ‘are Caily augmenting, and the future, which pens betore us, will present a spvotacle of national grandeur and happiness transcending any which the pictured page of history exhibits. Let us perpetuate that government, us be true to the constitution; let Union. I comprehend and appreciate the patriotic course of the ple of the city oi New York, and I shall, from my Ross op the banks of the Alabama, survey with high satisfaction the prosperity of an emaporium which ie pot mere — d by the wealth which its com- merce (so profusely pours upon its wharves. than by an erdent and nobie national spirit, whieh is at ail timer ready to support the constitution of the United States. I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, HENRY W. HILLIARD. FROM J. R. POINSETT. Ware Hous, Peeors, sean Grexcetows, 8, 0, ? Fobruary 17, 1861. 5 Gentlemen:—I very much regret, that neither the distance nor the time allowed me—for your letter, b tome mischance, only reached me last evening wl permit me to accept your invitation to unite with fellow citizens of th mm party of Now York, ng the birthday of General Washington. 1 entleraen; let preserve the fi aya recur to us with re- on that dey; and more especially im It isto the sealous co-operation of he labors of the convention. ral Washington's letters, written at the period when this ocnetitution was sul mitted to the several States for their approval. tail to eee the anxiety with which he watched its pro- grees, and bis inate conviction that its adoption presented the only means of saving them trom anarchy and ofvil w All who ba: monitions of bis fi admirable eagacity w! ll address, must appreciate he foresaw the cor diten y. His penetration political 1 time Or other, arise, g their wild #0 irations of patriotism and the dictates tt reek to alter the foundations of tl to build wp some creation of th surely lead to anarchy and utter de- sclation, Let un never forget his adviee, to oppose all such attempts tooverthrow the conetitution, Let us oberith the Union, as the eafegvard of the rights and inatitutions secured to us by that constitution, and as the eurest, if not the ooly, means of maintaining our liberties aud domertic peace, and of commanding the reaper t of the world, heve the honor to subseribe myself, gentlemen, respectfully yours, J.B. POINSETT The Toasts aad the Speeches. After the reading of the letters, the Mayor gave e are the “onde an ea ane ed the idea of a more rfect ani d the i trade and com- Bere arth great caucrrtie prcetles of ha upion. (Applause.) Those = met in Annapolis in September, 1786. New York was i bave that the inte: interests which first 01 represented by two delegates from the city of New York, end ie delegeies were, ‘Alexander Hamil ton and Egbert Beneon. After a session of a few days, they found their numbers were not sufficiently lerge and their powers not i extensive, end they determined to make a representation to the States which sent them, and to Congress, and a roast rer drm ye rah great ability, which wes the foundation of all subsequent procee a end which report was drawn up by eer em of the city of New York. The conven tion &, assembled at Philadelphia. The seve- ral States of the Uriem were represented. ny Ot DOW go over its proceedings; but you know that Genera) Woshington was chosen its president. ‘They sat with closed doors from May to Septem- ber, when they preduced the draft of a constitution, which was adopted by the American people, avd under which we now jive. (Applause). As yeu po doubt know, it was not the habit then for speeches of members to be reported end laid before the public, as is now the case. The convention sat in secret. They had no means of expressing their views to the country, and, therefore, it became necessary, that this constitu- tion should be explained to the people of the United States, to whom it was to be submitted for their adoption. It became necessary that there sheuld be found some men capable of explaining the principles of the constitution, and laying that explanation before the country. Who were those men’? They were found in the day of trial, and they were Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay, two of them residents of the city of New York. (Applause). [ think, gentlemen,’ am authorized to say that without the aid furnished by the city of New York, we should never have had @ constitution ora union. (Applause.) The firat proceeding was to present this constitution to the several States for their adoption. Among them it wes prteeess to New York. And here let me state a little of our domestic history. The State of New York was represented in that convention by three delegates. After the convention had terminated its proceedings, two of the three delegates seced- ed, or in modern phraseology, they “ bolted,” and the only one who signed his name to the constitu- tion was Alexander Hamilton, of the city of New York. (Continued opp lause). It became neces- sary that the State of New York should adopt that coustitution. A convention was accordingly assembled at Poughkeepsie, and the great ma- jority of the members were opposed to the new constitution But Alexander Hamilton, from the city of New York, was there, and by his influence, and ability, and patriotism, ex- ercised inside as well as outside of the Con- vention, he brought the majority, who were opposed to the constitution, to be in favor of it, and the State of New York adopted the constitution as it was proposed. Gentlemen, if the only way of testifying gratitude to public benefactors by erecting monuments to their memories, the State of New York ought to erect a monument to Alex- ander Hamilton, which should pierce the skies, and every State in the Union should crave the honor to assist in erecting it. (Great applause.) Thue, then, you see how this constitution was pro- mulgated at its incipiency, and how it was adepted. Ieee before me a gentleman whose appearance here this evening will not allow me to pass over an anec- dote which | em sure will interest you. I have in my eye a geatleman honored by hie State, aad honored by his country, who, although a young man, was present at that convention in Pough- keepsie, with his father, who was a mem- ber of that body. His father went there op- posed to the constitution, and Mr. Hamilton saw the necessity of the case. [t was determined he must go for the constitution. He was toid thatif he went for the constitution he would never be retumed again; and his answer was, that he was in the habit of thinking before acting, and when he had meade up his mind to do what was right, he utterly disregarded the consequences. He did so, and Samuel Jones, of Queens, went for the coi tution. (Great applause.) fe went hom explained the matter to his constituents, and instead of disapproving of the course he pursued, they ap- proved of everything he had done. ( Cheers.) Now we have seen how the constitution was adopted, and by what means it was adopted. Since then, time has rolled on—some sixty years have paseed away, during which time the consti- tution id the Union have been fruitful of blessings to the People, beyond all precedent. Indeed, the history of America is a history of wonders. The attachment to the Union has in- creased from year to year, until it was almost trea- to breathe the thought of diseoluuon. The 1860, however, arrived, and with it the long Congress. Nine months of that session were employed, in what? In a most exciting die cussion on the subject calculated, above all others, to irritate the public mind. Speech after speech was mede by the North against the South, and by the South against the North, until the most hostile state of feeling prevailed, and brought the country to the very verge of civil war; so that it became necessary for the Executive department of the government to interfere, to adjust the exciting differences. Those exciting diflereaces were adjusted; but a large number of members ot both hou were determined to renew the controversy which was productive of such results, At that moment the city of New York tock the elarm; its business interests were roused, und they came forward en masse, without respect to party, to stop the agitation. ‘They sound- ed the note of aiarm to the country, and it was responded to throughout the length and breadth of the Umon. But, gentlemen, it is said tha: this alarm Was not necessary—that the Union was not io danger. Indeed! It is true, and | admit that you could scarcely find an American citizen who would acknowledge that he was not a friend of the Union. Ifyou asked him, he would have said that he w riend of the Union; but in the same breath there were thousands in the North who were engaged ina bitter tirade og atthe South, and in the South against the North, Yet, gentlemen, they would have ell told you they were friends of the Union. 1 tsk you how is this Unionto be des troyed? Is it supposed by any one here thatthere is to be a regular compact to destroy the Union — that we are to draw up an instrument of dissolu- tion and, all sign it? No, gentleman, it is to be pro- duced by those feelings of sectionaliam. If these feelings on the part of the North generally and on the first regular toast of the evening, as tollows: rate—it gave birth to the man and firet in the hearts of Hiram Ketonum, Esq., responded, and spoke as follows :—Mr. President and gentlemen, before I respond to the sentiment now proposed, allow me to express my grateful acknowledgments to the Mayor and Common Council of this city, for having recommended, and made provision, for ce- Jebrating this greatday. Itis a day which ou ht to be celebrated throughout this land, from the At- jantic to the Pacific, and throughout all comin, time To contemplate and study thecharacter ot Washington, his habits and course of life, his private end his public virtus, and, above all, his parting aavice to his countrymen, cannot fail to make the patriotiern of every American grow warmer, to strengthen his love of his pablic and private virtues, and to strengthen his at- tachment to the united government of this coun- try. And when, geotlemen, was there atime when it wee more necessary that we chould drink at the original fountain of patriotism than the pre- went? ashington was Instrumental in accom- Poy bey of government by revolution. ‘hat change could be authorized by no principle except the well cona@dered purpose of improving the condition of the government, and of a reasona- ble progpect of success. If he had failed after the first battle, or the second, or third, it would have been better that the first blow at ‘revolution had never been struck. Indeed, after peace was de- clared, and the mother ow had acknowledged the independence of this, if we had not suc- ceeded im establishing a government which would secure the bleamngs of liberty and order, hat revolution would have been valueless. It would have been worse than valueless, be- enuse the pacrifiees that the war occasion. ed, and the blood that had been it, would have made it a public calamity ese con siderations presented themselves to the mind of Washington. And permit me here to remark on one point in the character of Washington. He had determined to the government under which he was boro. Fhe had determined, at the same time, that he would give his allegiance to the revo- lutionary government. This government was union. It hed nothing Apes to give it ciaim to allegiance; yet Washington religiously obeyed the government of his country, and his principles in thie respect have been beautifully ex- pressed by himself. In speaking of ty and the allegiance which is due to it, he says: “Obedience to the laws, acquiescence in the mea- sures of and re. for ite authority, are the dui the fundamental maxims of true liberty.”’—[Applause.] was impressed with the belief that, in order to carry out the revolution—to carry it out to its ultimate end--there must be a government to eeoure liberty. You have heard today, in the eloquent address delivered to you, his not recur to with the idea views on this subject. 1 will hise: Fam that the rev lesa a more eiraeasar dacs Regine: the part of the South peaaeal are carried into the Congress of the United States, why, there would not be a day during the session in which re- sults might not be produced most disastrous to the Union The wheels of government might be stopped. The government could not goon | ~ gentlemen, the wheels of this government could not travel by reason of the bad feeling existing in the country—by reason of prejudice on the part of the North towards the South and on the part of the South towards the North. What need we talk of meetings to diesolve the Union? There are other ways of dissolving it. At this point the audience became impatient,and Mr Ketchum was ebliged to stop in bis remarks. The second regular toast was next read, as fol- lows: The Constitution of the United States. Musio-“Co- lumbia forever” The Hon. Epwanrp Everett, of Massachusetts, responded as follows :— Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen—I rise with great diffidence to address the company on this occa- sion, sensible as lam that there are gentlemen present much more ble ee at than lam, and much more w y of the honor conferred on me by inviting me to respond to the toast which has been just proposed. I thank you, sir, notwithstanding, for ho tine me the privilege of being present on this great and intereeting occa- sion; expecially, sir, ¢o | thank you for the honor done to me in calling me to to that The Constitution of the ) Sir, you have done well to give great prominence to that toast in honor of the constitution, on the birthday of Washi ‘for more §than to any other influence, under Providence, the country owes the constitution to Washi . (Continued applause. Did not the hoa. gentleman who instructed an interested us so much this morning (Gen. Foote)— did he not tell us from history that the very sy , made hog oy Le pee the first jal uct, but the first private suggestion made towards the formation of the constitution— was made at Mount Vernon, in the house of Wash- in, and by Washington himself? ( Applause.) An yet, Any Toor not how te speak, to Pn = ‘at theme; afte: i structive, 4 te, taries on the Chereetet, ’ of Washington that we heard this morning, it seems as if every thing had been said that could be said... Still, know, gentlemen, it is a field in which an American audience can never tire. Wash is to ue in our recent history—within our own days, within the capenenes of our fathere—he is all and more than all that history and tradition, and vene- rable gntionity, have accut of Alfred, and the two or three if others such there worthy to be_re- comparison with Wael . The of Wasbington is indeedan in ble por- ion of the moral treasure of the country; and I do know, gentlemen, but that | might almost say, t for the sacrifice of human life that would that half the imitation up to the to the admiration i handed $e at this Z ' But this is no adi gi ple the United States, I think, on the 17th of Se, tember, 1796, he shades to “ forty-five years dedi cated to the services of the country.” ‘Now, gen- lemen, forty-five years from 1796 carries us back to 1751, just a century from this time, as the com. | mencement of the brilliant career of Washington, according to his own statement. General Foote has given you so full a sketch of the more recent political services of Washington, that he drives me back to the beginning of his career. In thi a (1751) he received, young az he was, oy es he was, his first military appointment as adjutant general in one of the districts into which Nirginia was divided. Three 7 only had elapsed from the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle; but the movements which had commenced on the pari of the Ohio Land Company, west of the Alleghanies, bad aroused the jealousy of the French and In- diaps ; and, in reality, these insignificant local in- teresis were the o1 al source of that great seven years’ war which ended in the capture of (uebec, the expulsion ot the French from the continent, and, remotely, to the independence of the Unite: States. (Cheers ) Geptlemen, young as he was, Washington rendered the most important services inthis war. He was but nineteen years oid in 1751, when he received his first military appoint- ment just alluded to. Two years after, you all recollect he went on a most romantic and danger- ousrrand, to the residence of the French Governor in Verango, and his narrow escape from the perils of the elements and the rifle of the savage foe. You remember the campaign of the following year, 1754, when on a memorable day—on the fourth of July, 1754—Washington, unfor- tumatety for everything but his fame, had to Capitulate at what was then called Fort Ne- ceseity, the very same day on which the articles of umion, proposed by Franklin, (alluded to by Gen. Foote) were signed at Aibany. We see him in the next year in the terrible campaign in which Braddock was slain, and in which two horees were shot under Washington, and his clothing was able to make, I have come to the cotel that the Unicn isin great danger. I am much moved acts legislatures, bp -haein a or eS order, and jlesaness in MOLT: the country. tion to @ certain extent in the Ne I know how much has been done patriotic citizens of the South, to stay the tion to the Union in that quarter, use) and Tagree with the sentiment of Mr. We inthe admirable letter just read, that ninety-nine hus- dredths of the people of my. of the country are for the constitution (Tremeae dous javee). For that reason, I sey, 1 am aot so much led to the opinion I have expressed public acts and demonstrations, as I am most gneved by symptoms | have seen in both extremes of the Union, of a deep feeling of bitterness and il @ epirit of denunciation of the motives, cha iAte Ang pelicy os the oj ite ee sae tions of the nion, and of all at home who are having eny charity or sympathy with their fellow- citize: nee ‘is, sit, is what grieves and slarmsme. Why, if the several portions of the country belonged to diflerent natious,—if were alien in language, in religion, and in race; they were sworn, iike Hannibal at the altar, to a war of destruction against each other, they not use stronger or moré bitter language than I have reed within a few weeks, by men, both et the North and the South, who entertain extreme epim ions on the agitating subjects of the day. I say it is this which gives me the greatest alarm for the continuance of the Union. The outward facts are but the manifestation of the spirit of di tion end bitterness which will, if not check. ed, sooner or later will cause ,the Union to crumble. I am not an alarmist—I never have been. If I may allude to a matter so unimportant, I would eay that, in all my humble addresses to the public, I have ever looked on the bright side in reference tothe fcture. Butif there is to be no relaxation of those unkind feelings between the different sec- tions of the country—if men will not make y their minds to live in good feeling and good faith under the constitution and the laws—that coasu- tution which was framed by our fathers, as Sood, 8 wise, as patriotic as ourselves—if they 40 on indulging this fierce spirit of mutual hostility, it will, at no distant day, result in a separation the States, to be followed by a war, or rathera teries of ware, which will cl e the aspect of this country, and the cause of consttutional liberty forever. (Great applause.) I do regard it as de- pierced by four musket bails; and then the courage, the fortitude, the skill and the perseverance, with which, young ¢ was, he conducted the retreat of the wreck of the royal army from those imaus- picious fields, which raised him at once to a posi- tion before the public, and to a hold on public con- fidence which years of suc: on many occa- ng, are hardly enough r . Well was it said by President Davies ,in 1756 or 1757, in a ser- volunteers of Hanover county, ‘let me remarkable instance of patriotism, to taat brave youth, Colonel Washington, who, | can’t but think, has been so wonderfully preserved by Providence to render some important service to his country.” (Great applause.) I ask you, gen- tlemen, where in uninspired history you can point to another prediction like this, of a youth of twenty-three, fulfilled asthis was in the subse- quent career of your Washington. Thus was he heralded into the service of his country. In the great scene of that service—the revolu- tionary war, that great drama in human affairs—-{ need not remind you how everything seemed to cluster about him. There were others who ren- dered invaluable eervices in the cabinet and in the field; but. Washington was all in all to the cause. 1 de not think I am doing injustice to other honored names. There are many--more than | can count— who rendered invaluable services to theircoun- try —who spoke the kindling words of patriotism in dark times—who rendered most important services to the country in diplomatic positions abroad— who reaped honorable laurels on hard-fought in Washington alone that coun’ cast chor in mity, and, but for pplause ) And, sir, point, a the heart of the seasons of darkness, of ci him, of despair. (Great when the SEtgeewr td war was fought toa tri- umphant close, and the colonies seemed unable, under the old confederation, to recover from their exhaustion, what was it that induced those States, each proud, and justly so, of its hardly earned in- dependence, to abdicate something of their sove- reignty on the altar of patriotism, and consent to the establishment of a strong central government ? Gentlemen, they well knew into whose hands it would first go—they knew that he would set upa precedent that his successors would not lightly de- nah trom. I am almost tempted to quote the sub- lime words of Milton— —far off his coming shone. They needed in his case none of the poor ma- chinery of electioneering—none of the nominating conventions in Philadelphia or Baltimore (ap- Renee)— It needed none of those to point out ashington to the choice of the people. In hws case that great civil act, by which a free people constitute their rulers. An act which | think we ought always to approach with something of the solemnity and conecientious- nese with Which we approach our religious duties - act too little deemed of in these i ‘athington’s case even this great civic but an avgust ceremony. From the moment the federal convention had decided that there should bea President, end nine States had adopted the constitution—although there were electoral col- leges interposed between the ple and the candi- dates, and votes were to be given for two persons for President and Vice President, not aaming which was intended for either office, yet in Wash- ipgton’s case these were all found; for from the mcment when the constitution was adopted, he was chosen in the hearts of the people. (Enthusiastic cheering.) All the stages of an election, ali the forms of suffrage, were but the outward promulga- tion ef this spontaneous moral choice. Well, ntlemen, after he was elected, how often in his ministration did his personal weight of character, his individual influence, carry the country through the severest trials! In one instance, especially, when the minds of the people were embittered on the one hand, by the detention of the western posts, and the interference of the British cruisers with our neutral trade, and when, on the other hand, we were drawn very strongly towards France by the contagion of political reform, and the grateful re- membrance of valuable services in the revolution, the influence of Washington was able to subdue the sensibilities of the country to the measure of a just policy, and restrained them from rushing into the revolutionary w: which wasted the strength and shook the stability of Europe for more than ars. Now, gentlemen, what! wonld ear- is this— must all this mighty influence of ter, end principles, and memory of Washington—must they all be buried in his tomb? (Voices—Never; never.) Is all that he was to us, and to mankind—all his political wisdem, his experience, his unsuspected disia- terestedness—all, in short, that made him to be Washington—is all this to be consigned to obli- vio, in his dark and narrow house on the banks of the Potomac? (Ories of ** No, no,” from all parts of the room) No, Heaven forbid. It is the great prerogative of our rational nature that mind and its influences can never die; and uniess we are cold and dead, we shall listen to the voice which speaks to us through hie immortal addresa with deeper reverence than that with which we should listen to his living counsels. That address | wae the most car@ully prepared product of a mind | from which nothing erade or ill considered ever | went forth—the maturest result of life-long experience. At the close of his political and mili- | tary career, having fought through two great wars, | one of which ended in establishing the indepen- | monstrable that, in the event of a separation f this Union, it is as certain as the sun im eayen in mid-day, that the sun of the republic will go down fromthe meridian avd set in blood. | know that some persons of sanguine temperament, dallying, as I think, unwarrantably with these dreadful futurities, have persuaded themselves that it would only be a change to two confederacies in- stead of one, and that in other re ts all would go on much as it did before. Sir, im. very loth to enter into any speculations of this kind, on one side or the other; but, in my humble judgment, there will not be two confederacies, nor any cies, butas many despotic government chances of conquest and reconquest, military chief- tains may be able and willing to establish. (Pre- longed applause.) Gentlemen, let Germany teach us. How did she come out of the chaoe of the dark ages, after a thousand years of internacine war? Did she come out of it with two or three confedera- cies? Gentlemen, she counted more than three hundred independent principalities, as they called themselves, but all lying at the mercy of the despot and the strongest army. I presume not to look into that dark abyss. | turn from it with the same horror, @ thousand fold increased, that I felt when in my youth | was surprised on the black and calcined edge of the crater of Vesuvius, when the sides of the mountain were already quivering with the convulsive throes of an approaching eruptive To attempt to give form and outline—to measure the force—to caiculate the direction of the molten elements, boiling and bellowing in the fiery gulph below, and just ready to be let looze by the hand of God, on the pathway of destruction, would befJas unavailing and presumptious in the litical as it is in the natural world. — CApplanse.) One thing, however, I think is certain e talk of the separation of these States, assuming that they would still remain the States which they now are; but I think it is as certain as demonstration, at their ancient sacred boundaries, founded not on features of physical geography, remain- ing, as they do, in open defiance of mountains and rivers, drawn without theslightest regard to military defence, as if it were the design of Providence that we ehcould be bound together,not by military barner, but by cords of love—boundaries resting on char- ters, on prescription, and agreement. and rendered sacred by the constitution and Union of the United States. I think it certain that some of those boundaries would fall the first sacrifice to a separa- tion of the Union. Do you suppose that thirty oae Srates, when the ties which bind them are brokea and when this scramble for separate power shal begin, are going to pay strict regard to those unsecn and mystical entrenchments within which stout nd—which, in compatisou with som- ather a corn field or a flower gardeu lies as securely fortified as your own than a Stat imperial State of New York, whieh holds tne Hudson in the hollow of her hand, and ex ercises her colossal limbs from the lakes to the ocean? (Great applause.) When the Union is diseolved, do you think that holy cousuianona! spell will remain unbroken which prevents your powerful neighbor, Pennsylvania, enthroacd upon the Alleghanies, with the broad Stsque- hennah for her sparkling cincture, and the (wi tributaries of the Ohio for the silver fillets of her temples, from_raising so much as a@ finger against gallant little Delaware, which nestles securely within the fringes of the gorgeovs robe of her queenly sister? Before the revolution, there were controve: about boundary between many of the conterm 8 States. They were adjudicated by the Privy Council, often arbitrarily enoaga, generally against the larger, and in favor of the weaker colonies. But the decision executed itself. Pacis tnponere morem was the motto of the home government. They decided hey pleased. If the colonies liked the decision, it was weil; if they did not, they might do something elee, for which there isa bomely word, which [ will not repeat Laughter.) hen the royal government was thrown off, some of these controversies survived; some new ones sprung up. There had been, or were, disputes between Pennsylvania and Virginia, Pennaylvania and Connecticut, New York and Mareachusetts, Massachusetts and all the other New England colonies. But first, the old confe. deration, with its tribunals (such as they ani ll more, the happy constitution of 1 breathed its own vitality and power into the aa cient monuments ot the land. Disputes were wet- tled, controversies adjusted. The genius of the Union, with the law of the land in her right hand, ind the law of love in the left, perambu- lated (to use the surveyor'’s expression) the lines between border States, and discord ceased Ee Qeatiomen, if you divide this Union—if you take from there boundaries the character of secu- rity which is attached to them in the way [ have described, what then isto happen? When those States shall start on a new career of selfish ascend- ancy they will not be held back by parchment ttlea from dead kings and queens of Hagiand, whose bones for two hundred years have been huddled im the crypts of Westminster Abbey. (A oot Why, when | was in Londona few yea 0, had to procure a copy of a patent granted by the Duke of York, afterwards James Il ,tobe used ia | believe, between New Jersey and Delaware, about Pea Patch Island, of which, have all heard and I felio volume re to be used in a Controversy between my and Rhode Island, as 70, hk f wn State of Massachuset dence of his country—having been twice unani- mously called to the chief magistracy, and about to retire from eflice for the last time, and, as he thought, for ever, into beloved retirement, as he | called it—he gave to the people of the United States his last counsels, as he calls them, in language | can never repeat without emo'ion—“ of an old and affectionate friend.” You have read it a thousand times. You place it in the hands of your children—you appreciate as you ought those last words of wisdom and love, which gushed from that noble heart but a few years before it ceased 10 beat for ever advice of this ever memorable addrese? Is it not adherence to the Union? | believe, if its panes were counted, a full feurth part of it would be © boundary, which ran back to the charter of 1629, and which whether it is settled at the present day lam ashamed to say [ do not certainly know And now, when this family of States—(0o, not a family of States, for we are Fong to reject that kindly | meme end the blessed thing it expresses,)—but | when this group of hostile and rival States shall starton with heated passions and exasperated ha- treds on their new career, ci eir boundaries be protected by dusty parchments, signed by hands which are thus long turned to dust? Sir, when we have repudiat ur Madison and Hamilton i y And what is the leading | *ir, your Hamilton—when we have repudiated their work, | don’t think we are going to pay stitious deference to the work of Charlie Jomer, and Elizabeth—when we have turned @ found devoted to this theme. He telle us to watch | deaf ear to the voice of Washington and Ad over ite soneeevennen with jealous anxiety. As to love of Ii , Which you might sy would be the principal topic, there is b { Po couple of lines ; he just allude dwelling se; nt of the American heart. Ae for the prese pak mony pn gh Meg ~ eae ing 4 topic in m days’ systems 5 believe that Washi doe reen: allude to them - that he ae eee State ri i but he knew there was centri agency en in so large a body ot States for their pecervatien No, aie: men, it is Union, Union, {Union—the first, the last the constant strain of this immortal address. And what could my poor voice ada, if I were presump- ntence—a | (Great not so much as | dead, k he doee not name them— yaper scepire? Le and Jeflerson, and Franklni—the Moses the Prophets of our pelitical dispensation— cheering)—1 say, when we have turned a deaf ear to them, do you think we are permita creature like the Dake of York, whom his own people, aye, bis own daughters, drove with scorn from the throne, to rise from the after two hundred years, and govern us by a Jemen, as to the Supreme urt of the United Tdo not know what othere may think on the subject, but for myself, sir, pitrees to Chancellor Walworth, who sat by Mr. Everett's side) I i that if all the labora, the sacrifices, and blood, from the firet Ii going to uous enon; Piymouth, were to give nothing else but the couneels of Wael ington’ ay og, et ir in- Sup me Court of the United States—this reve! fluence cease to be fet, it ia not becanse Washing: | tribunal for the setdement of international ton is dead, but because we are dead, and cold— | putes, ee such it is)—I should say the sacrifice buried in the ference and | wee well made. | have trodden emotion apathy—abeorbed iided cares of that pros- | threshold of Westminster Hall and the Palace perity which we en, the Constitution; or, | of Justice in France—I have thought with what is worse, judice, by false theo- | respect of a long line of illustrious cha and ries of pment, party, i rounded with all the msignia of office, Gened- ty traffie and faction. 1 agree with cl who, within these Foote, that it is time for man to utter id halle have, without fear or net, see his voice nce the istered justice between powerful litigants. it aay ; } on Tudede, “tet, pan. 8 ike awe—that | have ~ Ph © as h je think, mistaken ‘citizens, that the firme Courtat Wrshingion i (yor that T have inion is not threatened; that the those strains rere frum reoaid think’ so, Bat 1 that in the Plakneys, and the etenere; le Seoaten T'have result of all the anxious inquiry that have boos ecen there a specimen of the perfection ef the more