The New York Herald Newspaper, April 19, 1849, Page 6

hardly fail to be followed 4 immediate measures against Austria on the part of tionary governments last hostilities, but d by the enemy on the express reservation of coming to an understanding ers upon a diffe’ imperial cabinet frequen State of Affairs in Europe. ae of Rome and Tuscany ; but, any material augmentation o! military power to Charles Albert, these republican auxiliaries will only have the effect of extending the operations of the enemy, without concentrati ! Moreover, the part whiel Mazzini and his accomplices are evidently playing has the immense advantage to Austria of detaching from the national party the sympathy of France, and the approval, however rese' government. It becomes impossible to espouse the cause of Italian independence, without extending our patronage to the cri n in central Italy. movement which threatens onc F tharles Albert is erful than him- ifesto | At a later ly expresocd, in the most formal conviction that peace could not be any other basis than that of it ent consecrated by European treatit On the 23d March, in the last year, Sardinia, to the last moment, had made protesta- friendship, crossed the Ticino without d without being able to just aggression than ombards, who had Opent ifthe Italian Cam) ead of Marshal Radetzky. i“ document appears in the Milan concluded on e followii : eerie the territorial Gazette of the i TO THE TROOPS UNDER MY ORDERS, At the moment of once more drawing my swordin the defence of the rights of the Emperor, and for the maintenance of the integrity marchy, | owe it to my brave army, and to the sacred- ness of the cause | defend, to cast a glance upon the conduct of my adversary, as well as uj power ofa just cause is great; Ihave faith init, and I leave it to my contemporaries and poste- je whether justice resides in the c: Emperor or in that of the Sardinian King session of Italy has been the bait by which he has been While the diplomatic notes contained the most friendly but hypocritical expressions of good neighborhood, the columns of hi no and marched into Lombardy which exist betw: —forgetting that the house of Savoy owes to Austria the preservation of its crown—tramp- ling under foot the sacredness of all treaties, and ¢ ising the laws which nations that have rbariem will ever respect. army upon our territory lik portunity of the absence of the master to commit his eft with impunity. The origin of thi tion of several’ Italian governments, a soe formed, the ostensible 0 Italy, in the pursuit of which object it ad ruin of Austrian dominion Austria from the plains of Lombardy. ‘of this project became impossible Italy, its history, the origin of its States and c tion, its populations, and their ch: vinced that the chiefs themselv: whose dupes these governments were, could not believe in the realization of Italian unity e ruin of every legal government, and of Austria in particular. in order to produce Dlood and ruin, a red republic have the first part in this political comedy; they relied upon his army, upon his warlike prop the resourecs he could the forces of Italy. preliminary declaration, an ed, of the British ive any other color to this un, the national affinity with the L ust revolted against their legitimate government atthe moment even when that government anew era, by granting them ex- tensive political liberties. After a sanguinary con- flict of six months, attended with the greatest sac- rifices, the valiant armies of Austria defeated the enemy, and their conqueror restrained himself to demanding, independently of a just war indemnity, only what belonged to him through God and his Nobody will deny that such conduct bore the impress of the highest moderation, and_ the formal love of peace. The conduct of Sardinia, the conclusion of the armistice Opposition to this mode of proce dinian fleet, which, according to mistice, was to h to return to the tes untila late period, and not definitely. quitted the Adriatic my own. The and follies of the revo- Phat is the real seat of the just commenced but the tool of a party more po’ self, which threatens bh Leopold or Pius IX., if, he refuse, to fi promises of ‘the Sword of Italy. suceess of his arms would not save him from the ingratitude of those same countrymen who fired on his carriage as he passed, in his former retreat ‘These considerations will, doubt- ir full weight with the French go- ar that Louis Napoleon rmiy passed the Tesi- of relationehi: imperial fami his house and the through Milan. he has rushed with his the thief who awaits the vernment, and we have no fi will throw an army across the Alps to abet govern- as refused to recognise, and to ions which he is steadily ch of events is the rt. 4o0f the ar- Jenice immediately, , did not withdraw ments which he gratify the identic compressing in Paris. ! strongest commentary on the impol rence on the part of any non-Italian power. Aus- tria, twice attacked, has an incontrovertible right ian dominions, and to extinguish, if she ean, the furnace which has lit this conflagra- tion. The King of Naples has equally a right to de- gainst a party which Under the protee- ety had been ot of which was th is war is known have quitted ardinian Stat va, and is still there at this ‘The manifest violation of the armis rdinia has alone placed Venice in the imperial wi expulsion of he realization on the part of § a state to resis with this, Sardinia went farther, by granting op ly, and with the armistice in fore: "I ble sums in monthly payments. apital of Piedmont there was formed a Lom- pmposed, in a gr Not content eter, may be cor of this movement, to this rebel nstitutional throne him; and if the campay, trust these powers W city, conside Their first thought openly menace 4t measure, of bring it to a The court of jority, and furnish- bardian consulta, 5 the government expelled from Turin regarded it as a legal au’ ed it with means of ke tion and its eyes, discord and | ing Austro-Italian speedy termi Charles Albert was to nsities, and w Aspect of Affairs in the Austrian Empire— ed on the neigh- »vinees, and raising all im- eflorts made by the i government to re-establish tranquillity, and Magyar emissaries and Po- also well received and protected Their object evidently was rnity between the Ttal minal party which had li in our country, to bring about the dis- solution of the Austrian monarchy. i language of the Sardin of my forces around my mi- litary resources, required by the general insurrection, ‘was looked upon by Charles Albert as axtrategical error, as the abandonment of Lombardy. surprised at when it finds mperor, who stors ata moment dy found means to re- pitals, and to occupy kingdoms in oben rebellion, whilst their y has vindicated with singular dignity the rial crown, and the states- harged with the civil government of the em- pire have brought to maturity a vast scheme of i overnment, intended not only to se- of the Austrian people, consolidate their power by rallyin tion round the common. centre of. ‘That constitution, which we were yester- ively to publish, amply redeems en by the court twelve months ago, in the tumult of the first revolutionary outbreak; and it redeems them, not by a servile surrender of ihe duties of the erown to the clamor of the | ing the rights and privi in a well-regulated commonwealth. The general principles of public liberty are se- declaration of rights ete equality and tolera- sions, the independence of the Austrian empire, ministers of the young Ej mounted the throne of his anc of extreme peril, b duce, by force of arms, three ¢ the resource ‘A serious mis- ssed sufficient means to make bellion; but I made no use of ew that the solution of the question did not depend upon the destruction of a town that I wanted to preserve for my Emperor and master, Charles Albert traversed Lombardy triumphantly, without meeting with resistance, thinking because he was igi ‘alm the public mind. at the court of Turin revolution and the c independence of the impe! ady master of n government was on all ‘ occupying a country and At the Mincio only he met with the Im ‘There was the end of his triumphal march. Beaten, and once more traversed Lombardy, fleeing more rapidly than he had march without having a single enemy befor © more, before Milan, to resist 1m, ; closed’ up ix been forced to lay down his arms ; communications in its power, and two days would have sufficed to render his flight from that city im- constitutional g ,commence- | cure the libert {across that pro- sembly commenced its labors at e diet and the learned, with indignation nounced, in 2 solemn speech ly, and had without disgnise excited the Austro- in, and revolt against Such language, he at the moment at which the n plenipotentiary was about to leave for Brussels, to open, neg fi not he received with indifference by the. ituperial net. It felt the necessity of demanding of the mediating powers, if they did not think that be- \ limited pretensions of Sardinia and the right of Austria, the abyss was too great to s of a mediation to be hoped for. cabinet thought right to the negotia- urin, Austiia that the king had an- h, a kingdom of upper army had his Italian provinces to their legitimate government. The advanced guard of the emy"s army wa ertain that I should obstacle in my march, and luce, but by m not encounter any yet I accorded an armistice to my adversary. Mitted all those who had compromised themselves to Jeave Milan, though assuredly they could not have expected to be treated by me with so much indul- gence ; but, in displaying thi that I’ was acting in the spirit of the governm: my Emperor and sovereign. i Austria would sustain ber right, and resist an attack of unexampled treachery, nor give cause for a geieral war in prdered my victorious troops to halt on the however, as Charles dismay caused by the cured to the peop tion of all religious confe: of every church and religious ‘society. nagement of its own prope: extension of popular education ' uages of the minority, are things new to Austria. f es to secure liberty of jation and personal free- rictions as may be by law and to suspension in case of war or rial Diet is to consist of two ve; the upper one being elected from the provincial Diets, with a high qua- lification ; the lower house being chosen by the pulation at large, in the proporti to 100,000 sou ion, 1 believed »le- the suce ny case, the imperi or to avoid the danger of seei at the outset from the unmea- sured pretensions of Sardinia, by insisting that, be- fore commencing, an understanding should be come to with the mediating powers: should be the s i opinion, several times yovernment, that starting point could not be other al state which had been, conse- ies as those to which Sar- i At the moment when the negotiations were about to be commenced, Sardinia absolutely abandoned all idea of peace, from which it had been for a long u tached, and made a new appeal to the fortune of _ Whatever may be the results, Austria can ify that she did not provoke the war which th ride of her enemies compels her to sustain. Austri n guided by ambitious views ; = never coveted a foreign crown, she has not wished but for that which every one is allowed to wish for —to preserve that which belongs to her, and to de- retensions the integri dged by solemn tre ia] proclamation and the con- stitution of the 4th inst., which is the firs tion of the liberty, power, and the prosperity of the for the most precious pos- nperor of Aust rely upon the sympathy of all who still entertain a sentiment of right, on the unwavering fidelity the heroism of his glorious army. attachment of his people, and fina tion and support of the God of armies, who will ause to be lost. rty and affairs, and the tion to the national lan- but not make conquests, jollowed by art . the right of asso. banks of the Te Albert had recove ehecks he had sustained, and had to a ce tent re-organized his troops, he recommenced h on the most futile and unworthy vcording to the arting point, t the Austrian game of intrigu place, and Art. 4 of the armistice was not e: 1 raw myself for and to retain the park of siege-artillery whic ice should be fre Picdmontese troops, and the fleet have left the Adri- At length the fleet did leave but not to return to the Sardinian coast, in conformity with Art. 4 of the armisti Ancona, Where it continued to support the rising of Ve- Charles Albert always considered himself legiti- mate master of Lombardy ; he formed with Lombardsin Hight a consulta of government, which issued de- as if it were the legitimate government of the ‘The most absurd and false bulletins wore printed at the head-quarters of the King, and spread over all Lombardy, in order to propagate and keep aliv agitation and blindness among the y acting ax agents of the revolted provinces of the em| were treated by the King and his Chambers as the voys of friendly powei ed by the sume tre its existence, pn of one mem e fication for a vote being the payiment of direct taxes, varying from one to two pounds sterling. Without, howev these detail and the qui ‘a, until Ve the waters of ing more minutely into descend so lowas to standing orders le, some of which regulate what we should call th of Parliament, our attention is fixed upon the great and all important fact, that the prir this constitution is to 4 ‘free dependent, indivisible, indissoluble, constitutio Austrian hereditary mor and the will of the great authors of this charter has been to fuse in one whole, by the attra common freedom, and by the authorit mon power, that v but to proceed to ary object of to the “free chy.” “The intention chy, acknow d by the impe: and various empire, with all dent kingdoms, duchies, Pransylvanian mour lains of Lombardy, and from the Iron Gate to the heart of the German Confederation. y whole of these dominions to equal, if not to uni- inctions which have kept ies at the expense of the in- ch and of all—to bring the entire king- o long excluded by bi terests of Aust men had recourse to nd incendiary measures to induce my Deserters and unauthorized reeruit- ing agents played an important part at the head- If 1 could have foreseen that the royal dignity would fall to such a degree of baseness in the person of Charles Albert of making him pri of respect for a principle which, anti-monarchical thought proper to protect, ¢ not have forgotten that between the di rson a great differen ve caused the armistice to be prolc was forescen at the m mont has profited b, preparations of war. tion, a word, and nothing more King who solicited it, declaring his pacific intentlona “1 n Crown, which he thought he held firm in his hand, and he could idly precipitated from the which he held d to the dynasty, were t, and into their places were st inflated republicans, dreamers without any practical knowledge, intrigui men urged the King, worthy to b extreme and ruinous measure pire of blind ambition, he risked the prosperity of his hereditary provinces, and the existence of h r The house of Savoy, through a policy anything bat just. has often seized th in which Austria has been eng, quarters of the King. 'o subject the form laws—to abolish di . L would not have spared alive nation on the devoted ly on the protec- n the midst of the dom of Hungary from the genera to form an integral part of that nation to which it lent its statesmen and its soldiers— and to consolidate those resources which can alone maintain the rank of Austria amongst the European powers, is the design of the young Emperor and is ministers. The magnitude of the plan corres- ponds to the magnitude of the op] the danger. ‘To complete it, will be. Austrian reyolution by the regeneration of the em- Nothing less colossal could in such a cris save the state from dissolution and ruin, We know not whether the power of the crown and the energy ers will prove equal to the suce: execution of so immense people of Austria have indeed awal slumbers of long duration, this triotism and intelligence will not be made in vain. It places in their own hands the glory of their na- tion, the greatness of their sovereign, the welfare they will choose between free- 1 and anarchy—between an impe wielding a mighty pow leading to ea ion of foreign conquest. suspended between a greatne ore attained and political annihila- tion; but the grandeur of the conception whieh never sufler a and Europe, [From the London Times, March 20.] The termination of the armistice concluded last Austrian and Piedmontese armies d upon by. the existing Sardi- nian government,and the courier’ who conveyed the formal announcement of this hostile resolution to the headquarters of Marshal, Radetk: on the evening of the 12th instant. full influence of the mediating powers was employed at Turin, to avert a determi- nation so perilous to the government which has taken it, so insulting to Austria, and so diseredi- table to our own interventior granted by Marshal, Radetzky upon the most libe- ral terms, at the intere powers, at ar it of its conclusios e his interval to make continual © has been a dece| year between th has been determi ortunity and of e to crown the to see himself 60 rank of great capta ed patriots, subjects devo eluded from the cabin rise; but, if the ened from their all upon their pa- ‘The armistice was pitied, to the most ‘o that, under the em- ion of the mediating ment when nothing could have pre- imperial forces from advancing to Turin and dictating in the walls of that capital, such a ave punished the presumption of their recent assailant, and thrown upon Sardinia the expenses of the war. land and of I nts of serious ¢ d, and as happe the succession, to attract But Charles Alb is the first who has ever pretended to the possession what rights does Austria posses: of their posterity «of Lombardy er, and sanguu haustion, dissolution, and the The state of When the represent i rance succeeded in in- ustrian commander to abstain from fallen aggressor, i by_a treaty of peace the fruits of his victory y evidently contracted a strong moral obligation that employed to some better pu rmy, and prepare rors or follies of a fresh campaign h was the infatuation convention of ¢ tives of Eng! support hie pretensions’ Austria hang has never be pressing upon y owes its right, title and possession cf Was this by the right of r conquered Lom- Albert has n He seized the moment t troops to make a treucl driven out wit which it seems lik vd, lead us to form the str pose than to re west hopes of its ulti Did he act in virtu soi-disant fusion ; an act extorte an act of whic the Italian part I Salasco, which north of Italy trom instant occupation, tion by the peop! entity of language Lunion, or of what fallacy of making i¢ a criterion of politic ‘This fusion is only an a illegally and v lently from a party population had not the least no- s received with indigna sarily detrimental to he two greatest e se of Britain and of language and of race are nece the unity of nations inthe modern world, th Bn Russia, are composed of infinite varieties, i en the islands ef this ts of different tong gers them now; the g His army and his assistance aleulations of vanity As to the army, it has by generated into hat to know what is the Charles Albert, we will si and you will th the holes of the vernment has gone on to hold the languy aggression and defiance ‘This disposition of rty at Turin, was encouraged by the inju- us pledges held out to them by foreign powers | ‘They were led to expect tha Albert could only have dic with a French army at his bac ebtained, after the’ signal defeat by our invincible dip This palterin, volutionary party in Ital avert the ‘salute n reekoned on, kingdom are divided by « r and by still stronger distinctions of blood, of usages, and of civil laws. Abroad, over all seas, under all religions, and all tongues. terms such as Charle balls with which the Charles Albert occupied is riddled fied shamefully, and at night, trom the capital of his faithful Lombard allic of the people. Albert was by the Milane have existed affection and at Lombards? 1 They hope to trick uished, they will b les Albert labors for the ruit principal agent of | Was the most a to consolidat tend, and the Parliament of, | In the Russian em erves the same unity o! w;and infinite varie al armies, and minis- hority. Compared to thes of the Austrian empiri territory is contiguons identitied by pretensions of the re- ded still further to Never was king from Kamtschat d them of their real situate ter to the imperial vast states, the unit only practical, but, ea: compact; its inte and by history; nothing is required but time, removal of absurd barriers, and the exercise of a srous but just and equal anthority nation acknowledge the b "That fusion. is the law of progress, of ci- ess. The middle with minute common- sh animated with nee and mis- it between him | military resoure himself and his ho | the obligations of public faith nor the plainest rules of policy can at all restrain, - | stances, and after this total disregard of the advice which has been tendered to. him by France lond, as much in his own interest as in that of powers will acknow- part of their duty as well as of their dignity to withdraw their supp nt which they n compelled i torrent Which neither get rid of each Under these cirenm- Charles Albert, wh to make the petits of such a < of Which aim n can dixpen aples of the consolidation of thrones by disho: we hope that thoxe Europe coverec wealths and pismy potentates, ¢ all. the prejudi chievons jealousy. inot deter trom the most ble actions. then, begins without doubt remembered that if the Austrian govern- ment have shown little inclination to surr | discretion to | has been, on the part of th | Sardinia, no intination whe rm and lasting even respected the tern contrary, they have the renewal any thing short of another abe convince them of their error. On the present ocea- sion, however, the war must. recom tered circumstances own after having undermined it by tion and desire of ¢ of our enuse ar of local im) If the revolutions of our ve some higher import than. pitieble anarchy f the higher d Fy hax not brov cide a’second time haps, render the negot @ ious for i lestinies of nations, to the structure of a loftier power ona broader urin will, per mminant fact ever of a sincere de- They have not of the armistice. sant clamor , and we question if st we look beyond the dr ct of the affairs of Europe, to some such result of a nobler kind, and we hope that in the s of society the pe d lesson of more extended freedom, we are ults will be accomplished tion of an enlighte union and the freedom of the ( 3 but, in the pr ftheir fulfilment al authority-left to will of the people, they would simply enerate into discord ¢ The armistice concluded on th with Sardinia, has been renowneed by that powe ptly Austria must a second time draw the sword in defence of her just rights. war, now, unhappily, inevitable, she has the world Iready done everything ind her duty per ty August last, pe may learn confident that no such re: at all, without the ruling power. *8 that she has to avoid it that her honor The following statement of facts will estat When, in the month of Ang the glorious imperial arms had obtained several decisive victories over the Piedmon was King Charles Albert who request as un introduction definitive peace. , and will probably extend, to the Church and the Duchy of Tuscany, is in the hands of men even deeply committed to war with / to internal democratic revolutions. denee of Italy has been that portion of the war-c yublicans which has exeited the sympathy in ye, and if the Italian people to shed their blood freely, on fields of battle, untry, they might the maintenance of the Impe: dan armis- to the establishment of Jt depended, at that time, on tie will of the imperial government to. purst utmost the enemy, who was retreating, tate peace to him upon his own territory » anunated by a sincere love and irrefragable s just seen its contemptibl brought to a close, was no unfair speci- men of what might be expected from the rep ple profoundly i f »rant of politic Hed upon suddenly to legislate for impossible; and though x Inonths to the brink tutives of a pe "The task was simp! y brought the empire ins of dissolution, an age of such d ronstructed it, the people of Austria are atall adapted s of constitutional government, they y stand once ‘more and. ‘The Crown has done its part in restoring public order without extinguishing public e of the last, reign itions of the new constitution ; and. its final objeet is to raise the | for the independen t least a respectable de worse prepared, both ‘morally and y uch a conflict with one to the world a new moderation, by checking the mareh of the victo- nous alinies to the frontiers of Piedmont, in order to chow that she had only taken legitimate defer The armistice up arms for the yrity of her territor granted to the Kin | of the great military which have sprung into existence at the nob, or by the intrigues of ss are totally destitate of all pecuniary resources, y extort by the plunder of | museums and foreed contributions on the rich. are destitute of the ec name they have inv With the. exception { of the Piedmontese army, there is no foree in the | county to resist the march of an Austrian colun ion of the Piedmontese fortresse endria and G to the mysterie have now a fair chance with that he had expre negotiations for peace, tiary for that purpos offered their tne to open iintnediately | pt those they may are practicable 1 Austrian empir held in the world since the nthe part of Mnglawd, at undertaking, firmly adheri eof Uritish policy, that the independen are of the utmost con and that we ar illed upon to stand by the Court of dthe camp of absola- wVerLMENl 4s Hy mediation for the fr: ited eacgttblish« |) the peoples in | selves with s ppt this mediation, what had passed, that it wa« direct negotiations with Sardinia as this power deely diation, and could not submit to direct negotiations, the imper proposition of the mediating | the basis of peace pi , ccording to which Lombardy wa: geparated from Austria, as also all the other propo- mations of peace made ce of Westphalia. we cordially applaud this to the gre need; but wh accepted the m and prosperity of Austri et to onirelve resting the progress pul of Rudewhy and his lieat | Rome there are cafes, but no men ready tor the mart uniforme i war on the part of the Vienna when it has aband usin aud adopted priuciples of moderate as those of our own mo- prating in the jeid—drums and , but no drill, The renewal of the government can crowds of offic wers, but rejyecte the resumption of the ‘The Russians im Moldavia and Wallachia: {From the London Standard of Freedom, March 24.) ‘There has just been put into our h pam- hlet under the peesner and marked title of “ The uesians in Moldavia and Wallachia.” It is print- ed for ‘ Ridgeway, Piccadilly,” and bears upon it the impress of a source which we need not fur- ther indicate. We hold this little pamphlet, of some six-and-thirty pages, to be one of the most important that has been published for years. It is not remarkable for its style, which is Plain and un- retending. The motive of the publication is, however, all the more clear on that account. It is to put the British public into possession of the opin nions of those who ought to know most of the matter, as to the present conduct of Russia with regard to Turkey. ‘That, opinion perfectly agrees with ourown. This writer manifestly sees that the audacious seizure (for such it is) of the Prin- cipalities, only portends a rupture with Turkey, and the occupation of Constantinople by the Muscovite ! This once done (to use Alexander's homely meta- phor,) Russia has safely ‘locked her back door,” and jay set France and England at defiance. ‘The detail of the insidious arts by which the Machia- vellian power has at length clutched Moldavia and Wallachia, we shall leave untouched. Of a part of these tricks our readers are aware. The rest are of a similar furtive, insidious, and over-reaching character. ‘This author evidently anticipates the subversion of the Turkish Empire ine Europe, un- less France and England actively interfere. ’ He anticipates a probable war ; and as to the probable effect of a maritime war on the part of England with the treacherous and aggressive Muscovite, he asks the following pertinent questions:— No competent person has ever doubted that, ifan English squadron of such force (for example) as that now cruising under the flag of Sir Charles Napier, ap- peared in the Black Sea, with any hostile design, the us#ian fleet could render their master no better ser- vice than to run their ships ashore with us little delay as possible, But what consequences must not result from the destruction of Russia's supremacy in the Euxine? Its coasts are inhabited by warlike tribes, whose nationality has been crushed, but not extin- guished, and who burn with resentment againat the Rus- sian conquerors. Is there not reason to apprehend that any serious reverse sustained by the Imperial go- vernment would give rise to, at least, an attempt at emancipation on the part, not merely of the Molda- vians and Wallachians, but of the Tartars, the Geor- gians, and the Cossacks also? Would the Circassians neglect such an opportunity? Might not the insurrec- tionary spirit extend to Poland, or even to Finland? That these are pertinent satan no one who knows the Russian empire willdeny. They might be added to, however, as it is our intention shortly toshow. Jn the meantime, let us express our opi- nion as to the main object of this curious pam- phlet, so insignificant to untutored eyes, so full of meaning to those whose visual orbs have lost their film as to Muscovite designs and Muscoyite power. We have already said,and we say again, that we do not believe that any provocation short of an actual inroad upon, English soil, can extort a de- cluration of war against any great European power, from this government. We agree with Mr. Milner Gibson, and with the late lamented Marquis of ‘Titchfield, that ** a debt of eight hundred TulliGne, borrowed ‘in one currency and. paid in another,” is a sufficient stop to all such enterprises. ‘That py-power which now rules the throne and its mo ministers will not permit a measure, the first effect of which would be to jeopardice itself. If Con- stantinople be not a Russian capital within two years, France alone must be the bar to this catas- tophe ; for upon the co-operation of even an Eng- lish fleet, in actual hostilities, France need not reckon. The reflection is a sad one, but such is the melancholy truth; what is sadder still is the certainty that had the financial position of this country enabled her to blockade the Bultic and Black ¥ea simultaneously, the chances are that not a single shot would have needed to be fired! By the pamphlet before us, the doubtful loyalty of Poland, Circassia, Georgia, and other provinces, is put down as the * vulnerable” spot of Muscovy. It is a vulnerable spot; but there is one nearer St. Petersburgh more vulnerable still. ‘The true “fatal heel” of this ‘ Achilles” is in the ranks of the Czar’s own nobility, the allegiance of a portion of which is very preeatious, and rests on a most un- certain foundation. ‘This truth cannot be too widely known, for the truth it is. The incredulous reader will ask how a circumstance, so strange and so little dreamed of, comes to pass. We answer thus it comes. , Up to the reign of that most subtle and talented of all women, Catharine IL, the Muscovite nobles ally ruled the empire ; but under Catharine’s ‘me this rule was broken down—partly by design, partly by accident. ‘Towards the end of her extra- ordinary career, it pleased this cunning woman_to establish a ‘* government bank,” and issue, after the example of some other countries, a paper money. This paper money could not, however, in Russia, be employed in mercantile discounts ; and Catharine accordingly found another use for it. She was a most maternal and generous-hearted Empress, and having now so much money to spare, she deemed it only right to let her loving nobility have a share. , She accordingly lent them large sums on this pretence or that—she was not nice to a shade—the kind creature only taking one precau- tion, and that was an ample mortgage for all she lent upon their estates. _ Well, this game went ona few years, until Catharine’s paper money, like all other paper currencies, even under the best manage- ment, took a hitch. She had been too generous, kind soul! She went too far! The paper lost its redit. got to a terrific discount, and was, at last, with difficulty saved from utter annihilation. As it is, the paper rouble is only worth tenpence, whilst that Sheilver is worth three and sixpence nearly ; and such was the result of Catherine’s adventure in. paper money. In the confusion, however, many of the nobles were ruined, and many more crippled. ‘The ruined part are “provided for” in the army, or in various posts. The half-ruined portion are debtors to government, which takes care to re- ceive its interest, making the payment as easy to them as it can. Now, then, what are the secret feelings of these men?’ One’ and all of them be- lieve themselves victims of a deep scheme to render them dependent. ‘They are so, in fact, though whether accident did not do much is uncertain, Most probably it did. There need be no doubt, however, as to the real disposition of all this sec- tion of the Muscovite nobles, Anything that ren- dered their position more galling would precipitate them into practices ugainst the government, and his a blockade by England would do moat effec- tually. A great part of the revenues of these nobles arise from the Russian exports. ‘Tallow, hemp, flax, ashes, iron, We., their staples, and from them their rents arise, ‘To the transit of these ar- ticles a war with England and France would put a } total stop. The nobles would attempt to parry the payment of their interest; the government would resist; and the end would be fatal collision of some sort. ‘This fear it was which induced his own min- isters to strar the emperor Paul; and to this peril must any Czar be exposed who ¥ against England. Nich@las, however, knows that the fleets of England cannot be sent, against him; and hence he will prosecute that ambitions design to which a strong British fleetin the Euxine an other in the vuld be an insurmountable ba: have not the remotest doubt of the correct- nees of the views of the writer (whoever he be) of this significant brochure as to the ultimate designs of the Czar, All Europe and all Asia, too, are now of s opinion; and Russia herself hardly thinks it worth her while longer to mask her intentions. It is quite notorious that, net only Wallachia, but Bulgaria and Romelia also, are. filled ‘with Muscoyite spies, whose | mission to excite, if possible, a fanatic spirit among the Christian part ef the population, and rouse an insurree- tionary feeling against the Porte. When this is done ses of the Balhan range of moun- the pi tains; the [nat barrier between ‘the wolf” and his predestined prey, will be seized, and a Russian army may then, with perfect ease, seconded by a fleet in the Black S onstantinople, and occupy it ina very few days. With the Straits of the Bosphorus and the Dardannelles once in the clutch of Russia, the Black Sea is hermetically sealed forever, and all to the dominion of Russia from the Mediter, for ever cut off. In treating this question, we ought not to pass over the immense moral effect which such a tri- umph for Russia as this would have all over the Kast. It would destroy at once all prestige in vor of the power of England, and also of France, unless France be bribed by the cession of Egypt to share in the partition of ‘Turkey in Europe. As for England, the vital unportance to her trade of free access to the Black & and to the Turkish ports, is known to the world. ‘lo show the im- portance of the Turkish trade, we qnote a few re- turns from the pamphlet betor ting anes with Russia as a commer ally These returns need no comm may adi in conclusion, that Abba Past igyptian ru ler, is straming every nerve to the Sultan. He must feel that with the independence of the empire that of Egypt is linked. The Attitude of Russia, [From the London Observer, March 18.) ‘The attitude of Russia is at this moment the sub- ject of the greatest alarm to the nations of Europe with the exception, perhaps, of the Austrian en pire. While the people of Prussia were strugg! for free institutions against the absolutism of their sovereign, and the people of Austria were doing the same; while France was, not consolidating her. revolution, but preparing the road for the advent of lepitimae r the re blishiient of an imperial | despotiom such as subsisted uader Napoleon—an end to which all her present eflorts would appear to be directed; and while Italy, through the folly or the compliciy of the Kiag of Piedmont, was play- i me of her con Wterors, from Calabria to th to Resto Calende on the Lago Maggiore, the Auto- crat of the Russias was gathering r his hordes, from the coast of the Pacific to the coast of the Baltic, from the Black Sea to the White Sea, was accumulating the proceeds of his gold mines in the Uralian Mountains, was concentrating his fleets between Finland and the Sound, between ‘Trebizond and the Bosphorus, in the North Sea and in the Euxine, and at this moment, his colossal form overshadows the world. Heretofore, France had always the reputation of being the greatest military, while England had that of being the reatest naval power in Europe ; but now, thoogh the might of England is still undoubted, it is strongly asserted that "the prime military position must be conceded to Russia. ‘ ‘ .The policy of the Russian system, in so far as history can develope it, has uniformly tended to the possession of Constantinople. Turkey is the next country to Russia; and strange as it may sound, the extension of the latter, consequent upon the absorption of the former, would make it a far more compact empire than it is at present—speak- ing in ageographical ag well as in a political sense. With Constantinople in her possession, Russia would exercise that preponderance in Eurene which she now does in northern Asia; she would, through the key of the east—the Dardanelles—hold the Levant, inclusive of Egypt, practically inher grasp; and the Mediterranean, by means of her fleets, would eventually become a Calmuck lake. ‘Turkey, since the days of her decadence, has certainly seen this system work—sometimes more clearly, sometimes less clearly ; but in all the phases of her infatu- ation or her ignorance, it has ever been perceptible to her political vision. Hence the various atti- tudes assumed by that worn-out power towards the protecting nation—for such, in fact, has been the relative attitude of Russia towards her. When she felt strong in the friendship of her ancient ally, England, she petulently repelled the influence of St. Petersburg ; when, on the contrary, the policy of France approximated to that of the Em- peror of all the Russias, as it occasionally did rather too closely in the days of Louis Philippe, then hyperborean protection was caressed, and the Ottoman hugged the Russian bear, who in return hugged him most lustily. The very fidgetiness of ‘Turkey showed its fear; while if any additional fact was needed to proye the existence of this pas- sion in the mind of the government of that country, it was furnished by the impassiveness of the Rus- sian diplomacy at Constantinople—which, looking neither to the right nor to the left, marched on- ward, like destiny, to its final accomplishment. “'Bhe beginnings of the end” is now arrived ; Russia has entered Transylvania at the instance of, the Austrian Emperor ; and with the assistance of Russian troops, the Hungarians, who tought for freedom and against absolutism, have been (so the latest accounts state) defeated. The quid pro quo for this eflective service to the Emperor of Austria, is the sale of the cabinet of Vienna to that of St. Petersburg. The terms of sale are, to be sure, couched in the form of a matrimonial contract be- tween the young Bohemian monarch—Joseph Fer- dinand is’ scarcely a German—and_ the ¢ Duchess Anna, a daughter or neice of the nian sovereign, Nicholas,; but the result is identi- cal with that of any other similar sale, Austria is practically transferred to Russian government. ‘The first article of this contract is ‘an oflensive and defensive alliance” between. the two poten- tates; the second, provides for the inclusion of ‘Tur- key in its conditions—probably for the more effectual partition of that falling power; the third guaranties the Prussian claims on Schleswig Holstein—so that it would seem as if the brother-in-law of the Czar was to be kept quiet by the sacrifice of Denmark’s asserted right to these duchies. Of course the Rus- sians will undertake to [ tee and hold so much of the Austrian Empire—Uungary, Transylvania, and the Bannat of ‘Temeswar, and the other provinces adjacent to Turkey,for instance—as may be necessa- ty to enable the Emperor to throw the large army now in the occupation of these districts upon Italy —which, it may be, will then become German from, Venice to Genoa, from the Arno to the summit of the Alps ; and then “ware hawk” for Turkey.— ‘The first movement made by the Ottoman, will be the signal for his fall ; unless France, who cannot consistently with the policy of Odillon Barrot and his pupil, Louis Napoleon, assist the Turks, should take the initiative Lt baa this gigantic scheme of aggrandizement, and throw an army into Italy ; or England should line the Bosphorus with her fleets androcenpy theaiutha bthe Balto andthe Bax ine. In the meanwhile the plot progresses. ‘The Pesth Courier says:—* By intelligence brought from St. Petersburgh by a specialconvey ance, the Emperor of Russia, at a review of 40,000 men of the Guards, said publicly to the troops that the circumstances of the Austrian empire required he should ance at the disposal of his freind, the Emperor of Austria, a portion of his military power. ‘This announcement was received by the 40,000 guards with thundering shouts of ** Long live the Emperor of Austria.’ ’"— Verbum sapientia. ‘What are the Hungarians Fighting Fort [From the London Spectator. } The summary which we gave last week, of the forces arrayed on the side of the Hungarian pa- triots, and the hints we there supplied as to the co-operation of all classes in the struggle, must have surprised those who have suffered themselves to be persuaded that it is the result ef unconsidered excitement or revolutionary intrigues. Thos have chosen to represent Kossuth as nothing than the raving apostle of a subversive republican- ism, have yet to explain how he has contrived to array under his banner the representatives of the noblest and wealthiest families. In fact, although a bloody war has now for three months been de- vastating the productive corn lands of Hungary, both the parties engaged in the contest, and the ob- ject for which it is waged on either side, are but ittle understood in this country; and whatever jeogment may be formed upon policy and probubi- ities, we Wish to make English politicians under- stand the grounds upon which the Hungarians act. For more than a century, Austria and Hungary have continued to miintain an amicable union: how does it now happen that we find the descen- dants of those, who rose as one man to save the throne of Maria ‘Theresa—who turned a deaf ear to the ofler of a separate and independent exist- ence from Napoleon—now arrayed in arms against Austria? The Austrian journals, which choose to ascribe this state of things to the sole influence of Kossuth, in reality attribute to his eloquence some- thing more than it merits. A distinguished and a remarkable man indeed he is; but his eloquence would not have driven a nation into rebellion, nor raised regular armies, nor maintained them in the field. ‘The struggle is, in short, a national one, which, although he plays an important part in it, does not depend solely upon, himself. ‘The Hun wns are fighting for their nationality, which y hold to be threatened by the system of the Austrian ministry. Nor is this nationality a vague and misty idea, the imaginative reconstruction of a perished history, like that of, the Irish, or of the Bohemians, who still dream of the great Moravian empire of Svatopluk ; but it is the complex pro- duct of their national institutions, hithe tied to them by every snc t i nation oath; in accordance with it, and in obe- dience to the law of the land, the whole adminis- tration has been hitherto in the hands of native Hungarians. For nationality consists, not as Scla- yonian and German pr ors teach, in identity of language, still less in identity of e, but in iden- tity of srests, of habits, of institutions, and of history. "The Austrian ministry is struggling for a closer unity of, the empire ; Ulungary, not unnatu- rally jealous of change, will not give up her an- cient constitution. It should be borne in, mind, that the struggle on the part of the Hungarians, is not for the mainte- ance of class privileges or the special interests of a caste. ‘This has been too often asserted here, in defiance of the truth. ‘That the nobles were a pr vileged class, will not be denied; but they were not such a class as the oligarchs of Russia; the nobles were the franch uring class—not a smvall fraction of the population, removed to an immeasu rable distance above, and tyrannising over the rest; the pa: from one division into the other was neith norrare. Stillit must be admit. grievances in the inequality of taxation, and drawbacks upon the national pros- perity inthe nature of the prevalent copyhold te- nures, And it must ever be remembered to their credit, that the privileged class, themsel only privileged class of whom h such honorable mention —in a sion of diets, extending over the last quarter of a cen- tur have brought forward measure after meusure for the purpose of divesting the selves of those personal advantages’ which they were convinced were opposed to the universal welfare. The chief opposition that they met with in this career of improvement was ever offered by the Austrian government itself; which in all its dependencies maintained the immoral mode of ruling by keeping alive hostility between the dif ferent classes of its subjects. All that remained of ancient abuses was finally swept. away in the diet which closed on the 1th of April, 1843, and whose acts received:the solemn ratification of the Empe- ror Ferdinand, in his capacity of King of Hungary. Thus alone is it to be explained, that in the camp of Debriezen we gee representatives of all the po- pulations of Hungary, and of every class of soci- tty. ‘The Serviuns, indeed, and the Saxons of Troneylvania, form’ an ex mnier of liberty gladly dwell upon ; but both th races have had their separate institutions, and therefore always stood more apart from the M fermans of thi yars. But the Selavonians, the Yeps oud the Banat, the Wallachians, all rashed to arms when the Emperor Francis Joseph refused to add to his titles the alerown, of Hungary, and, steed of tuking the constitutional oath in’ pre- ce of the Hungarian diet, assented to the plans of the Austrian ministry, by whieh the constitu tion and fundamental faws of Hungary were at once abrogated. \ atid Such is the Hungarian, case, and it ia worthy of all consideration, But since the Austrian minieury has broken entirely with the history of the past, to enter on a career of revolution and reconstruction, the arguments and pleas of the past are in a great Tt is a struggle for power, in appears as the conserva- he old ways—once-absolute Ause tria, as the revolutionist contending for anew ore e out of date. which liberal Hunga: tive, standing on the ol in an English Point [From the London Chronicle, Mareh 22,] ‘The Canadian mails brought by the Europa con- tain little, with reference to the question raised by our article of Monday morning, that is new, either body else who is connected with, or ‘anada. To the Colonial-office, how- to Mr. Hawes, it is all new. strous resolutions of Mr. Lafontaine, the pub- lieation of the list of rebels to be compensated, the agitation with which the province is conyulsed in consequence, the threats of civil war and of sepa~ ration—in short, the entire series of events by which the honor of the crown is outraged, and the empire imperilled, have escaped the notice of a minister occupied in oppressing Guiana, insulting the Cape, and defending the cause of mi- Parcere subjects, et Roman maxim ; its con= Z to present appearances The Canadian ta to us, or to an interested in, ever, accordin; integrity of th lespotism in C debellare superbos, was th verse will soon, accordii be the established rule for the colonial poliey o: Great Britain. This matter, however, cannot rest here. Two questions have been raised—and (differing though ce) both require to be cleared first implicates Mr. Hawe: either for official vigilance, or for personal candor If he was not cognizant of the oce rof Monday, he must, they do in importa: 's character, and veracity. currences stated in our papet account for his ignorance ; if he was cognizant of them, he must account for his denial of ledge of the facts at all.” The second question implicates the conduct of those who represent the British crown in its rela- tions to Canada. All we know at present is, that @ fatal error has been committed, in allowing Mr. Lafontaine and his colleagues to introduce their measure in the capa the Queen’s ministers; we wish further to know who is responsible for that error, and what steps will be taken to retriev is evi whole tenor of the public and private a from Canada, that the Governor-General is under- stood to acquiesce in, if not to back, the determi- nation of his cabinet in thisaflair, One letter which we have seen says, ‘‘Lord supported at home, for he sticks by the ministry It is the business, there- fore, of those who disapprove of his conduct, to as- supported at home,” or not. Ifhe has acted under instructions, Lord Grey must be called to account for them —as we can hardly bring ourselves to believe—he has acted proprio motu, without either giving in- or seeking instructions, on a point of importance, it remains for the minis- ter, to whom he is responsible, to express, at his _ disavowal Not a mo- ith the authority of It is evident, from the Igin must be strongly through thick and thin.’ certain whether he is on the other hand opportunity, of a proceeding so flagranily wrong. in publishing, throughout mpire, that this sh crown, and this discouragement to its loyal subjects, have been caused by the unforseen indis- cretion of an individual, and that the Imperial go- vernment utterly disclaim and repudiate all parti- ation in the transaction. But more than this. is required: another Governor must, in the contin- gency supposed, be sent out to initiate an opposite e trust that it may yet not be too lat though we observe that the measure is presse with the frenzied haste of H revent it from taking eff ment should bi every corner of the nsult to the lonial partisanship, to It it be now too only say, that a deep responsibility been incurred by'those through whos cable ignorance a fortnight’s invaluable time has. pen already lost. For, every hour, during which the assent of the, Imperial government is assumed, contributes indefinitely to weuken the prestige of its name, and to sap the foundation of its autho- rity. We can anticipate but two arguments which can bly be used in favor of Lord Elgin’s poliey— one founded on the nature of our relation with Ca- nada, the other on the nature of the measure now under discussion. In the first place, it may be said that this is purely a Canadian question, and that ponsible government involves course, the acquiescence of the gs of the representative body, with re- such subjects. But, clearly, even accord- Tesponsible govern- ¢ ® has its privileges as well as the representatives—the head of the goyerament, as well as his ministers. have appealed, in the Lafontame to the Assembly ; from the Assembly to the country. would haye been a very different thing from allowing his ministers to introduce and carry measures with every appearance of possessing hii countenance and support. As he has not taken this obvious course, neither he nor his advocates can hat the issue_ has been fairly tried, or that the existing state of things is due to the natural operation of responsible government. r, that this question is, by its very nature, excepted from the category of those to which the principle of responsible government for colonies applies. It is not a purely Canadian ques- tion—but one which deeply involves the honor of the, imperial crown, and the authority of the im- perial laws. If Canada were formally indep she could, of course, do purees, and n as a matter of xecutive in the ing to the extreme theory of ment, the Execut s. Lord Elgin shoul first instance possibly allege must add, howe hat she pleased with her ht sanction any principles of go- vernment that suited her ; and we are not prepared to suy, that a deliberate sanction, by the Canadian people, constitutionally appealed to, of Mr. Lafon- t not be considered as a incompatibility between the mother country and the colony, and as a signal, therefore, that the proper time had arrived for their But that separation has not yet taken We have relations with Canada, not only not only are her laws administe: name of our sovereign, but we are main- ing en army of 6,000 men foreign war and domestic disaf this is the case, we deliberately say, that it is possible for us to acquiesce in a measure by which netion and approval of the Canadian govern- re given (in the shape of pecuniary rewards) to rebellion against the Queen’s authority, aad re+ sistance to the Queen’s troop: E nd argument which we shall notice, is i { interpretation of the prin- tself. It is conceded, we al ministers, that persons nd those only) are to taine’s resolutions, mij symptom of fundament formal, but r defend her against tion; and, w! founded on an incorre ciples of the mea find, by the convicted”? of rebellion (: be excepted from compensation ; and this may ap- pear, to persons who are not acquainted with the e, as Important, as it isa plausible concession. fact is, that, of the persons whow riously and avowedly in arms as rebels, a ver were ever “convicted.” It small proportion in must be so in all rebellions—and it was i of Canada, where the jury. syster ed in such, a, manner as, generally speaking, to ke conviction imp t : Il the leaders they have just, returned. of an amnesty ; and it is from this of the largest claimants for indemnity for example, the nd trial a farce aped to the United States, under the benefit lass of people, have now been selected. case of Wolfred Nelson; he, it seems. 1 sum twice as large ashe was ever worth This man fortified and d gainst the troops under Colone! Gore, who, being once beaten off, finally took and de- is captured, and would been tried—and, as a matter of course, capitally punished—if he had not been ineluded in the num- ber of those whom Lord Durham, by his celebra- ted ordinances, liberated, under the condition of When the ordinances were disallowed, Nelson’ returned home, having ishment by a purely fortuitous a nted accident. But, not being a ‘* ce ed” criminal, he isto be compensated f mage done to, his hor all sorts of things beside: kind of men who are to the sanction of her underf the, eyes, of the very officers with whom they were in collision. We are told that the measure now bronght for- ward is identical with, one which emanated from the late, or conservative, not the fact. banishment to Be: escaped pun e during the si This is a sample of the eeeive public money with: y’s government, and The late ministry is commission. of inquiry, into all | in terms, only those they considered open to invest express instructions to the Comi to admit, for a moment who, on such ini of men convieted. 'T st. ation ; but their rs Were, not the claims of individuals H ligation, should prove to have iplicated, direetly or indirectly, i bellion ; and we believe that, it was adequate powers to asi pints, that the Now, Mr. Lafontain opposed, both in lette going policy, since it is introduced with th cial purpose of compen: it was the speci A as from want of tain. this, among other commission failed of its ob, ‘Ss measure is diametri and in spirit, to the ating the very people whom al purpose of the former .vlinisters There_is, therefore, as little to be said 4 authority, as nson; and we earnestly trust, that, ibsence of argument and reason, it may not he suffered to become itself a precedent 1 for it in the way of pree argument and rea Trseaxy.—Ina decree of the 6th uf provisional government of 'T n Assembly is invested with the tuent power, for two distinet purposes, namely, Ist to determine whethe if the Tuscan state is to b compose the Constitu with the deputies of the Roman. state. the representative named {ur the italian ( Assembly may sis sit as a representative in the nm What conditions, to Rome; 2Ily, to it Assembly of ©