The New York Herald Newspaper, May 24, 1850, Page 6

dy servants of officers there. Will | should have hailed with pleas san | " guid he. - Tha ae sy ithe tot | th on ie Sear wi, stated wi Save the we ered, cinbracing, ag 1 which | surrender any plan which J may have had more ? i le the | clause stric! ; propose ae plan instrumentality ‘ising. or THE Colma. Ieee nie enghh nate be peo one Se, cause it he Beet fied to have it so modified us | should have been no dise- of itself, and that there | — Sir, I know that there is g floating idea in yv, om ig! pon cons: satisfie Tt ir atiefaction expressed in his | Southern mind, such us we heretofere have HON. HENRE CLA, Giiocsl grounds should be satisfied. | ‘The man | to declare that the territorial legislatuzes shall nei- | name or by his authority“ pociers mail jae anens der teloes | who thinks the constitution authorizes it, but that | ther udmit nor exelude Savery thus leaving it | | Let us look a little aitiner into this comparison 7 — dog § > f m eqniliaeiom n os i be done from.considerations of expe- | open to a State legislation? Will he be matiahed which I make most | power between the two sections he diserved to be censured by 4 it ought not to lone from. Be | EO eS aE it tent. Deesthehen- | the: Benate _Painfutly. When I addressed | some bulancing power. However desirable some\| Mr, Broaks took the floor, and replied with great {na states senate, om Twenays May 23s hese aetnn of he Ugo eu sos | wets Senator ean by any. ust mean a by | thene would Tree, tr, "ae pen tt | Sch pleat tngenneat fone te rede Ieikien gr feces eente et be . . 4 red | coed ene ¥ 2 Re procation from. ra 4 t be, t it wiek ’ from the Committee of Thirteen being | SON) canal? tate, amerting u ot Pein pte ~ thatit pies st Shere, eis, Rares Po cnning iets Avene Be gy re — Mnetsinable, e all cw thatthe rapid growth tele rhs oa covlgua compen wth it,it “The bills from the tt Seni 3 he ised. 1 hat the very | tion of the United States vo carry them there? If | of itsell’ w of it only, which | andthe great progress o orthern portion of | was his inisfortune to have in a lees under discussion, Mr. Clay addressed the Senate, | ought not to be exercised. a a: at it ¢ A Others may do so | harm. Would exasperate and aggravate, instead of this counuy is such, that it is impossi ible for the | refined sphere, He thanked Mr. Toombs for bis pro- y » to Mr. Soule, as follows :— | spirit of promise prevailing on both sides ought | +0, ] cannot sustain the eourse. sma s «nizing the country. I did hope that we | South t > Mas A ett by : ade cia, i brea ne tel he | ke eset pune ea hor | ri? Sa, Mbt heres guts | tle are de i ue a rt, | pole E's Sati i et (fits ita Mince ete a iy cl i * Senator ¢. " cy i oy iedproposition was belore the Senate, and that | before me, who has no doubt about the power, will | shall pass po law either yo admit or exclude slas [Let ‘us look at the condition of per seen ran a less the rule of all republics shall be reversed, and | Yay, and said, the sooner it could be done, the —_—_—_—_—_—_— — . nse THE IMPORTANT SPEECH | could be. This sy petber afione nor denves uslews some of the Heasar tory gai of he cain r Uber’s } 1° me Bone oY enti afr i, oh & r | rhe “ , the the majority be governed by the minority. But be- | tr.’ Congress had a to pay in amendment to a particular section, as to the | give up that opinion and renounce his deliberate, | yery— . and of the country, I endeavor to discriminate—and | cause it is i 7 h grohibition aguinet ieglslation by the terhitoril le- | well-formed. opinions which he has eatenained fot | “Nir. Wensran (in higsent).—in repest tothe gs" | the hye, i lea dierimination eaeatal tothe | Stttm'ainponmble that there should be an en iin of Esha. Eherere, 00 and boos istatures, as to the subject of slavery, ana al- | years? Does the Souta make any such demand ? tablishinent or the exclusion of slavery? jublic mind i a just cons:*ration of the subject | and cannot be, an entire equilibrium of power be- ‘opriated, while Congress was in Sonsini topay though that was the solitary question before the ill the Senator from Louisiana demand it? Mr. Cuay—Yes; I would go for that with {all tween non-action in re; to slavery, and non- | tween the different sections of the country, interest on that claim! If this systers of things that there shall be no com- | my heart. Senate, Senators have ranged out upon the wide Why, sir, the demand, action as it respects the government of people, who, | does it, therefore, follow that the Southern | westo go on—if the proper accounting officers of ocean of discussion, embracing in the course of “ee nt ef the questions which r. Soute—If I understand the honorable Se- | by the ordinances of Providence and the course of | portion of the Unien is in any danger, and that | the government were to be overruled, und also the their argument the entire pac Be of the compro- Lee ptiaa ie nator rightly, he means to imply that the amend- stents; ave come to our hands to be taken oare of, The institution in whieh it a i ily inte- peed dy mad people, the custodians of the mise. I feel constrained in vindication of the act | ut the honorable Senator has misconceived the | ment proposed by the Senator from Mississippi Here, sir, let me pause amoment to recall a topic | rested, is put pent by that fact? F trust not. I | people's money, by an Attorney General’s opini of the committee, of which I was an humble mem- | report. The bill which has been reported is a mere | assumes the existence of slavery there now. 1] to which I ought to have adverted betore; I mean | believe not. hat are the motives for South- | then it was high time that the country should know ber, to meet some of the arguments of the henor- iti he law of Maryland, and ia relation | cannot so read it: I find that it assumes that slavery | the question of there being nothing done for the | ern rights in that particular institution ? In the first | the fact. Let the test come—the House was pre- able Senator, and I will be; = with the last. The towhich, jaind Iwill ae ow wrong it is | may be there, but the amendment does not carry if South in these territorial governments. What, sir! | place, there is that sense of justice which pertains pared to meet it. ” Senator from Louisiana, (Mr. Soule), finds him- | to prejudge. An honorable friend of mine, in my | there, if it isnot there, and if it be there, and any | is there nothing done for the South, when the statu | to men—to every man, in virtue of the fact thathe ia | Mr. Kaufitman that this business self incompetent to concur inthe scheme of com- | eye. ce suggested that the object can be accom- | right should exist in a state of things which that | gvo is left for the South ?_ What hasshe been com- | a man. In the next place, there is the constitution | not be ‘all cry and no wool.” The committee promise which has been proposed. Will that Se- lished in « mode by which I should like to know, | would imply, I cannot conceive what serious ob- | plaining of all along? The Wilmot proviso; the | of the United States. In the next place, there is | had reported that the $193,000 interest on the Gal- nator condescend to present a ae pa of his own From the Senator fom Louisiana, whether it can } jections there should be on the part of the honor- | proviso which, if it be fastened upon this measure, as | the oath which we all take to abide by that con- | phin oan had been improperly and unlawfully for the satisfaction and reconciliation of the people | he accomplished or not. The introduction of slaves | able Senator to this amendment. It only protects f i i , trust it may not, I fear, will lead to evil results, | stitution. In the next place, there is the necessity id out of the treasury. He was for beget ge of this country?) Will he tell us what he wants? | jpto the District, either for sale or placed ina depot | whatever rights may exist there now ; it gives no | and increase the difficulty of satisfying Southern | of the concurrence of the two branches of the na- ick, and he submitted a resolution, which he Sir, this finding of fault, and this discovering with | for subsequent transportation, arises out of the laws | new right; it creates no new state of things; but | men. Their great eflort, their sole aim, almost, | tional Legislature before any act of legislative in- | would ofier when the subject should be taken up the aid of magnifying glasses, of defects, of little passed by Congress itself, permitting it to be done. | only protects such rights as may now or hereafter | was to escape trom this proviso. The proviso is flietion of wrong can take place. In the next i place, for aetion, requiring the Judiciary Committee to animaleule which move upon the surface of matter [n the year 1802, or one or two years afterwards, I | exist under the constitution ot the United States, | not in the bill. The bill is silent on that point. | there is the veto of the President of the United | report a. bill di the heirs of Galphin and that are not discernable to the naked eye, 1s a prac- | believe, a friend said to me, ** Mr. Clay, you can | and for these reasons J support it. 1 ask pardon of | The bill is non active upon the subject of slavery. | States applicable to any unconstitutional legislation | George W. Samrfoad to have suits commenced tice which can be attended with no practical bene- | accomplish the object at which you aim, by sim- | the honorable Senator for interrupting him. The bill admits, if slavery isthere, there it rem: which might take place in relation to this institu- | against them for the return of the money unlawful- fit. It is the duty of the Senator who has just ed- | ply repecling those laws, and leave the State law | Mr. CLay—If the honorable Senator will be sa- | it admits, if slavery is not there, that there it ti Last ofall, while we refer to peaceable and | ly ped to them out of the treasury. dressed us, as well as the duty of all who assail where Congress found it, where, by law, it allow- | tisfied with such an amendmentas [have suggested, | not. The bill is neither Southern or Northern; remedies, there is the Supreme Court of the ‘he remarks of Messrs. Conger, Brooks and this compromise, to give a project, or to tell us ed the introduction of slavery here.” I have | and which I understood, the other day, would | it is equal. It is a compromise which will not | United States’ ready to pronounce the amendment Kauffman, and the spirit in which the House re- how they can reconcile the conflicting interests of not examined that law, but I have no doubt, | satisfy the most of the members of the other side of | dishonor or disgrace any man who is de- | of every unconstitutional law which may happen to ceived them, added fresh alarm to the terrified Gal- the diflerent parts of this country, and harmonize from the gentleman’s familiarity with the laws | the house—declaring that the territorial legisla- | sirous of ised the wounds of his coun- | receive the sanction of the executive branchfof the | phins. ¥ 2 those distracted portions. | venture to upon of Maryland and of the District of Columbia, | tures should neither establish nor exclude slavery, | try. Yes, sir, the bill provides that this vast terri- | government, There is also the responsibility of I predict that Mr. Toombs will never offer his every subject of which the learned Senator has | that what he stated was perfectly correct. | and then thus this question would be left open, tory shall be left open to the same condition in | Representatives and Senators to their constituents; | test resolutions ; but should he do so, the style and treated, he bas done great injustice to the acts of | Now, IT ask, if, instead of the "provision | am satisfied, perfectly, to do it. J ain satisfied that | which it now is. If slavery is there, it remains; if | and lastly, though I trust in God that we shall | manner in which the House will clap its censure the committee; and | do w him | which is proposed, by which we merely use the | | have given the right interpretation to this amend- | not, it does not go there. The South has not tri- | never have occasion to use it, there is the final | upon Mr. Crawford, will be a caution to all follow- not mean to foll throughout, but | will a rapid notice of his ob- | language of the law of Maryland at the time this | ment, that slavery existsthere now, and not inpoint | umphed; she maintains that Congress has no right | right to resort to arms and to make resistance when | ers in Mr. Crawford’s footsteps. jections to the various features of this report. The | District was set apart by that State—the precise | of law. The constitution of the United States gives | to legislate for its introduction or inhibition. | oppression and tyranny become intolerable. _ It is now reported that Mr. Crawford shortly re- Senator began, if | am not mistaken, with an ob- | Janguage forbidding the ‘introduction of slaves for | a right to carry slaves there. But [am wandering | Neither SOx: triumphs. Each has an open field ell, again, is the fact that this great interest of | tires from office, upon the ground that he cannot jection to thet which relates to the recovery of fu- | sale, and declaring that their introduction contrary | from the subject. I repeat, however, in conclusion | before it. ‘The proviso, on the one hand, is repu- | slavery is in a minority inthe Senate, a fact pecu- | sustain the cabinet’s plan of meeting the slavery Zitive slaves, and he said with an air of dissatisfac- | to law should forfeit the rights of the master to his | of this part of the subject, that I am ready to vote | diated by the committee; and on the other hand, no | liar to that interest? No, sir, not at all. How is | question, and that Mr. Gentry, of the House, suc- tion, if not of some derision, that the commitlee | slave, and that the slave should become free—if, | to strike out this clause—to retain it, or to modify | attempt is made to favor Southern interests by the | it with the fishing interest! It is greatly in the | ceeds him. % eet had brought back that bill with certain embarrass- | jystead of that law, the bill oflered by the committee | it in, the way I have suggested, which, if I under- | introduction of a clause expressly defending sla- | minority. How is it with the manufacturing inter- _ The debut of Mr. Hall in the Republic, this morn- ments, instead of improvements. I beg him to re- | were proposed to be amended so as to merely re- | stand the object of this side of the chamber, would | very or admitting it into the territories. I beg par- | est? That, too, is in the minority. Hew is it with | ing, is carefully guarded; made up of a series of collect, sir, that the greatest objections which have | peal the acts of Congress in relation to slaves intro- | accomplish all that is asked. don for this digression from the subject immediate- | the commercial interest? In the minority. In | whig generelisms. If he sticks to his text, no part been made to the part relating to fugitives, came | duced into the Distriet and transported hence to 1 am not going, at this time, and at this stage of | ly in view, which was to contrast the recommenda- | short, when we pursue the inquiry, we find that | of the whig party will complain of him. I predict that Messrs. Clayton and Meredith will instruct their letter writérs and editors to make a great noise about the descent of General Lopez, and bis forces, upon Cuba, and the efficient steps from States which are not suffering materially un- | New Orleans, and he thinks that a wrong com- | the debate, to discuss the question of the laws of | tion of the President with that of the Committee of every interest is inthe minority, except that great der the evil complained of. | stated the other day, | mitted against the institution of the South—one | Mexico. The opinion expressed at former sessions, | Thirteen. and all prevailing interest of agriculture which and | will repeat it now, that my own S is the | which would be alarming to the rights of the peo- | by myself and others, that the Supreme Court of | _ ‘The recommendation of the President stops, as I | exist from one end of the country to the other. most suflering &\ and I venture to state that | ple of the South? Sir, where there is a disposition | the United States only can settle this question, upon | have already sai ith the simple introduction of | Well, sir, when all these enumerations are com- Louisiana is the least so. But yet the hon. Sena- | to look at things with an impartial, candid eye— | a proper case brought before the Court, will be suf- | California asa State into the Union—a measure | bined together with the possibility of the final resort | which have been taken to defeat the Lopez enter- tor, when we of the border States are perfectly sa- | disposition to look at all the interests of all the | ficient. We go as far as we can to settle all of | with which, ing by itself, there have been the | to arms, what further securities can be sought | prise, by sending Commodore McCauley and a tished, | believe, with the provisions, sees in them parts of the country and to all the prejudices, we | these questions—establish governments and courts | strongest manifestations of dissatisfaction in the | for, or with what would those who are fearful and rge squadron, in hot haste, to the Island of Cuba ; objections which are unsurmountable, And what will be more likely to arrive at a satisfactory, | there, from which, according to the express provi- | Southern portion of the country. The measure | discontented be satisfied? There is all rea- | an that it will all be done with a view to divert are the embarrassments of which he con harmonious result.“ But to attach ourselves to a | sions of this bill, there is an appeal to the Supreme | proposes to leave all else untouched and unprovided | sonable security against any abuse of power—any | public attention from the congressional investiga- Why, that the slave owner in pursuit of his single position, and to seek to bring everything to | Court of the United States, where alone it can be Tor’ Let us see what will be the condition of all | intolerable use of power, arising from causes which | tions going on relative to the official conduct of property is to carry with him a record members of the cabinet. the standard of our own peculiar opinions, is not | justly settled. I will say nothing more at present | else, ¢hus left untouched? : |S can no more arrest than you can check the tion to the slave | calculated to produce wh a result. Again, Tsay | with respect to the able, ingenious and eloquent ar- | ‘The first proximate territory to California is | beams which are darted daily from that luminary that reeord will that the Senator is mistaken in su| ing that a | gument of the honorable nator from Louisiana, | Utah. In what condition is that left by the Pre of the system of which our planet forms a part— is an advantage—a prot The officer requested by Mr. Ewing, through his holder—a great advantage man Williamson, to resign the Supesniment given command 4 respeet in the tre at nd give him | yesident of the District can go out of the District | but proceed to other subjects. ..,,. | dent’s Message? Without any government at all, | than you can stop up, and make flow back again | to him by President Taylor, alluded to in my let- a security which no affidavit before a justice can | and buy a slave and bring him in. Mr. President, it is time that the troubles in this | Without even—call it a blessing or a curse, ‘ou | upon the Rocky Mountains, the Mississippi River. | ter of last evening, is Mr. am, warden of the confer. Mr. Sovin—I feel assured that the Hon. Senator | country should ‘be settled. [am not one of those | may view it—a military government. Ther to | It is utterly in vain to *hope that you can ever pro- | penitentiary. Fitnam whistles at Ewing, and asks And with respect to the other subject reported by | has misunderstood me. I have merely said, that | who, ¢ither at the commencement of this session, | be ‘no government except such a self-protective | cure that equilibrium of which we have heard | who delegated to him authority to take the bu the commit that of trial by jury. Where i8 | the effect of this section, if I understood it aright, | or at any time during its progress, have believed | government as the Mormons shall erect for them- | some speaking at this session of Congress, between | ness of the President out of General Taylo the practical inconvenience of @ trial taking place | would be, to preclude the introduction of any slaves | that there was any actual present danger to the | selves. Until the common parent shall extend its | the slaveholding and the non-slaveholding States. | hands. So we go. in a State from which the fugitive has fled! And — into this Distriet for the purpose or being sold, even | existence of this Union ; but | am one of those who power and authority over it, Utah will have no go- | I hope, and J believe, that it is unnscessary—but Wisse May 21, 1850. in point of practical effect, | venture to say it will if jt was to supply the necessities of those who in- | believe that if this agitation be continued for one or | yernment at ell. necessary, OF unnecessary, utterly unattain- Peden lagtene dernier wv not occur in one instance in a thousand, because | hybit it. And, if the Hon. Senator will look into | two years longer, no man can say in what or where ‘Then we come to New Mexico; and in whatcon- | able, from causes over Which we have not the | The Cuba Expedition—Mr. Yulee’s Arraignment wherever the fugitive is arrested, and claims before | this section again, he will acknowledge that such | it willend. Dissolution of the Union—one of the | dition do you leave her? You leave New Mexico | slightest control. of the Administration— Mr. Webster's Defence for the officer who is to grant the certificate for his re- | would be the eflect of it. reatept calamities, in my opinion, that could be- | with a military government, which is no govern- conclude by urging that the plan of the com- turn, that he is a freeman, it will, almost inevery | Mr. CLay—Well, sit, what is the inconvenience fin this nation—may not, in form, take place. But | ment. mittee proposes to elose and heal all the five instance, be found that this claim for freedom is @ | ofthat? The slave cannot be brought five miles | next to that, is the dissolution of all those fraternal | Let me call your attention upon this point of the | wounds from which the country is bleeding, by a mere pretext, and when he gets back to his own | from this place to a man who wants to purchase | and kindred ties which bind us together as one | subject to what has been said by the delegate from | comprehensive compromise. _T know, sir, what State he will abandon that pretext. Let it be re- | him; but the man can go these five miles and buy | Christian and commercial people. I repeat that, in | that territory, in an address which has recently | will be said—I know that it will be said that membered, too, that this is peta. substitute, him, and bring him here himself, The incon- | my opinion, the body politic is incompetent for one | been made to the people there. Will my colleague | the agitators will, even after the passage of these as a satisfaction to the North for that trial by jury yenience is, that the resident of the District will | or two years longer to bear this agitation without | read it for me? measures, continue to agitate the two extremes for which they conten, and which I have insisif | have to travel these five miles himself to buy the | severing the bonds of that reciprocal trust which now | Mr. Uxprrwoop having read the extract referred | with their cry for their respective favorite measures the Cabinet—Mr. Soulé on the Compromise—A Nice Distinction and a Critical Case — Mr. Clay down upon the President, Hip and Thigh. The resolution offered by Mr. Yulee, yesterday, calling upon the President for the intormation ‘and correspondence relating to the late executive orders ed would amount to a virtual surrender of the con- | slave, instead of having the slave trader doit. There | unites us—and without eventually coming to—what, | to, —that the Wilmot proviso will be proposed to be | to the navy for the suppression of our anticipated stitutional provisions. is nothing to prevent a resident from going out toget | the Almighty Preserver of usallalone can tell. I wil ‘Mr. Cray resumed. With regard to Utah, you | added, by a supplementary act, to the territorial go- civil war in Cuba, was taken up this morning for r. President, | find myself ina very peculiar and | q slave for his own use. The only prohibition is, | go so far as to express my opinion that unless this | leave no government whatever, except such as the | vernments ; or that it w’ required to be inserted rool eat S most painful situation in respect to the defence of | that no slave shall be brought into this District | compromise—I do not say in the exact wordsof the | Mormons have been driven by their necessities to | in the constitutions w! those territories may Mr. Yulee took occasion to express his opinions this report. I find myself assailed by extremes | into market for any purpose Whatever. But, I | committee,—I donot mean to exclude amendment ind when you come to New Mexico, her's | adopt. I have heard it said, even upon this floor— | \ "ieely in reference to the edict in yesterday's everywhere—by undercurrents—by those in high | repeat, that by the repeal of the laws under which | improvements ard modifications so as to satisfy all | is a military government, under a Colonel—a Lieu- | pass all your measures, Mr. Clay, and we will cry Hpithe, kesting forth the gotien otthb enbective and low authority, but believing, as I do, that | this is done, all difficulties would have been ob- | —but unless some such scheme as this shall tenant Colonel of the army of the United States | out, repeal, repeal. But [think I know something 7 ng eg government for the suppression of this expected vasion. And as we have heretofore intimated, this action he declared as transcending the powers of the government, the jurisdiction of the United States, and the obligations and limits of the execu- tive authority; an interference with the rights of emigration, the liberty of the citizen, the obliga- this measure, and this measure only, will pass, | yiated, and’sueh would, probably, have been pro- | 1 venture to predict that nothing will be attained | is the roverning power of New Mexico, in a time | of the ure of my countrymen. hapa’. also if any does, during the present session, | shall | posed, if the bill had been allowed to take its usual | for California,—nothing for the Territories—no- pps he peace. We had doubt about the au- | from the authority and by the aid of history. stand up in its support against all objections, | course. thing for the fugitive slave bill, orfor the bill which | thority of the late President of the United States, | At the time when the memorable Missouri Com- springing from whatever quarter they may. It But the honorable Senator proceeds in his objec- | excludes slavery and the slave trade from this Dis- | even in time of war, and it was a cause of reproach promise agitation elicited more intense anxiety was but the other day that I found myself re- | tions to this compromise—no part of which, unfor- | trict. I venture to say that instead of healing and | against him, to establish a military government.— | throughout the country than there is now, the proached at the North’ for uttering « calumny upon | tunately, seems to receive his sanction, or to afford | closing the wounds of the country, stopping Bat here in a time of profound peace, it is proposed | whole country was in an uproar—one half on the their institution, by saying that a trial by jury | him any solace or satisfactio.—to say that it has | the effusion of blood, it will flow in still greater | that such a government be continued—by what | side of the exclusion of Missouri, and the other on in the case of fugitive slaves could not be relied | been contended by me that the laws of Mexico | quantities, to the great danger of this republic. 1 | authority ithasbeen established, or sustained since | the side of her admission. Every legislative body of neutrality, and the ree) upon as a remedy fora master who had lost a slave. | abottabved shevery that slavery did not exist there, | repeat that in ny aphsien measure upon your bo nie ensued, I know not—but that such « gov- | in the twenty-three or twenty-four States—I do Rigger on _ — . ae pace pie In eo As if I had not commended and applauded the ad- | and is not likely to be introduced in point of fact: table, with such amendinents as it may receive, or | ernment should be continued indefinitely, until New | not recollect the precise number of States then— | [5¥1..9 ‘States ‘was American eoil; and that ministration of justice upon the subject of fugitive | Well, sir, 1 cannot help entertaining these opi- | some tantamount measure, must pass, or nothing | Mexico should be prepared to come in as a State. | had denounced or approved the measure, slaves, so far as it respected, at least, federal and | pions; | cannot disbelieve what I believe. Bat will pass upon all the subjects to which we have | And when will that be? She has now about | final settlement was carried into the House of Re- State courts generally! I argued that if you re- | the honorable Senator has taken up the greater | referred. believe there is a majority in both | ten thousand le, Mexicans, ish and Ame- | presentatives, where the great struggle took wee, quire from a Kentuckian, who has lost his slave, | part of the time in which he so ably and eloquently | houses of Congress in favor of passing the Cali- | ricans; and about. ten or twenty thousand Indians, } and the victory won by a small maori hat that he shall resort to trial by jury in Massachu- | addressed us, to prove that that opinion of mine is | fornia bill. But there are causes upon which I | civ: , hal ized, and uncivilized, barbarous | was the consequence? Everywhere there was setts, on the question of the fugitive’s freedom, it | incorrect. He has gone into an historical account | shall not dwell, and whieare never averted to | aud wild. And loay it hore inmy rallthe } joy, exultation, aad that the will be requisite, in consequence of such an asser- | of the abolition of slavery in Mexico—gone behind | by me with pleasure, but on the contrary, with | responsibilities of my official position,that if she were | controversy was quiet! and the man w! tion of his privilege, that you draw testimony from | the scenes and gre an account of the instructions | great pain, which will render it impossible, 1 am | to come here to-morrow with such a population as | would have dared to Serreet the universal har- u any ship under such flag engaged in this revolution, wherever it might be intercepted, was subject to seizure and ation, under our obligations of neutrality. If this be so, it will be necessary for all destined to contribute men or supplies to aid in the revolution of Cuba, to go uader se An , ; r tom abe . r lutionary flag; for we presume that Kentucky—that you delay the trial from time to | with regard t lause prohibiting the introdue- | afraid, for that bill to pass. that, and with such a constitution as such a - | mony which prevailed throughout the country | the Tevo . et time—that the power of granting a new trial shall ins of slavery into Mexico—gose into the Senate, | What will be the ccradition of this country? Let faticn could make, I, for one, would not vote for her. | would have seficred roach and rebuke frock ee ee, SNe e & Peg be Chapin “4 be awarded—that an eppeal and a supervising pow- | and treced out what has been done in this body, to | us suppose that foes, nething Let us | admission asa State into the Union. She has no | the indignant voice of his country. And now, I this view of the case, if it should a r that ~ ef will be necessary upon the final trial, 90 et prove that by 8 movement by the Senatog | roma _ ee Sona ope A hash ve sort of Spa poe bdr pic me She has not | venture to say, thet if this meapante a com | ship under the Revolitiona: tng, ater leaving the when you come tosum up the case at the close, i y dit there was an of the e wi now afilict coun! shown herself to be capa! se vernment, nor mise goes to count wi the sanc- A het b although the owner may recover his property, Ne | oemec ee ee. el eae no ise" and | we separate and go home under those natural feel- | has she done anything entiling her to admission, | tion and intl wi territorial jurisdicnon of the United States, hes juence which it will carry if it pre- has spent, perhaps, twice the value of his slave.— | allow slavery there. Now, sir, cannot the honor- | ings of dissatifuction and discontent which will | nor will she, in my opinion, for many years to | vails, the opinion of this committee, of don. ‘That was the argument, and yet at the North, by | able Senator be satisfied with his own opinion? He | arise out of the failure of Congress to adjust these | come, be entitled to admisaion as a State into this | gress, and of the executive in its favor, and one of those extremities by which I find this mea- | thinks that slavery is not abolished there. I know | great matters. I say nothing of the reproach and | Union. And yet the plan of the President is to | calculated as it is to bring peace, harmony and sure of the committee assailed, I am accused of | that ke isa much more eminent jurist than I ever | 0) jum which will be brought us by all | leave this military government in full tion | happiness again to <r y ie of the several States— casting unmerited opprobrium upon the trial by | aspired to be. Why is he not satisfied with his | Christendom; ! say nothing of those who are look- | under a Lieut. Colonel, when we have this evi- | I venture to say that if it is passed and goes to the ju These amendments are objected to as giving | own opinion? Will he not allow, in a spirit of ge- | ing upon wu: anxious solicitude under the hope | dence before us, by a representative of New Mexi- | country, that agitation is ended. They may croak embarrassment to every Louisianian in the recove- | perosity, a contrary opinion to be entertained by | that we will feifil the high destinies of this great | co, that he himself declares that they have very | and howl as they please. It is only a few miserable of his property. There are some mento whom any one? republic; I say nothing of that large portion of man- | good laws. But what sort of a governor is this | traders in agitation—men who live by means of Bi been arresied by the U. S. navy, then the adminis- tration will be placed simply in the position of an act of wer with a foreign power—an unlawful usurpation of authority, because all authority for war With a foreign power must emanate from Con- $8. er does not appear that the instructions of the mete oeaere its powers to stopping vessels under u ahe old adage would very well appl ut his objection to this measure, he tells us, is, | kind who are gazing with intense anxiety upon this | military commander who is ‘over them? I jitation—men who are not satisfied until they can nited States flag; but that they are broader, “J do not like you, Doctor Fell, that this is called a settlement of all the questions | greatexperiment in behalf of man’s capac’ and penn f one of the first_ and pretest objects of go- thee themselves at the head of a little cligee of aa sures Oa ee oe eros sone 54 The reason why I cannot tell; | of difficulty, while in one of the first sections of | man’s treedom; J say nothing of all this matter of | vernment is protectionf to the people, defence of | followers whom they can attach to their coat tails— Ld ve pet } rj ing: od But this one thing I know full well, | this side, a difficult question is left unsettled which | our vainly ¢ndeavoring—after the lapse of | territory, and repulsing invasion within the limits | and with whom they can come to the democratic ‘vented by _ force oa ether they I do not like you, Doctor Fell.”’ ought to besettled. Will the honorable Senator | six or seven months—to reconcile the dis- | of the country. How does this meee erence, rty, and say “take me, I am a good democrat— i SAmeeen, A indian or South They are determined to find objections to a mea- | tell us how itcan be settled? Will he, orany one | tracted and divided parts of the “ns 4 acting, as it is under the authority of the Sec- Ten bring to you this little capital”—or who will merican. ¢ orders of the President place the administration in the attitude of a party to a civil war in a foreign try, by the usurpation of a power belo: to Cones. Senor Calderon de la Barca, the Spanish Minis- ter, and Alexandre de Bodisco, the representative of the Autocrat of all the Russias, were present, on the floor below, outside the bar, and appeared to be highly edified with the defence of the cabinet by Mr. Webster. The debate will probably be re- sumed to-morrow, notwithstanding the objection of Mr. Clay to any interference with the discussion of the Compromise bill. The cabinet are not to es- i sure, if not practical, theoretical, and such as they | else, tell as how itcan be settled; how otherwise | You go home filled with passion and wi retary of War, behave upon the first ich of | goto the whi party, and say to it, “ take me—I hope will lead to a subversion of the measure. | than by the Supreme Courtof the United States, the | and urge one section against the other, | an invasion? © ji are sent ihe: are | have this little i will enable you Now, sir, follow the Hon. Senator a little further. | question can be settled, whether the lawsof Mexico | each to we its portion against the opposite per the mere pioneers of an army) from Texas | to triumph over your ersaries”—it is only such ‘The great ebjection was in the prohibiting the ter- | dia or did not abolish slavery within the limits of | portion. , can the Cy Fy the republic | into New Mexico, claiming the territory on this | men as will raise a ery against it. I will venture Titorial legislature from passing any law in respect | that territory? What he ny eqeed to do was not te | endure under such a state of things? Let me sup- | side of the Rio del Norte, as the property of Texas. | to say that if this com jise is passed, and goes to slavery within the territories. Did the Hon Sena- | settle things which are for the good of these pro- | pose, however, sr, that you reject this bill and | And what does this Mexican governor do? De- | to the country, all such agitators will be rebuked tor know the history of that clause? Did he know | vinces, but to propose to the consideration of the | pass the California bill, and we go home in that | fend his domains ?—repel threatened inva- by the public indignation into silence. that it was moved in the committee of thirteen by | Senate a general com ise, Which would settle | state of things. What will not the South say? | sion? No such thing. He says that he means to Thave done. I will upon the time of his own colleague? Did he know that clause was | all the questions which were practicable or possible | What reproacher will it not level at the North | be neutral,—and has instructions from head quar- | the Senate no longer, as 1 have said more than [ voted for by every Southern man in the committee, | for any measure to settle. In regard to those ques- | upon this subject! They will say to the North:— | ters to be neutral—upon this contested point be- | intended to have said when I commenced.—From with the exception of myself (if | am so to be de- | tions which belong to the courts, let them be re- | ‘ You got all you wanted; you got the substitute | tween the people of Santa Fe, or New Mexico, and | the Courier and Enquirer. nominated, contrary to What is the usual habit of | ferred to the courts for decision, "T' ae ‘here isno other | for the Wilmot proviso; you have got a clause | the le of Texas. The governor of this ) denominating myself)? Every Southern man vo- | scheme which has been offered, or which can be | more effectual, more efficacious than the Wilmot | people declares that he means to take no part it Our Washington Correspondence. cape quite so smoothly as they got off this morning. ted for the clause which isthe theme of the learned | offered, to settle these questions, than by the Su- | proviso; you have the inhibition of slavery in | the contest between the two parties, but to leave Wasnineton, May 20, 1950. bill betwe M. ‘Soule poe oy ‘Che mpromi: Senator's long address, and did so against my opin- _ preme Court of the United States. the constitution of California; you have got all you | them to fight it out as well as they can with the | 7m Years Ago—Whig Harmony—Toombs, Conger, | did joen Dae. Mr. Clay, was splen- ion, and against the epinion of the Northern Sena- Now, Mr. President, it is a little remarkable that | wanted, and you have refused all that could be | power of Texas. And what American can saj Kauff ford, Joh: ‘ith The t of Mr. Soulé, who i tors who were upon the committee, with one soli- | the hon. Senator argued with great ingenuity and nted to the other section of the Union. You that, under circumstances like it is justifial Brock, + ‘man, Crawford, Johnson, Meredit ; Le en of fone d Ov mf is one of the tary exception. And, yet, the moment it presents } earnestness, that, according to the local laws of | have got oll yon waa and you mean hereafter | in him to give no ion? And, sir, what be- | —Censwre, Impeachment, and so on—Change in = yc . nocemels |, and eloquent of the itself, although it comes under Southern auspi- | Mexico, slavery Was not abolished—according to | to take all that remains, and to appropnate it to | comes of the obligations of the treaty of | the Cabinet—Hall’s Debut—Ewing and Fitnam. | Tench school of oratory, was pointed, strong, compact, well knit together, dignit ind eloquent to a degree, which attracted the universal ad- miration of the Senate. The most of his argu- ment was directed to the support of the amendment ces, it is objected to, Again—I ask the Hon. Sena- | the local laws of Mexico, there was a right on the | yourselves. In this condition of feeling, of mu- | Guadalupe Hidalgo ? Of all the honorable distinc- js tor from Louisiana (Mr. Soule) andall that coneur | part of the slave-holder to carry his slaves there ; taal exasperation and excitement—with heated | tions Mal cheseateiee man, in a social, aggregate, Ten years ago this day was Monday, as this day with him in the opinion and object to this measure, but that, aecording to the constitution of the | members—with heated parties—with heated lec- | or individual station, the fulfilment or observance | 18: A great mass convention of whigs assembled tell us what you want; put it down in black and | United States, that right existed. If it does, ought | turers—with heated minds—how do you expect to | of contracts in private life, or of treatiesin public | at Nashville, Tennessee. Ephraim H. Foster was white, and give us yet and let it be compared — not the Senator to be satisfied? He sa’ come back here eool and calm, and to dispose of | life, is one which commends itself most to t! ident of the ’ nye of Mr. Jefierson Davis to the terntorial bill for with the orajet of the commaistee, and let veknow | haono power to legislate upon the subject of sla- | all the difficulties which six ‘months of earnest, | probation of enlightened mankind. Yet here, peaidens of Sh Coreen ice Francine Come 1S oe wee mpeg} for the re: aa apd sup- the full extent of the demand, and then we shall be | very one way or the other. @nxious labor have shown you to be incompetent | that ision of the treaty staring us in the face, | den, Arthur F. Hopkins of Alabsrna, J Under- Low werw ao to S aiieae a a territory; able to pass judgment upon it. Do not restrict | Me Sovie—The Hon. Senator does me injustice | te accomplish ? whic! segaieen ea te snes protection and govern- | wood of Kentucky ; Bailie ton, Ts 7 & enture to say, that not even Mr. Berrien \. tana, now has presented a more powerful exposition of the Yourself to the unstatesmanlike mode of finding | —I expressly admitted that slavery was abolished Now, sir, allow me to call the attention of the | ment to people of Utah and the of New | White, then of I New York. Te | constitutional Fights of the South to a footing in objections—of finding faults without offering any | by the Mexican law. I never raised a doubt upon | Senate to a very painful duty which | am con- | Mexico, we are told that we may safe! it is not | were many other orators who spoke on the cs y spol first or healing or salutary substitute for he measure which _ that point—that'slavery andjthe,slave trade had been | strained to perform, bat which | shail perform, | said, | admit, in terms, but it is so in effect—we | the ‘day of the convention. the territories, that presented by Mr. Soule, You oppose. ore abolished by the pre Bo power of Mexico in | nevertheless, let it yp wt what interpreta- may safely withdraw from the fulfilment of our They Seon harmonious and united in support thie hi * sey ay, - ‘ The Hon. Senator finds it objection to the | 1824, tion it may, here or elsewhere, | mean that of | obj tions, end leave these people to themselves to | of General Harrison for the Presidency. So were which ay, aed to oa aad embarrassments clause of prohibition. Ie tells us that there are | Mr. Ciay—Very well. contrasting the plan by the executive of | work out their own salvation and happiness as well | all the whigs of the country. They triu Lio td oy en. mu van Cpe his no police regulations there. There is slavery | Mr. Sovie—Therefore, so far as that goes, there | the United States i plan presented by the | as the: may. But where are the whigs of ‘t Rb i tae some brief remarks in reply to there, or there is not. If there is no slavery, there | cannot be a doubt in the mind of any one, that sia- | Committee of Thirteen;"aad if that executive has ‘ade what circumstances, if Congress were to | power; but not sufficiently united to retain power. ron -— but Ny an ona which indica- no want of police regulations ; if there be slavery, | very is abolished. a single friend here—(I do not mean exactly that, | adjourn without an adjustment of this territorial | ” "The Galphin question Was up before the House ct pe Meg fF re are police regulations existing already, and I | r. CLay—I spoke of the Senator as assaulting | because I feel myself to be a friend of the exeeu- | boundary question, without the establishment of | again to-day. Nr Toombs made a motion, which | foUghiy. row at mer n passed on toa ral imagine they will be found sufficient, or, if they | the opinion I entertained. tive, and most anxious to te with it alto- | territorial fovernments for Uinh and New Mexico, | enabled him to take the floor and deliver himself | wich hon cay ch ‘ompromise, as the only thing nase Rot 4 fon sufficient in the past, they | Mr. Soure—Not in the least. gether)—bot if there be a here who prefers | would be left the ipeople of New Mexico, east of | of the pent-up speech which was within him, in which has 1p Ranh at owl —? wi ne fow sl 5 veryt! a icient for that period of time Mr. C.ay—The Hon. Senator admits that slave- | the measure of the executive to that of the com- | the Rio del Norte, in this conflict with Texas! Sir, {tstification the conduct of and the allowance to and which, if Which is to elapse from the present down to the ry was abolished, but he contends that the right to | mittee, let him stand up here and meet me face to | | need not remind you of what agg De gy Am hn friend Crawford, the Secretary of War. He st hen followed a demonstration for which we formation of the States in the terntery. Get out carry slaves there was restored by the constitution | face upon the argument which | em about to offer. | of the settled purpose of dislike and insufle fumed, fretted, blustered d, at were not prepared, which, while it astonished the of that dilemma if You can. I repeat, if there is | of the United States. Well then, sit, if by the | Tehallenge the contrast and comparison which i | sntinathy existing pron, the part of the people of | raterand a quarter over, ‘The cine’ si ig taual Srante, and struck, the galesion with surpace ond slavery, there are police regulations ; if no slavery, | constitution of the United States, there is a right | am ebout to make here. Ri New Mexico towards Texas, disowning their au- | were justly due, and onght to have been paid. f imiration, seemed to fal JT be “{ no colige regulations are wanted on the part of every slaveholder in this country to | What is the plan of the President! In the first | thority, denying their ests, contravening the | The law passed through both houses of Congress, | hivceate ut the Peesne en ake Heer ae alae he aim of the committee in the introduction of | carry slaves into the said territories, what more | place, Mr. President, let me say, that it is most ap- | existence of their laws and right, and if they have ly and regularly, and the money. was advocate of the President on tl t this clause, (I believe I speak for every member of does he want? He talks about the statw quo. Why | parent that every of his country must be | the power todo tt, revolting against their authority. | Paid. and interest, lawfully and right | “yp ¢y ful duty, but still it—the honorable mover as well as others.) was the statu quo is precisely what I should suppose— | anxious that all our di Ities should be settled, | Yet all thisis to be let alone, and left to take care fully. Mr. Crawford's morality was of a far dif- ag “ee ~~ yng - simply this, to declare that the territorial legis- superndded to this state of things—would be what | that we may once more’testore concord and har: | of itself, by the plan of the President. ferent order from that of the gentleman from New | Shu? Prreident and dhe plan of the commitece, And he did it very distinetly and decisively, not at all stopping to mince matters, or to be mealy- mouthed, when words as =t as steel were needed, to penetrate the thiek, hard shell of the administration. The eer of his indictment against the executive it is not necessary to repeat ; but he did show up the deserted conditien of pre Mexico to be most deplorable and shamefal to the executive branch of this government; and the de- lature should haye power neither to admit nor ex- he would want, and yet he is not satisfied. We | mony to this country. Now, what is the plan of ‘That is not my conception of my duty asan | York who e clude slavery. That was our parpose—that was have foreborne to vosoqunapa to the Senate the | the sident 7 Twili describe it by a simile, ina | American le; Po It is my duty of statesman, pi hing ey | eS = Sane eerie our sole purpose ; and if the amendment does no Wilmey Proviso, and the whole plan of the com- | way which will not be easily misunderstood, Here to perform what we have promised to perform. colleagues in the cabinet of his interest in the claim accomplish that purpose, would it not be more con. mittee is silent upon that subject. Will he tell us | are five wounde—bleedi and threatening de- y duty tells me to extend to the people of Utah | they were to decide upon, but induced him to em- sistent with the spirit of that unity—with that de- now, in so many words, what he would put into an | struction to the country. hat is the plan of the | @ new empire, the beneht of the supreme authority an attorney to attend to the claim before them sire for settling these questions, which I hope ani- act of Congress, to satiafy himself upon the subject | President? To heal allfthosetwounds? No, sit;— | in which they participated, when they were a con- fe had no respect for that species of morality mates the Senator from Louisiana, to have moved of slavery! | should be extremely to know. | no such thing ;—it is to one only of the five, | stituent portion of the Kepuplic of Mexico, and | which inculcated the sentiment that Mesate Jobe. an amendment for the cecee of accomplishing Mr. Sovie—TI am ready to answer the Hon. Sena- | and leave the other four bleeding, even if it pro- | which, when they came to us, we promised to ex- | son and Meredith could have been swayed in theit the prohibition by the legislatures of the terri- passed; that is all that f want. 1 am willing to | duces death itself, I say five wounds are bleed- | tend to them. at is iy conensten of my duty, | official action, one way or another, by the know. tories from admitting or exeluding slavery, than to tor at once. | aim satisfied with this section if the | ing ; there ix California, the first; there are the | and I will undertake to do it. If | cannot, on ac: | ledge that Mr. Crawford hed a lat ; ] i . e interest in tone with which he looked round when he talk in the formidable way he has done, as if my amendment of my friend from Mississippi is to be | Territories, the second ; there is the question of the | count of the Wilmot proviso, or on account of any | the cla ra 4 fy : " n Tesolutions were lurking under that clatise, and as abide by this section, provided the amendment I | boundery of Texas, the thitd ; there is the Fugi- | other obsiacles which may be thrown in ny. Way, oman te aiken Hie Giended ot the contient Challenged amy rend ofthe President's plan to get if that clause meant to assert some new abd dan- have sustained this morning be carried. I would | tive Slave bill, the fourth there he question of | T shall net have swerved from my duty, bat I shall | fully justifying the conduct of Me. Crawford in the | oa eo i ce mich itd defend it, was gerous principle 7 be fully satis asl would be satisfied with all | Sievery ia the District of Columbia, fifth. The | stond acquitted in the sight of God, and in my own | whole transaction, and he would thea see how far sake be confined to the colamne epee) veager Then the honorable gentleman objects to the the other provisions of the bill, provided important | President proposes—inatead of a plan comprehend- | conscience. 1 shall be irreproachable for havi the morality laid’ down by that gentleman from tthe bic), but let some on he ot tuned Clause interdicting the slave trade in the District. | and reasonable amendments be made to them. | ing all the diseases of the country—a plan which deliberately neglected to fulfil, or attempt, went New York would be susteined. Ae for the whig aay Bente, cbeaare “ae 7, ant He objects to that on two accounts, Inthe first | That is the position T hold. locks ¢ place, the report of the committee does not affirm Mr. Ciay—1 am happy to find that there are some that there is no constitutional power in Congress to hopes yet left of getting the aid of the Hon. Sena- pass laws upon the subject of slavery in this Dis- tor from Louisiena for this measure, for | had de- trict. And what is the state of opinion in the spaired of it. I really thought, from the course of country and in the Senate upon this subject?’ A his argement, and the manner in which he treated large portion of the Senate beliewe that Congreas every proposition in the bill, that with him it was a possesses power to abolish slavery in the Listriet; gone case—that he was hopelessly lost to us, and yat one and recommends, it is trae, but | believed to be the right kind of action for applyi ‘sustain yendation does not embrace the fogitive | q remedy to the ews which the country, 4” 4 fie Gruen if secre te lear lan ‘rawford ot the district billbut he recommends | pnder. While the President's plan is confined toa | was governed, no one would pray more fervently * to remain untouched, to cure thems | single measure, leaving untouched the governments | for them to fall thon he would. lew of nature, or some operation | of Utwh and New Mexico—leaving the whole These are not his exact words, bot they consti- Mr. oo wound up with one of the most imp is sioned and earnest sppeals for the support of the compromy ll, Which he has ever made in the Senate. ising superior to the infirmities of age, he seemed to be, for the time, re-imbued with t vigor, the power and the enthusiasm of youth, superadded to the solidity of manhood and the selves by & wioch he does not deign to disclose question in respect to them unsettled, and those | tute the gist of what he uttered. So the whigs of will have to do, if | hove seen, with surprise and regret—persis | territories unprovided for—leaving the boundary | the H ‘wi the: ence —for so | om compelled, painfully, to regard | herween New Mexico and Texas open—one of the they would prevent’ bir. teow from praying for ti . f three score and ten, Never have another large portion believew that it has no suck | fething could reconcile him to the scheme ot the | \rvitcn the chict magistrate of the country, in his | most threatening questions that now present them- pecegay A n. Never have we Fhow does the honorable Senatorexpect committee. Now | should like to know what other | own peculiar plan. I think, ina spint of compro- | selves to ae counnry, he also leaves unsettled, i: or will hep sean? ome Ives to avert his rat we) a ani an nee ya "The to arrive at a compromise, in which one of these Jaw—what else he wishes upon the subject of | wise, the President ought to have come to us, and | of has failed to recommend any plan of settlement atened prayer? Nous Verrons. ch of Mr. Soule had operated power fi fly ~~ nions shall be made to triumph over the other! slavery, besides the paramount law of the constitu | 11 we to him. What was his plon? Che admie- | or accommodetion of the important and ititating r. Conger, of New York, followed Mr. Tombs, Senate. Ite eflect was clearly visible, aad che How does he expect Senators, who think that tion of the United Stotes, sien of Celifornia, We were willing to admit | question of fugitive slaves. end assured ‘that gentleman that if he thooght | necessity was imperative to dissimte that edicet he the power exists to prohibit slovery in the District, | Mr. Sori.e—Protection. Colifernia, end it comprises part of the general | "| repeat it. Let him who can, stand up here and | {hat Mr. Brooks was alone on that side of diverting the reflections of. Senators ini ‘con ‘o plunge their hands into the inmost recesses, Mr. Cray —Dioes it not now afford you protection? | schene which we have offered to the country. In | te} the country and satisfy his own conscience, the House in the sentiments he had avowed, he | chennels. Senators into other weir souls and drag out the conv ym thatis | Mr. Sccie—It dor not afford us that protection | the epirit ot compromise, whieh, I tra does, and | when the whole country is crying for Peace, when | would find his mistake to be a great one. For The whole result satisfi planted there? If he wants a compromise, he must that we s We want the assertion of out right. | which | know onght to animate both ends of Penn- | jt ts imploring its rulers to bring quiet tard repose to. | 1 endomed every Word uttered by Mr. | the nenmomienmthe Jrod hon pweudesd take it without asking « surrender of opinion om | Mr. Ciay—Will the Hon. Senator be satisfied if | vylvana avenue, we had @ fight to suppose the | ite dietracted members—let fim tell the whole et ppg as against the conduct of Mr. Craw: ate Teabet or (hie erat at all, are. exc T one vide or the other. If he does not want @ the clanse be stricken out! exeentive would be satisfied. We went us far as | country—not through the columns of a new: T, | ford: and he went still farther, and w ai the pro- | President's recent ofticial declarations tate Rep i con ise if he wants the conflicts of the | Mr. Sovin—[ shall be satisfied with the clanse, | he went, but thought he did not go far enough to | but in is place here in the Senate, that the plan, a# | per time, if he could vropose-ot | lic appear to have rendered Mr. Clay desponim county to continue end these distractions to be | with the Ament of the Senator from Miss. heel all the wounds of the country, and therefore | proposed by the Executive authority, is auch a support a resolution wet of Mt. | for the whole tone of his speech, touday, was that ct nerrneed oF aggravated, then let him inpist that Mr. Ciay—Thet amendment, the Senator knows, | oflered him our measures to close up the four tes | ge ie demanded by the necessities of the » | Crawford, the Secret Watker, | despondency—so different from his Y etbedeaio Senstors shall surrender the opinions | we cannot gree to. It assumes a fact, the exist: ing wounds. I think, im that spirit of peace ncies of the present crisis. 1 be | Secretary of the Treesury, M hit holds to the other class [thought the com- | ence of which I deny. Th apsemen the fact that sod concord which ‘ought to animate the different Giotto heal that mea whe pop nd ieularly Mr. Joh mutter were, opon that subject as amigable as | there is slavery there now, and I say there is none, | devarimente of the government, the President | Case, and when I at satisfied of it, 1 shall I. Tie, by ho ineaus, held confidence when his report was made to the Senate. But the end is not yet. ee shall ove tights tonee Deny Weeks are over. that the