The New York Herald Newspaper, June 26, 1849, Page 2

a The Frankfort Asse y—The Berlin Con. | ference= the German Confederation, (From the London ‘times, June 4} The Frankfort Assembly hus ceased to exist by the final vote of tts few remaining members, whic! transferred the seut of its ulterior proceedings to Stutgard, where 1t will probubly become the nucleus of the republican movement already raging in Ba- den andthe Pulatinate. The presence of such a body in_ the capital of Wurtemberg, will scarcely be found to be consistent with the duration ef that monarchy. Atthe very same moment when the Frankfort Assembly has taken this last decisive step, the gevermnents of Prussia, Hanover, and | Saxovy, have promulgated the consututional | Jeague to which they invite the assent of the other Sues of Germany, and we have now before us the result of the strange, and we must say tortuous, roceedings of the cabinet of Berlin. Iris not the Fit ume, butthe third tume since the commence- ment of the revolution, that we have had occasion to deplore with amazement the irresolution and in- ¥ consistency with which the King of Prussia has thrown away his cause, at the very moment he seemed to have won the game. In March, 1348, wheu his troops nad just made good their as- eendancy over the mob, by their discipline and valor, the King gave in at the last mo- ment, withdrew the rorces, and acceded to those fatal conditions which made Berlin a scene of anarchy tor eight months. In November, 1843, a coup @’état was tied, aud with complete success ; butno sooner had the Crown restored order to the capital and authority to the government, than it threw away these advantages by promulgating a@constiiution so absurd and impracticable, that d not been in operation three weeks before it me necessury to resort to anether coup d’état to save the State. That, too, sueceeded ; thearmy and the landwehr behaved nobly ; the excesses of the republicans were revolung to the middle classes ; the Franktort consutauon and the Frank- fort Assembly were rapidly failing into deserved contempt, when we are suddenly apprised that the conferences at Berlin have led to no result but the adoption of a scheme obnoxious to nearly all the objections which had been urged against the Frank- ort coustituuon, If the King of Prussta is pre- pared to urge this plan on the acceptance of his confederates, with the sole concurrence of Hano- ver and Saxony, we are enurely ata loss to com- | prehend his motive tor a peremptory rejection of | the Imperial Crown, when oflered ‘to him by the Frankfort democrats aud 23 minor States. ‘For, without descending into the minute Ciflereaces which distinguished the two propositions, they are identical in four esseutiul porats—th xclusion of Austria, the permanent headship of Prassia, the division of the rest of Germany, and the introduc- tion ofa form of goverument based on universal sufirage, and, as we believe, practicaliy impossi- je. ‘The immediate result of this proposal is to divide the Germunic contederation into three, aad possibly into four, paris—Austria, to whivh uo allusioa 1s made in the project, and which we willassume, f argument’s sake, to surrender her ancient position among the German States; Prussia, at the hi 3 this council of princes and federal league of me- diatized sovereigns; and the republicans, who are actually in possession of two or three Stites in southern. mmany, and who will doubtless seize every pretenee to reject this or any other constitu- tion emanating trom the diplomatists of Berlin. ‘To these three sections may be added Bavaria, which is now sorely pressed between euch extreme. She withholds her assent from the Prussian plan, and nothing but the lust extremities of compulsion will auduce the crowned representative of the Catholic house of Wittelsbach to surrrender his di- minished sovereignty to the representative of the Protestant house ef Hohenzollern. But, on the other hand, Bavaria already sees her Rhenish pro- vince occupied by a republican provisional govern- ment. and it is not improbabis that the Franconian portion ef her domimions may accep: the Prussian scheme. At any other moment, the natural policy of Bavaria would have been a close alliance with Austria, and that is a course she may still possibly adopt; but the support the court of Vieana can now give to the eourt of Munich is extremely fee- ble. Bavaria muy, it is true, stand aloof like Aus tria from the new league, adhering only to the obligations ef 1815, but this suggestion is obviously illusory, since the diet of the old confederation has ceased to exist, and incessant attempts will be made by the new body or empire to absorb those states and provinces ica repudiate its authority. ‘The unity of Germany in this form, and by these means, implies the severance of the Germanic con- federation into three or four parts, which can only be annexed or subdued by force of arms, and such acombination must necessarily commence by a join, The three & roments r ise as sa, sisting in their plenary integrity the reciprocal mahieead dunes resulting from the federal arrange- ment of 1815, and profess an intention to fullil those duties, and insist upon nights, towards such states (if any) as shall not think proper to ac- cede to the new union they pro, 10 engraft upon it. This is consistent with the line which the Prussian government has constantly matotained ever since the accession to office of the Branden- burg administration. Denying the pretensions of the Frankfort convention to treat the confederation as dissolved, and to impose a unitary constitution, issuing directly from the, peflar will, upoa the whole German nation, with or without the asseat of the existing governments, it has always cou- tended for the right of individual States, or greups of States, within the federal circle, to enter into such. combinations as they might deem expedient, consistently with the general principles oa which the confederation was based, and the objects for which it was created. Whether this view 1s cor- rect, or the contrary, it is not for us to determine. The substantial question is, whether the ciream- stances of Germauy are such as to justify the pro- posed modification, and whether the scheme itself is hkely to meet the requirements with a view to which it has been framed. And a very grave question itis; for it is clear that this new crystal- lization within the exterior surface of the iederal system, it partial and local in its operation, must very materially weaken, and may, perhaps, burst quite asunder the federal ligament which the three goverrments profess themselves desirous to pre- serve. If the new body politic shall embrace some States, and not others—if it shali bind together the North by a bond from which Franconia and Suabia are excluded—if it shall inter: Germany by new lines of demarcation, stretching southwards from Bayreuth, or eastwards irom the Nhine—ihe unity ef the confederation is in eflect destroyed. From the brief but caretul oat!ine furnished yes- terday by our Berlin correspondeat, it will have been perceived that the project, though coinciding, as we mentioned above, in its principal features, with that elaborated at Franktort, ditters from the latter in some particulars of no trivial importance. The powers of government, instead of being cen- tred in the King of Prussia alone, are to be shared by a Fursten-collegiuen, or royal board of six mem. bers, associated under, his presideacy, and com- posed of the reigning princes, the minor sovereigns voting by their representatives, and enjoying an in- fluence proportioned to the extent of their territo- ries. This board, besides acting as an executive council, will form a third legislative chamber, with an absolute veto on the decisions of the two others; whilsta like absolute veto, in place of tae suspeasive one offerea by the l’rankfort constitutionalists, 1s re- served to th ia, In his capacity of Pre- sidentor 1D: smipire. The Xiag is also to possess a casting vote as Chairman of the Royal Board, so that in the event of any disagreement between the uthern and Northern States, the influence of the latter wii iuvariably preponderate.. ‘The individual! governments are lelt to dispose of 3 military forces in time of peace, subject, to the right conferred upon the central power ef preservatioa of order. ated in terms, but the ated in effeet by au apportion- ment of the representation which seeures the pri- vilege of electing two-thirds of the deputies to the upper and middle classes, leaving only one-third to be chosen by the indigent majority of the popa- lation, We entertain very grave doubts whether this very complicated prece of mechanism can ever be completed in working order. We question te wisdom of attempting to change a coatederati into a State, by simply attaching the proper mact: nery of the one to the proper machinery of the other. The objections which we have more than once urged against the project of a general popular representation for Germany apply, df course, with equal force of the modific :tion of it adopted by the Berlin Conference, and they are rather heightened than removed by the artilicial system of checks by which it is proposed to counteract the influence of the representative body, But we must, at the same time, own that we do not think ourselves at liberty to disregard altogether the strong, if not unanimous, feeling in favor of this very unpro- Mising experiment which exists amongst the great majority of the German people. Whilst we criticise the work of the three governments, we must not forget the heavy and imuluplied responsibili- ties of their position, and the difficulty of the task they had, rightly in our judgment, undertaken to perform, Germany is still calling aloud for unity, as the only escape from the chaos of hopeless anarchy and disorder. ‘Uhe ery may be rational or partial, if not a general, struggle for ascendancy and independence. The world has now had some experience of Ger- man popular assemblies, and we have no reason to suppose that the Diet of the new league will differ materially from those which have preceded it. ‘Tae basis of hia Jegislative power 1s universal suffrage, masked by the subterfuge of indirect election; and it would be absurd to anticipate, in the present state of Western Germany, any assembly returned in this manner which should not be of the most de- mocratic character. The Senate, of which half 1s to be named by the governments and half by the people and the executive council of princes, would at once find itselt in direct opposition to this popular body, and the constitution could only be set in mo- tion by subverting one or the other of these conflict- ing elements. ‘The continental imitations of British institutions have, uniuckily, always lost sight of two essential conditions of our system; the first is, that the constitution of this country works by the union of the three powers, and not by their oppo- sition, so that we seck to avoid a Collision be- tween the two Houses, or between Parliament and the Crown, by continual caution, and by ecca- sional sacrifices; the second is, that the Parlia- ment of England scrupulously abstains, by its own good sense and traditions, from eacroaching upoa the duties of the Executive government. ‘he tendency of the modern demooratic assemblies of the continent, is to tolerate no division of power, to crush all external resistance, and to convert the ministers of the state into mere servants of a convention. We see no reason to hope that the next German legislative body or Diet will be free trom these dangerous misconceptions. The King of Prussia has been accused, by a great authority, ofan underhand design to secure for himseif, by force and cunning, that ascendancy in Germany which he rejected when it_was proflered to him by the democracy of Frankfort. We are extremely reluctant to entertain so base an opinion of his conduct and motives, for although he has contiaus Wy been wanting in firmness and judg- quent, we have placed coutidence in his rectitude and honor, We trust, therefore, that a full expla- nation will be given of the reasons which justify the adoption of this scheme, with the assent of Hanover and Saxony only, after the Court of Ber- lin had made the most solemn asseveratu that it would act with the concurrence of. all the Ger- man Princes, and after the declarations recently repeated, that it adhered, in conjunction with Aus- tria, to the principles of union established in 1315. If the result of this League be to constitute a powerful and united Germany, able to put down anarchy at home and to mainiam a proad position in Europe, it would ill become the statesmen or public writers of this country to disparage so great and obvious a benefit to the ‘cause of peace aad of freedom; nor are we called upon to participate in the feelings of those Sovereigns who may sacrifice their own political existence and the inheritance of their race to the welfare of their common couatry, an the fond belief that her greatness and her glory will compensate them for all. If these things are to be, ihe aygrandizement of one house and the decline of «nother may be re- arded us matters of secondary concern to England, and arts of the vicissitudes of these times, however we my despise the ambition urational. To some extent, we believe itto be but a symptom of a transitory fever fit, the offspring of a morbid and temporary agitation. But it is not, ye repeat, altogether factitious and unreal. There are impulses at work which it would be the ex- tremity of short-sighted folly to dream of sufling and crushing by the iron weight of military coer- cion. Coerce the populace if you must—but pacify the people. And pacified the German people will not be, until their federal constitution shall have been transtormed into a Shape more comformable to what they believe to be the normal state of the nation. Now, a German constitution, be it federal or be it national, cannot possibly be a very simple affair after all. We never yet heard of a good working constitution, that was not more or less _in- tricate ; and we shall not be at ull surprised if it should turn out that, to conciliate interests so diverse, so powerful, and in many respects so con- flicting, requires an intricacy of arrangement through which an English observer may be una- ble to see his way. We may entertain serious misgivings as to the success of this or any other plan which may be devised for the removal of ob- stacles apparently insurmountable. We may shrewdly suspect that the normal state of Germany, if she have not already attained it, is something very different from that which the three Kings ima- gine. But we do not think it necessary to impute to the Government of Prussia inconsistency or selfish duplicity for adopting a scheme of union which, after all, assigns to that power no greater preponderance than she must necessarily and una- oy possess in any system of States from which Austria 1s excluded. To restore the old confederation in its pristine form would be impossible, and to attempt to do se, worse than useless. Should the endeavor to tighten the hoop in one place cause the frame- work to start in another—should the southwestern States, clinging to the relicts of their Frankfort convention, now on the point of migrating to Stut- gardt, determine to group themselves round a dis- tinct neuclus of their own—we should lament a disruption which we may, nevertheless, see no meuangof preventing. But it is not by denying the principle of a national representation that Prussia would have conciliated either the democrats or the moderate liberals of Suabia and the South; nor would she, we believe, have won their adhesioa by surrendering that hegemony to which her vast resources justly entitle her. Not insensible to the increased influence which Russia must inevitably derive from the unfortunate conjuncture of cir- cumstances which has thrown Austria into her arms, we are fully alive to the reasons which ren- der the union and internal pacification of Germany at this moment peculiarly desirable. If the Ger- man States cannot combine with Austria, they must combine without her. And should the time arrive, as we trust it will, when the ancient Em- pire, with recruited powers and consolidated strength, shall be enabled to follow the bent of her natural policy, and to seek in the West that sup- ort which it is the interest of the West to afford er, we do not abandon the hope that she may, hereafter, find it in a close and indissoluble con- nection with a free and united Germany. The Poles in Hungar, [From the London Post, June which has wrought in «0 questionable a garb. But we can discover nothing in the project now before us to justify these lofty hopes. It appears to us to tend to disunion and civil war, rather than to unity and peace; and, under the long-desired forms of | constitutional government, it once more evokes | and enthrones the evil powers of uncontrolled de- mocracy and anarchy. Possibly, however, the worst of these consequences may not be immediate; by great ability they way perhaps be avoided; and im the present state of Germany some good will be done if the publie mind is fora time calmed and | satisfied, and if Prussia be enabled to take vigor- ous military measures to quell the revolution which is spreading with frightful rapidity in the south- ‘western States. [From the London Chroniele, June 6 ) The deliberations of the Kerlin Conlerence have termunated, as our readers are aware, in a proposi-+ tion, emanating from the three governments of Prussia, Saxony, und Hanover, for the formauon of league, or federal State, upon a busis closely resembling that of the const sl scheme drawa up by Dahimann, Gervane wi their cotlergaes, | ip the spring of Jast vent. Artie | the other parties to ue, Cou ond Uevaria, | 3 ree ite HOt part wa, the Austrian plenipotentivry, vader wise presidency the proceedings were opened, appears to have re tired from them very soon alterwards, those pro- umed a shape which ation of Austria, and teduced her shure in the transaction to a passive aeguiescence. The Coort of Munich suspends its adhesion, which it has the strongest reasons for desiring to withhold, and which it is, indeed, not authorized to bestow without the sanction of the focal Legislature, the torm and practice of constitu- tional government having survived in Bavaria unimpaired «nd wornterrupted—the convulsions which have subj 1 the of Germany to the alternate extremes of anarehy and military despe- aism. At present, then, we have, as the result of the eonference, a league between the three Northern powers, which the other members of the German confederation are solicited, but not required, to | getic auxiliaries. Affairs in Hungary have already assumed an as- pect which, while it fully justities our receat ob- servations on the war in that country, illustrates the danger of an alliance with Polish propagandism§ When anarchy and rebellion are to be tomented— when order 18 to be attacked and law detied—the errant Poles are invaluable counsellors and ener- ies. But when any hope appears of returning peace—ot adjusted misunderstandings and restored authority—the spirit of these would-be heroes displays itself in bitter hostility to all that can tend to the welfare of society. The Hunga- rians labored under some local grievances, which the government of Ausiria might easily have been induced to remove. But revolution had been busy in the world, and their restless neighbors seized upon the jopportunity for mischief. Some teen thousand of thesezdesperadoes, led by men more wicked than themselves, entered upon a terri- tory with which they had nothing to do, and appear- ed in arms for « cause with which they had no con- cern. Were cae “employed,” as we have been told he they were, by the dissatisfied Hungarians? If go, surely those Who availed themselves of their services have'n right to diepense with them «0 soon as they we no gerrequited with pertect safery that the how truly they are, In this ease, Lie eciolo. ther than the personsemployed. The tungari contempluting the advance of an overwhelming force, so distributed and so led as to leave no doubt of the speedy success of the imperial cause, have very judiciously taken into consideration terms of submission. No sooner, however, has this idea been suggested by those who have au exclusively Jegitimate interest in the issue, than their Polish alles have pronounced their emphatie veto. Itis by no means in accordance with the humor or the aspirations of there zealots for humun freedom, that Hungary should decide in her own affairs. Hungarion liberty, in their sense, means Polish dictotion, A schism, therefore, has risen in the councils of the insurrection, Kossuth and the Hongarnanes inclined to peace—the * vou of Bem and his Polish hordes “is sul for wa This, however deeply to be lamented, is nothing wonderful. ‘The natives of Hungary have every- thing to hope frewe Cro resestablishment of order; their dictatorial auxiliaries desire nothing so much as confusion. Nothing, in short, stands between Hungary and an honorable and highly advantageous peace, except the firebrands whom they have un- polly admitted into their armies. The fact which we have thus announced is of gre at importance to Eurepe. The Russian Awny of Intervention The following details, contained in a fetter feom Silesia, addressed to the Berlin Constirwcionelle, approach nearer to the truth than any previous communications upon this subject, und th merit attention :— Up to the present day (June 1) the troops upon the right flank (Kussian), which is united with the lett flank (Austrian wing) vy Headis and thence to Tyimau, does not exceed 15,00) intaatry, 4,000 cavalry, and 43 field pivees. A corps of 36,000 intantry, 7,00) cavalry, and 96 field pieces, whieh debouched by Cracow, is coucentrating near Lar- danow, on the Skawa (one of the passes mio ELap- gary from Gullicia.) A corps of 49,009 ise, of which 6,000 wre cavalry, with 104 field-preces, have advanced by Brody and Lemberg, upon the Care athian passes, leading to Kashau and, Eperies, Jeither of the two lust mentioned corps had, up to the latest accounts, penetrated into Muagary. Their advances, consisting of Cossacks, are pushed: up to the pusses, h orders to avoid partial encoun- ters. In the course of this week, the second, third und fourth corps will follow; thus making a, tota of 160,000 meu, with 320 field-pieces, lusive of the grand reserves and communicating detach- ments, intended to act either iu combination with the Austrian army, or independently upon the right flank of the Hungarians. A corps @’armée, of trom ty to fifty thousand mea, is advanciug upoa snsylvania, end will thus prevent Bem from as- i main body of Hungarians on the right band of the ‘Theyss. ‘This operation will enabie Puchner to man@uyre inthe directionof Lemeswar. ‘The Ist Kussian army corps is couceatrated round Kalisch watching the Prussiaa Posen froatiwr; waist the corps of yrenadiers, commanded by the Grand Duke Michel, is steadily advaneing upon Warsaw. ‘The guards, under the Czarowitch, have left Pe- tersburg, and are moving down in the direction of the trontier. ‘The total force pat in mevemeat, and destined to take an duimediate shire ia Ul operations, may be calculated at 200,000 infantry, 30,000 cavalry, and upwards of: field piec The grand point of concentration is, and will b Warsaw, where immense depots and magaziues of ammunition and military stores of all kinds are ted, and will be daily augmented. Similir depots are being formed in (epee and at Teraow. Tne halt-ruined palace of Kasimur the Great, avout three miles distant from Cracow, 18 converted into a powder magazine, Where enormous quantities of powder, projectiles, and cartridges, have already arrived. The churches and convents of the vier nity are likewise converted into magazines tor commissariat stores, of which immense quantities, such as flour, rye, oats, and biscuit arrive hourl. either by rail of ordinary land carriage. It is eal- culated that the daily arrivals exceed 7,000 ewt. Magazines, to an extent exceeding all ordinary belief, and such only as Russia can bring ‘together, will be established at Cra- cow. The hospital preparations are upon the same immense scale. The great nunaeries of Swiercynées and Wyzykli, with the Carmelite and Franciscan monasteries, have been converted into hospitals, while the medical officers are aci vely engaged in providing, with every possible requi- site, for the reception of from 2,500 to 3,000 sick or wounded. Hospitals are also preparing in all the Rrra Gaile eons The 2d corps d’urmée (28,000 men) will pass by Cracow to-morrow or next day. ‘The corps march in masses, and either biyouac or occupy contiguous cantonments. No- thing is decided as to the exact period when the Russian corps will make their simultaneous en- try into Hungary. This operation cannot com- mence until the whole of the concentrations have been effected, the reserves arrived at their desti- nation, and the magazines complete, especially those of the artillery, reckoned at a minimum of 500 rounds per gun. When these operations com- mence, they will take place simultaneously by Hradisch, Jablunka, and Jurdanow on the right; by Seypush-Neumarkt and Dukba on the centre ; and by the passes into Transylvania on the left.— But so strictly secret are all plans and projects maintained, that the Russian generals themselves receive sealed orders, not extending beyond two or three days’ operations. The whole of the corps are admirably equipped, and in the most effective state for field duty. The infantry, sua-burnt sol- dier-like looking men, are all good-sized, and per- fectly, although somewhat Brevity, clothed and armed. |The Prussian helmet has been adopted.— The artillery is remarkable for its efficacy and ra- pid manwuvring. This force, as well as the cavalry, is beautifully horsed, and in a state ot discipline and martial steadiness not to be sur- assed. The 12-pounder batieries,drawn by eight lorses, move with the celerity of the ordinary sixes. In short, the whole of the troope, horse and foot, may be taken as military models, and afford striking proofs of the talents of the Minister of War, Prince Czernichef, for military organization. The Russian troops appear to have progressed a century since the close of the last war. Nothing can exceed the perfection and regularity of the discipline, or the soldierlixe Srusarange of the men even when off duty. With few exceptions, they are old soldiers, accustomed to long marches, 10 carry heavy loads, and to a diet at which, pe: haps, delicate stomachs might teel squeamish. Their clothing is excellent and well fitted, and their large great coats most useful, though perhaps cumbersome. The greater part, however, are still armed with flint lock muskets. The formations are nearly as follows:—An army corps consists of 12 regiments of two battalions (each of 1,000 men), | man expedition, which that the forces of the State would prove too strong for them, and unquertionably the leaders of the party did not dare to give the signal ofa revolution, | whose only chance of suceess lay inthe momen- | panic of their Opponents. ‘Fortunately that poni@ Was not of long duration; the Assemly itself sectued exhausted by its owa viclenee; te fuads portially recovered from their suddea and eaor- nOus depression; and alihough the pulse of the na- tion beat for mauy days with # feverish and cou- vulsive throb, the passage was efivcted without a | positive catastrophe. ‘This being the ease, | inedigtedanger has subsided, New perils will end the fermer perils wul revive in new, t het unforeseen positions; but at p storm has blown over. An Assembly just enter- | tog upon the digaity and. the profits of its new cubes, 18 in a very different mood. from. the, lute Conetutuent body, exhausied with the labors id contiets of the past year, or infuriated by en expulsion which reduces misay of its meme bers to beggary; and the noyelly of is power is for atime a guranty against any flagrant abuse oft. The danger of insurretion will. probanly not be renewed until the minority tiads itself driven, to eppeal for support to the party which is stil organizing itself with increased skul and activity cutof doors, At present all looks fair eaoah. The wwo-thirds of the Assembly which assume the coll h ellation of the moderate party, and even ia the chowe of tie Presidents of the bureaux, or standing committees, the result has been precisely what it might have been inthe Chamber of Deputies, 12 out of the 1 bureaux havi what would have been called conservative members, ‘The new: ministry. | will probubly pe formed on the sume prinespie and | of the same class of men. The toreiga aad do- | mestic difficulties of the republic ave so argeat, | that whatever cabinet be formed must be prepared | todeal with them vigorously ; aad it © | forgotten that ral Cavaignae aad his fi | hav ady orded their opinions against tae | intervention at Rome, and their uadisguised hos ility to the Russian advance. At home, with ference to the political associations aad the pre: still preater diflerences will foreign question is, however, | sents itself. The ambiguous character of th | maintained by the | government as long as the Constituent Assembly was in existence, has now been dispelled by the protest of the Papal Nuncio at Paris, aud by the | disavowal of M. Lesseps? negotiation with the | | | < Roman Triumvirate. The whole expeditioa is one of those untoward in which success or defeat are almost equally embarrassing. _ It 1s impossible to withdraw the forces without being laughed at by the worst soldiers in Europe; it 1s tinpossible to. re- main another fortnight in their present quarters without exposing the whole army to perish by ma- laria; and even in Rome it is probable that the troops will be decimated by the unhealthiness, of the season and the spot. The consequences which these occurrences are likely to produce oa the d9- liberations of the French Assembly, and the lan- guage in which they will be described in the -resident’s expected message, are not very easy to be foreseen, As tar as this country is con- cerned, we congratulate Lord Palmerston on the decisive advantage which he and the British name derive from the policy of non-intervention in the only instance in which he has adhered to it; for the greatest compensation we have to boast of for the failure of our pelicy in Sicily, Lombardy, Den- mark, and elsewhere, is, that no British forces, British officers, or British diplomatists are partici- pating in the folly and embarrassment of the inter- vention at Rome. Scenes in the French Legislative Assembly, Sittine or June 5, M. Durin, sen., the President, took the chair ata quar- ter past one. ‘The conclusions of the bureau, on the returns for the Loiet-Garonne, were put to the vote and validated, and all the members who had been returned admitted. ‘The order of the day was interpellations, to be ad- rested to the government, relative to the dissolution of the National Guard of Chilons sur-Sadne, M. Menant entered into some details of the circam- stances connected with the election at Chilons-sur- Sadne, maintaining that nothing had occurred which could justly attract the attention of the authoriti Some assemblages of young lads and boys had taken place, and ared flag had been displayed; the whole proceedings, however, would have died away of them- selves, had not the military been sent to interfero. This interference had called forth opposition on the Part of the population: and there had arisen some acts of violence. ‘he Hotel de Ville had been entered by the troops, who had acted like the Alguazils of the St. Hermandad. (Laughter.) ‘The National Guard, seoing that the population were most peaceably inclined, saw no reason to imitate the conduct of the agents of the public authority and the troops, and allowed the tran- quillity to be restored almost of itself. But the govern- ment was not pleased at such a mode of terminating the matter; and, on the 24th, came an order to dissolve that body. This conduct appeared to the population 80 despotic, that 88 officers of the National Guard. out of 90, had protested against what had been done; whilst 27 members of the municipal council, on their part, had protested against the invasion of the Hotel de Ville by the troops. But the real motive of the con- duct of the government was this, that the department of the Sudne-et-Loire had returned membera to the Legislative Assembly, who were not of the opinion of the majority of the House (Oh, Oh!) Wasit, he would ask, © moment to dissolve the National Guard of s town like Chilons-sur-Sadne, when the Rus- sions were ready to knock at the gates of the country? (Laughter) He considered it his duty to direct the attention of the Assembly to the con- duct of the government, and he hoped a severe blame would be expressed against it. (Applause on the Left.) M, Lyon Favcner ascended the tribune at one side, whilst M, Lacrosse went up the steps at the other. The latter gentleman gave way. M. Leon Faucher said that asthe dissolution of the National Guard of Chilons- sur-Sadne was one of the last acts of his administra- 36 squadrons (150 subres each), 12 batteries (3 guns each), a buttalion of rifles, a battalion of sap- pers, and a pontoon train; forming a total of 26,000 infantry, 5,000 subres, and about 2,000 artillery, or a grand total of from 32,000 to 33,009 mea. The reserves are composed of the 2d and 4th battalion of each infantry, and the 5th and Gh squadron of each cavalry regiment. The troops carry with then three days’ biscuits or meal in their havresacks, and four days’ more follow in the rear. ‘The latter is replenished, so as to keep up the full amount of the first as fast as it is consumed. Taking the whole as a grand military force, 1t cannot be sur- passed for efficiency, readiness, and independent unlity. The honor of having established this effi- ciency must be divided between Prince Czerni- chet and the wperor, The most perfect cor- diality exists between the Russian and Austrian soldiers of all ranks, trom high to low. There is not a word of truth in the reports circulated of ea- fe smemevetrere the Russians and Hungarians. Jp to a recent day such encounters have been im- possible, as the respective advanced guards have not come in sight of each other, unless it may have been a few patrols of Cossacks, ordered to feel the ground. The Late and Present French Assembly. Prom the London ‘Times, Jane 2 ] Whatever may be the uncertainty which atill en- shrouds the proceedings of the French Legislative Assembly, the fears which have accompanied its birth, the suspected violence of ite character, and the burlesque absurdity of its first ejaculations, it has, at least, the reat merit of having superseded an unpleasant and intractable predecessor. Public justice has been done upon no less than 6382 mem- bers of the late Constituent body; for although some have been exelnded from the legislature, by the acceptance of other functions, and 150 members have disappeared by the reduction of the whole number trom 900 to 750, yet it is to be remarked that the entire race of adventurous politicians, by whom and for whem the revolution of February was specially effeeted, have been swept from the scene, not so much by the triumph of their oppo- nents as by the contempt of the nation. ‘The on these men have received deseryes to be a me: v nora- ble one. They made a revolution wh has cost France thousands ef lives, millions ot revenue, and yeurs of prosperity—they convulsed Europ —they overturned monarchies—they threatened society— they have bequeathed tous the chances of war—and all this has been done for some 15 months’ purchase of power. The eloquence of Lamurtine, the eunain and the ostentation of Marrast, the financia f Garnier Pages and Goudchaux, the fore icy bs ‘seditious tion, as Minister of the Interior, he thought it necessa- ry to come forward and explain what had really taken place; and first,he must protest, in the most formal manner, against the imputation of the honorable g tleman who had just spoken, that the government had shown undue severity against the National Guard of Chilons-sur-Saéne, because the members returned re not of the moderate party The government, when it had determined on the dissolution of that body, could not know anything of the result of the elections in the department. But toshow how mattera had really passed at Chalons-sur-Sadue, he would ask permission to read to the Assembly the report of the pretect of the department. (Hear, hear.) [he hono- dable gentleman then read the document in question, from which it appeared that a red flag bad been dis- played as a railying-sign, and had been attached to a tree of liberty; that the agents of the authorities, who had been sent to remove it. had been ill-treated ; and that, when the National Guard had been applied to, to support the agents, the colonel seut back » formal re- fusal to stir, He (M. Leon Faucher) on the receipt of the report, had at once laid the matter before the coun- cil, and the dissolution was at once pronounced He could a:k with contidence, was not such a mark of dis- approbation loudly culled for? (Hear. hear.) Wasnot the display of the red flag an act of decided illegality ? Was it not the negation of the principles set forth in the constitution? The government, besides, felt that if such conduct was to pass unnoticed, it would only be an encouragement to other loculities to act in a si- milar manner, He believed, in his conscience, that the decision of the government had been a wise one, and be accepted the entire responsibility of it. (Hear, M. Menant repeated his former assertions, cluded by recommending the government to at once reconstitute the National Guard, of whose dissolution be complained. M Lacrosse, the Minister of Public Works, replied that the government was but little inclined to ac: or follow the honorable gentleman's counsels. was but one lega! flag, and that was the tri-colo any other, be it red or be it white, was illegal, beeat The government had nothing whatever to reproach itself with in the dissolution of the Natloual Guard of Chalons-sur-Saone, and ict left with co: dence the appreciation of its conduct to the judgm of the assembly. (Hear, hear.) DM. Mexasv again ascended the tribune, and said that the white flag had been more than once displayed in the south, without any notice being takea of the mat- ter by the government, (Loud marks of disseat,) M.G said that be was au inbabitant of the town of Toulouse, and, if the honorable gentleman alluded to that place, he must give a decided contradiction to his asection, (Hear ) M. De Laney must declare that, if the hon. gentle- man bad. in hiv assertion, spoken of Montpellier, he must declare bim to be altogether in error. he popu- lutivn of tual Lown were suiuugst (ae most zealous de- fenders of order and pubile traaquillity, Ho stood there not tonecuee but to defeud Were it for the he could show that it was nt the hon, s friends, who onght to come forward, of Bustide, the invectives of Jules Pavre, tie im pudence of Clement Thomas, the low intrigues of ‘locon—have all failed even to renew their levis- lative power on the second appeal to universal sufirage. The nation scarcely knows what it would have, but one point is ascertained—it will have no more of these men. They are remember- ed, for the most part, by an incapacity for govern- ment, which was only surpassed by their audacity and ambition; and to complete their discomfitare, they are rejected, not only because more moderate men, connected with the old parties of the monar- chy, have, for the most part, been preferred to them, but because the republieans themselves despise them, and preter the reckless extravagance of Led Ko'lia and Lag: * to the politic sl creed ef the National or the modera Girondins. OF tis purty, it would seer that the militury chiefs have alone retained a prominent position in the State. — During the last days and nights of the Constituent wine tah when these men felt how rapidly that power which they had bought so dearly was. de- parting from them, their minds fluctuated between Intense excitement and discouragemeat—between the most daring designs and the most abject fears. The secret societies of the capital were gon- stontly sitting and in full activity; every exertion had been made to corrupt a part of the army and to have in readiness the Yisath cted portions of the National Guurds of Paris; considerable ments of working men aud popular bands conneeted with the socialist party bad flocked t Parte from the provincial towns ed in its measures of precauvon and resistance, had it provoked a collision by «more deed ate ruption of the legal course of event her would probably hove e tot the provailas Hed the government falter- or rs and insinuate calumntes (Loud interruption on the Left) Cranotauimedectared that he could pledge bim- self that if the white tag played at Mont- pellier. the National Guard have forward to putit that It was the white, red, or tri- colored to unite her to forward the interests of the country, (Cries of © The order of the day’) ‘The Assembly being consulted dvcided that it pass. ed to the order of the day. The matter then dropped, ‘The next order of the day was reports on election returns, M. pe Kenpnet presented the report of the 15th bu- m the eleetion re ‘us of the Yonas, The ba must de Proterts sent in, but did ' wun ras, fo en tne bureau eeeut ted the adinission of tue geutieinen who had been recarned, M. Friction maintained that, looking at M. Leva Faucher's tel graphic dispaten, and the inflaence ex- eretscd by M, Fromy, chet du eabinet of the Minister ef the Interior, i Wax impossible for the Assembly not to order & parliamentary inquiry. He considered 1¢ his duty to propose thas course, Laon Favenen—The Vonstituent Assembly, be- fore it separated, passed ® con-ure oa my conduct, Juldiled a dety, which wy dignity asm pubic man don me, in restgning the post wien bad been coo. d tome | reserved to myself to subunit to the Judgment of the Legislative Assembiy, ane | mwait ios decition. ‘Lhe As-embiy ix perhaps aktourshed that | have not before epuken, batt renvrvod mle. wifuct for this diseussien A Vorer on the Left—Speak louder ! M Leow Favewnn— 1 am canpot spenk very loudly feots were tol M. Leow Favenen—It appears to be as necessary pow. as in the last Assembly, to learn to treat insults with contempt. (Hear, bear.) ‘the Paasivest—Look at the character are giv- ing to the discursion, Whom oan it serve? Not even those who iuterr: pt. (Hear, hear) M. teow Vaucuxa—I cannot confine myself to the question raised by the preveut discussion; I shall reply Ww my opponents in a genral manner. A Voice on the Left—Question! question! ‘the Txxsipest—You have no right to interrupt in that manner, | call you to order. (Approbation.) A Vorce—The disoursion is not generat, ‘The Pxxsivent—You have no right to speak, me Voror—I however take it. eotpent—I all you to order, If you are ob- stivate, } rbull be firm. (Applause from the right ) M. Leon Favcnen—tI have patiently listened to the incessant provocations whieh fur the last week have been ustercd from this teibuae, The moment is now ne toreply to them, atthe moment of the elve- tions (be situation of France was uot an ordinary ony, It was not the destinies of # party which was at stake; it was thore of the whole of society. Chore wore on one side men who wi-hed to maivtain society wich Tedsonuble progress, and on the other, those who wish- ed to abruptly change its form ({nverraption oa the C0. ice on the Right—Bo quiet then yourself, M. Cro- mieux; the honorable gentivinan dves uot require your protection M. Leon Favcnen.—The autborities, under such ecir- cumstances, have never played 4 passive part; nothiag bas remained in complete neutrality, and, neverthe- Jess, We can say that we came out uf thy teial puze aad unsullied. (Hear) ‘A Voice on the Left.—And the dospateh? M, Leon Faveurn.—I eauuot speak of every thing at ones, Ushali come to the despatch ia due time mut, in the first place. make Enowa to you what was the general spirit of the tn ns given to Lhe pro fe J wall pot pase any j nt on pr Winistrations, but (eau assert that no gov donot say mounrchioal, but. republican go — ever indited more Librral iastyuetions. Cie tleman bere read the dueuments in question w been before published, aud in whieu tay Minis | the prefects that the gove utdid not Wish to direct he elvetions, but that it could not abandoa thein to ev or to the storms of passions ‘Pho goverament wi {remain impartial, bat not indifferent The pre that while respecting the initiative of the electors. t. 'y liberty aud their independence they yot owed advice .o Chose who consulted them, aad ther Paramount conusel should be to raily togecher all shades of tbe party of taoderation and of union, ay the ouly condition on which that of order could triamph governments, it was said, were those who directed men towards the path which they naturally followed. (Ap- probation.) Such, coutnued the hon, gentiemmn, is the lung told its age: te that they were not to interfere, either directly or indirectly, in the elections; that their mission was not to go beyond a recommendation to union and concord. ‘fo one prefect, who aeked my, whether it would not be desirable to issue some publ cation in order to oppose bad duetrines which wei put forth, | replied, that the goverument was not to furnish subseribers to those journais who bad them hot. and that since the socialists had found the means of supporting publications which were detestable wad without taleut (laughter oa the right, and loud ox- clamations on the lvtt). the friends of order should also find the means of disseminating those journals which were conducted on # better system. On another occa- sion, | reminded another prefect that hy was not to take on himself to destribute the circulars of the Electoral Committee which, nevertheless, had all my sym path! but I would not bave the law violaced, or a manife tion, which would be the more powerful, as it would be the free and spontaneous expression of the sentiments of the citizens, weakened — | addressed to the Prefect of the Haute-Marne observations ay to the part he should take in the Council General. I explained to him that 1 saw with pleasure leading and honor- able men of a department put themeelves at the head of the electoral movement; but that it was not neces- sary for them to act in any way but as simple citizens, because, in acting as members of the Councils General, they would establish ® disastrous precedent, I now come to the telegraphic despatch. (Marks of curiosity.) The opposition bas, particularly for some time past, n accustomed to severe discipline, It has at its ser- vice the uction of the secret societies, (Loud explosion of exclamations on the lett.) ‘A Voice on the Left—Order, order. Tur Presiventr—Silence. Another Voice on the Left—Mons. le President, call M. Léon Faucher to order; he insults us, A Voice on the Right—No, no. (Violent tumult.) M. Cuanras—The honorable geatleman has said that the opposition had the secret societies in its service; I demand that he be called to order. (Mingled eries of « es,” and “No, no.””) The greatest confusion here prevailed for some time in the Chambe the whole of the Moi ‘in Lad risen, and were loudly addressing M. Leon Faucher and the President. The Parsiornt—The words of the hon. gentleman in the tribune do not upply to the members of the pre- sent Assembly. (“ Yes, yes.” Murmurs on the Left.) M. Leon Faucner—We are not speaking here one of the other. (Hear, hear) Just now, in speaking of parties, I referred to persons not in this Assembly. (On the Left, “ No, no,’ interruption.) ‘The Parsipent—I must again call on hon, gentle- men to keep silence—not thus to constantly interrupt. M. Constperant.—If one of us had spoken like M. Leon Faucher, you would have called him to order. (On the Left, “Yes, yes, there is manifest partiality.”” ‘The Paxsioent—M. Considerant, { call you to order. (Tumult. Gene’ —Well, then, call us all to order. Agiti 5 Ce Paesipent—I must insist on silence, Respect the regulations; public opinion will afterwards decide, it—It has already decided! On the Right—Yes, against you ! (Cumutt,) The Presipent—Public opinion, above all things, wants the legislator to respect the legislative forms. (Hear, bear.) The calm of this side of the Assembly (the right) ‘already condemns you. (Interruption on the left.) It is twenty persons who insult four hundred, for there are certainly four hundred here who keep si- lence. (Loud interruption on the left.) ‘A Voicr. on the Left—Go on, M. Leon Faucher, insult us, since youare permitted to do so! (Noise.) M. Leow Favcuen—Wher the tempest arose on that side of the Chamber (the Left), | was about to insist on @ fact—viz.: that secret societies are numerous in the country. On the Left—We do not think so. Right.) Another Voice on the Left—There is only the Society of the Friends of Order, as a secret society. M. Leow Favcner—I regret not having anticipated this interruption, as1 should have brought documents here, Yes, there were in the country two secret soci- ies. eties. On the Left—We contest the truth of the allegation ! (Noise. On the Right—This is really too much, Monsieur le President; put an end to the sitting. ‘Tne Paxsiwent ro THs Moustatn—What ides have you of the liberty of the tribune? Your speaker was listened to with attention; now, in your turn, listen to M. Leon Faucher. xar—The liberty of the tribune is not niate. (Noise) ‘HER—I was observing that there were two secret societies—that of the Friends of Order, and that of the Solidarité Républicaine, The former yield- ed to the observations made by the authorities. (Noise on the left.) Tux Paxsivent to THe Mountain—I tell you, for the twentieth time, that you prevent any one from speak- ing. (Hear, hear ) A Voice—We are calumniated. (Allons donc ) M. Constprnant—When the hon. gentleman says— A Voice on the Right--Order, order. You have m right to speak. (he Presipxnt--M. Considérant you are out of order —sit down, M. Leon Favcuer—In order to dissolve the Solidarité Républicaine the interference of the tribunals was ne- cessary, and they designated it as @ secret society. (Interruption.) Yes, I repeat, there are secret socie- ties in the country. A Voice on the Left—No, no. right’) ‘The Presinsst—No one here ought te be interosted in defending them, since no one has made use of them, (General laughter, with loud applause on the right.) A Voice on the Left—We deny that there are any. ‘The Fxeswent—You cannot enter on @ denial un- leas from the tribune, M. Constpznant—I must say— ‘The Prestpxnt—Pray be sileut, M. Considerant. M Leon Facuen—The socialist party is di plined; it responds toa watch-word; it plicit obedience. (Interruption.) There is nothing in that remark to offend any one. A Voice on the Left— Yes, there is. (Laughter on the Super) (Laughter on the (Laughter on the wer—I add, that the party of order has it has not come toan understanding to- gether—which ix a very disastrous thing If the par- ty of order had displayed half the energy which the other party had done, the result would have been very different, (Loud interruption from the left ) M. Bounzat.—We are also of the party of order A Voick.—Call the speaker to order, Monsieur le President. A Voice: on the Left.— You say, then,that we are the party of anarchy ? . Another Vorcr.—It ik the pretended party of order which i the party of aoarehy. (Agitation ) ‘The Passives, addressing ® member of the Moun- tain.— Vill you sit down and be silent ? M. Lyon Favcurn —No one can here speak of either moderation or order, M. Cuannas.— You are a man of dis crder ! ur Ie President — ng the interrupter — Will ie Legislative Assembiy to continue its You prevent the businwss of the Assembly. you allow labors ? A member of the extreme left here descended into the hody of the Chamber, and addressed the President in the midst of the greatest confusi M Chantas~ Go on, citizen Paucnet M Lion Fate oe paten of the suectedt with mo tsiue ‘ Het party were propagmtiog tu leter reports (hey Eprtading verre sidvred at my duty © tuned in my duty, if | bad prefiet bad me to suy that a Ty Where spread that the President of the republic had been put onder impeachment by the Assembly — that (0 Freneh eoldicis had gone over to the omans Tranquillity wae thus compromived, wad the prefeets eniled on me to give (be mort promp! coutradiction to thee remor® M Dimonsay— Who were the authors of these re- tet (Lavghter ) M. Lren Pavcnien— 1 received forty letters dated the JOth od Li Vay. wil repeating t me thing Ader bad Beta Member declared from this triby ie die Duce wer est g¢ which was ured by the goveramwut, It Good | the Démocrate of the Hautes in which that jour- nal, after stating that the Ks hed gained er ‘um ph over Drouyn de Lhuys Léon Faucher, (laugh- ter,)adds that the peeple wished to take up po ae done with the traitors, and that several ents were ready to join the ee but that the fe ives prevailed on them to remaio quiet, on condition that the Ministers should be im- penchet that very evening --which, the journal ad been done by sixty members, among whom were M. Deville and M. Viguerte. (Laughter ) 1h abominable reports as those were spread, was it not the duty of the government to destroy the hopes of thelr factious authors, by making known the truth? [t was then that, under a feeling of danger,! published the telegraphic despatch, which I persist in considering a oppurtune (Murmurs on the left.) We wished to put an end to the terror that was felt, M. Lacxacce—Lhe Chamber has declared that you lied A scene of great agitation here prevailed, and the President for # long tune yainly endeavored to obtain silence M. Leon Favenen.—That is whi the subject of the telegraphic d ‘The names and the votes of the represeatatives were only added for 10 departments out of 80, and these tea were those in whieh the Moni/eur arrived quite as soon as the des patch, It is attributed asa crime that the signatuce of M_ Fremy was xttached co thy despacch pabtished im the Youne, J must, however, declare that bis name will be found affixed to them ail Chere was nothing in the circumstanou that could benelit bis candidates I have to say om ship ‘thas yeutiouan bad declared bimsell t eaadic date before be me into his offes; but he had used no sxertions torvenre his jon, | Those who assert tb kuow him. With regacd 6o the eireular of the Prefect of the Youne, | exn only say that, the moment | heard of it, | wrote to thas magia trate, telling iius that he bad departed from that re serve which [had recommended to him, ia sending liste to the clcotors, iunteud uf coutining himself to giving them adviev. Although the circular may have been. irregular, Ido net, however, thinic it has operated in any illegal manner ou the opinion of the electors Let j If any action has ereised by fu jectious. it has been by those who are movable ut pleasu Phe teachers have more ) everywhere oppored Che candidates of the party the oppori iva has very skilfully availed itceif cf the a-sis aoev of sabultera agents to Oppose the candidates woieh it knew tu be faycrabdle te the governinent. 4 ¢ the facts which mien. whe are jealous of the sincerity of the elections, should point out, instead of ne fa government wiiel cam present itself with eoupdeuce to the judgaeat of history, al luuguter ou the left) "We uvither fear the jud, nog that of our coucem. poraries - nor tue other will be untae ‘tne hovors Le Urtbuae, was warmly wtulated by M.Oresteuva—l have bat liltle fancy for these re- trospeetive discussions, (Langhter.) A Voick—Lhat is easy to by explaine: M. Caxsieux proceeded to justly the conduct of the commissioners of the provisioual government. He rendered justice to the circulars read by M. Leon Faucher, but declared that in practicn they had buon departed from He had in bis possession a letter ad- dressed by the committee of the Rue de Poitiers to the Gezette d’ Auvergne, in whieh the el ors were called on to support such a candidate, because his candidate. i ship would be, it was said agreeable to the President of the republic ‘The document was # by MM. Molé, Montalvubert, ‘Thiers, Berryer, Broglie. &e Tous, the government, by the organ of its Uresideat, recom: mended the candidates of the Rue de Poitiers, (Noise, “No, no? Yes, yes 9) M. Leow Faucuri—The hon. gentleman was certainly mirstating the fact, as what he was attributing to the government emanated from the committee of the Rue de Poitiers, (Hear, hear ) Murux—krance had been dreadfully agitated Ministry of mM. Léon Faucher, The Moniteur every day gave news of movements in the provinces which every one considered exaggerated. The object evidently Was to cause the country to fling itself into the urms of whut were called moderate men, What was it that was spoken of in certain pamphlets issued by the committee just alluded to? Was it not tosave the departments from the action of Paris? (On the right, “4 es, certainly !? On the lett, “It is most shameful !"') When the hon member who has suid “yes” should be loss new in the Assembly he would profess other senti- ments; whex he became better acquainted with Paris, and had seen its intelligent aud sublime people always obeying the inspiration of patriotism, he would never think of separating the departments from Paris, (Loud applause on the lef! ‘Tue Paesipent—The unity and indivisibility of the Beane are inscribed in the constitution, (Hear, eur M Creminux—Whoever attempted to separate the departments from Paris would be sure to perish in the attempt. (Hear, hear, on the left.) Such were the general observations which he had intended to offer.— Now— Numenovs Voicrs—To-morrow, to-morrow, The discussion was then adjourned to the next day. Foreign Theatri A letter has been received from Madame Rossini, of the mest satisfactory description, with reference to the state of health of the illustrious maéstro. He was per pectly weil, but had been obliged to leave Bologna pre- cipitately in consequence of a riotous mob having en- tered his house and threatened him with personal vio- lence. Tothe mumber of losses we have recently had to de- Fee (states a Paris journal) we have to add that of jadile. Naldy, ® young cantatrice. carried off at the early age of twenty-three years, and almost by sudden death. She had been playing for the last twenty days at Nantes, in the principal parts of Pascarello, and of the Val d’Andorre. Madile. Naldy perceived, the first symptoms of the epidemic (some say the cho- lera) of which she died a few minutes after having sung at church a“ 2 oo @ Marie,” in which her charming voice was heard to perfection. This circumstance in- spired M. Milbes, vocal professor, to compose an ology, which he recited at her tomb, of which the following is the concluding verse:— “Oui, quand ces jours pasees, dans une hymme a’Marie Te chantais s Feplise, implorant son amour, La Vierge t'aura dit; viens a moi, svis beuie, Tes chants me seront doux au bienheureux sejour. Kalkbrenner, the talented pianist, who has b ii declining state of health, has just left Paris for Nap! for the benefit of the baths of Ischia, Dupres, the favorite vocalist, after making a profes- eional tour in the departments of France, intends vi- siting London. At the Vaudeville Theatre, Paris, there has already been produced a parody on Meyerbeer’s new opera of “The Prophet,’ under the title of “L’Ane a Baptiste.” ‘The beat plaisanterie is in the play bills, where appears, in large letters, the following words:—" On joue la pa- rodie de cet ouvrage sur le grand théaere de la Nation!” A letter from Paris states, that at the Theatre Histo- rique, @ new grand drama by M. Paul Féval, entitled “Les Puritains d’Ecosse,” has been produced The music of this work has been composed by M. Varny, chef d’orchestre of this theatre, and is of a very pleasli description. M. Albert Garaude has just been elect chef du chant by the Society des Coneerts. Mdile, Caro- line Prevost has thrown up the ag Opera Comique, and with her mother and Chollet, re- cently named directeur of the theatre at the Hague, have left Paris for Holland. A London paper says: On Thursday evening next, will be repeated “Don Giovanni, which was so sucsess- fully interpreted last week at Her Majosty’s Theatre, by artistes of the highest merit, all in the plenitude of their po: d each finding a position appropriate to their ge Rosati and Marie Taglioni. and the whole ot the ehoregraphic troupe, support Parodi, Al- boni, Giuliani, Coletti, Gardoni, and Lablache; a bril- liant ensemble, to which the beautiful and appropriate eer and splendid costumes give reality aud striking effect. Mr. Stammers, the manager of the Exoter Hall Wed nesday Concerts, has taken Drury-lane Theatre for the purpore of opening it for operatic aud deamatic por- formances. Mr, Sims Reeves in associated with him in this bold attempt to restore the fortunes of our degraded national theatre. Mr. Anderson and Mrs. Warner are also spoken of as taking share in the project Mr. and Mrs. Kean are performing tragedy at the Haymarket. Sadlers Wells was closed on the 30th May, The London Sunday Times says: Mr. Hudson, the celebrated Irish comedian, wad the only legitimate sue- cessor of poor Power, in the delineation of Hibernian humor, undefaced by vulgarity. has determined upom visiting America about the end of the month portpam om or the ginning of next September, He is at present fulfilling his last metropolitan engagement at the Adel- phi Theatre, where his genuine humor is nightly re- warded by crowded houses, and shouts of laughter from his suditurs. We anticipate for Mr. Hadson nfost tri- umphant success on thu transatlantic stage, ‘Wo may name among the recent arrivals in London Mdile Agnes Biihring, Malle. Issaurat, who is to ap- pear 4s wnother of Mr Maddox’alprime donne“ of pas- tago’’—also, Herr Stigelli, Herr Damcke, Signor T'esee, Ke, &e. Mrs, Mowatt was a little indisposed at the last ae- counts. Tur State Prisoners—Woorwicn, June 6.— The Mountstewart Elphinstone, Captain 11. Loney, which recently left the Royal Arsenal, Woolwich, with convicts, under the charge of Dr. Moxay, after calling at Portsmouth, will proceed to Cork to receive on board Mr. Smith O'Brien and the other convicts found guilty of being engaged in the recent eutbreck in Ireland. ‘The first destination ofthe Mounstewart Llphinstone is Moretou-bay, New South Wales, where a number of the con- victs will be landed, and be at once free, on con- dition that they never return to this country, The ve see] will then proceed to Sydney, where she will lond Sinith O’Brien and the other convieta, aq ‘hen return to this country with « freight of geme- ral goods. , Murper in Crinron, La.—On the night of Mon- day, the 11th inst., on the plantation of Mr. Frank- lia Hardesty, about four miles east of this place, acold blooded and inbuman murder was perpe- trated on the body of the overseer, Mr. Fletcher Campbell. The deed was committed soon after dak, end, although there were no witnesses strong circumstantial evidence Warrants the be- lief bat the deceased was waylaid by a slave o° Mr. Hardesty, ond beaten to death by 4 suceession of blows upon his head with a hoe. ‘T! niurderer is still at large, notwithstandiag the tort etrenvous efforts have been made to arrest Lim. ‘The deceased leaves a widow and family. De wos un estimable citizen, very generally be- feved, and bis ere! niuvder has created an igtense feching inthe community —Felewna (Le ) Pag tgleluture of Conccetiout a ljor fae die om inet.