The New York Herald Newspaper, April 12, 1849, Page 1

a THE NEW YORK HERALD. — = NO. 5424. MORNING EDITION----THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 1849. The Navigation Laws of Great Britain. IMPORTANT DEBATE. Imperial Parliament. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Marcn 9.—Numerous sitions were presented sgainat any ‘alteration of the navigation laws—among ot ony § one from Live: l, of enormous bulk, and one from shipowners and others of London, signed by nearly 21,000 persons. MODIFICATION OF THE KAVIGATION Laws. Mr. Lazovcnere moved the second reading of the Navigation Bill. Mr. Heanies thereupon rose, and expressed his de- termination to offer his most strenuous opposition to the further progress of the measure. He felt it incum- bent upon him to move, as an amendment, that the bill @second time that day six months. The dis- eussion ht be regarded ar a resumed one—as a con- ‘tinuation, in fact, of that which took place last year. The interval which had elapsed had been fruitful in information upon the subject, and in expres- sions of public opinion decidedly adverse to it. Mr. Labouchere had placed the alleged necessity for this measure upon three different grounds. The first was, the supposed anxiety and determination of Canada to have the navigation laws repealed; the second, the mecesity for their repeal, for the sake of the West Indies; and the third, the menaces which had been held out by foreign powers, and which it would not be prudent to dis He would dispose of these three ds before he came to what he called the real ques- ion in cy ee As a ground for the repeal of the navigation laws, the case of Canada was good for nothing. The Reet ar of the Canadians was not for a Fepeal of the navigation laws, but for # return to pro- tection, Nor was the argument endeavored to be made in connection with the case of the West Indies in a degree more fortunate. The measure before the Hou: would be disadvantageous to the Went Indies in many e—in none more #0, perhaps, than in the additional facilities which it would and for the introduction of slave grown sugar into this country, the free com- petition of which with West India produce threatened our colonies with destruction. And as to the third ground, that connected with the attitude of foreiga wers, it was as unsubstantialias the others, During she interval which had elapsed between the first and second introduction of the bill,the government had been in negotiation with foreign powers upon the subject. The communications received from them deserved the attention of the House. Not one of these communica- tions was of satisfactory character. The foreign powers had been asked what they would do if werepeal- ed the navigation laws, and the reply of the majority was to the effect that at present they could not tell us. This was particularly the case with regard to the Ger- man states anid cities, who referred us to @ period which would 4s never arrive, namely the establishment: of @ central government in Germany. But all the Dutch and German states and ports, Hamburgh, Lu- beck, Mecklenburgh Sterlits, etc., wished to postpone their decision until the before mentioned central go- ‘Yernment was established; and he thought, indeed that ft would be advisable that the house should ae- eede to his motion for Ug ony Bd the reading.of the Dill till that day six months, by which time they. might have received more satisfactory answers. Even Prussia, their great ally, could give them no consolation until the central government was formed, (Hear). Russia, indeed, consented to negotiate with us. The United States would not answer us. The United States wero always very careful in such proceedings as these. They never committed themselves. (Hear, hear). But what did Austria say? A more reproachful note than that which had been received from the Austrian minister eould hardly be conceived. It barely came within the limits of diplomatic courtesy and politeness, (Hear, and laughter). It was thus the Austrian minister wrote on the subject :— “Ada, Ce n'est pas sans surprise que le gouvern ment Impérial a voula qu'une question telle que cel @ laquelle il t de répondre, a pu lui &tre address celui de Is Grande Bretagne. 11 croyait pouvoir se er que les principes on ne peut plus libcraux qui preasiprer 4 la législation Autrichienne sur la naviga- ion, et qui sont justement appréciés par toutes les na- tions commergantes, ne seruient pas ignorés en An- gleterre. 1] espérait que le gouvernement Britanniquo n’aurait pas youé & un entier oubli ce que l’Autriche a si franchement fait valoir dans plusieurs occasions, et |e rad lors des négociations qui ont précédée conclusion des Traités de Commerce et de Naviga- tion du 21 Décembre, 1829, et du 3 Juillet, 1838, savoir que les bétimens Anglais ne sont assujettis dans les tats de l’Empereur @ aucune espice de mesure res- trictive, quant @ leur provenance ou leur destination (le cabotage seul excepte), ni quant & Verpéce de mar- ehandises qu’ils transportent; et que l’on ne colt en Autriche de ces navires, a le suite dendite traités, aucun droit differenticl quelconque. La navigation Anglaise jouit en juence en Autriche des avan- tagen les plus étendus, pulequ’elle qstt placée, & Yox- ras gra du cabotege, sur le pied d’une pleine et p te ité avec la navigation indigéne. La preuve, per , que le pavillon Autrichien n'est point traite on Angleterre d'une maniére analogue, est amplement fournie par le modératum mentionne plus haut. . LAutriche se trouve d’ailleurs 4 présent dans un état de transition. Si une telle situation rend par elle- méme & tout gouvernement trés difficile, sinon moralo- ment impossible, d’arreter et do Sheree tout un systéme politique, une pareille entreprise serait aujourd’bui pour l’Autriche encore spécialement diffl- cile par rapport a ra pots jue commerciale, vu aussi position laquelle elle se trouve placée en sa qualité de membre de la Confédération Germani- That was the style of answer we got from Austria. (Hear, hear.) Even from Belgium they had got no very Ps yet a rd Na biped bb ap bpp receive = ing proposed, and get every she could; but the government of Belgium was now doing that which all good ernments ought to do—acts of justice to its own citizens, and of protection for their industry,— lear.) Lord Howard de Walden wrote as follows from russels:— “| have the honor herewith to transmit to you a copy of a note which I have received from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, in reply to the communication which I made to him under your lordship’s instructions, con- Yeyed to me in your dispatch of the 22d of Decembor last, relative tothe alterations in the British navigation law, intended to be proposed by her Majesty's govorn- ment during the present reesion of Parliament. I ex- sed to your lordship at the time that it was not pro- Babie that ‘the Belgian government would abolish the differential duties now levied in the ee of this eoun- try on British goods not imported in Belgian vessels. Subsequent conversation with M. d’Hoffschmidt, and the tenor of the present note, confirm that opinion ; indeed, I very much doubt whether # proposition to ad- mit of competition on perfectly identical terms between British and Belgian vessels would be listened to for an instant.’ There was another state to which a commu- nication had been made—he meant France. Now, no- ‘thing could be more civil than the reply of France, and yet nothing more decided than the opposition which sho gave by her acts to our proposition. (Hear.) In the interval which had occurred betweon the time at which Lord Normanby presented the note of our Foreign Secretary, and that at which he received a re- ply to it, the Chamber of Deputies had come to a deci- sion on the question of the «alt duties, directly at va- risnce with our plan. They had imposed a duty on salt coming in French vessels, and an additional higher duty on salt coming in foreign ships, thereby excluding British vessels, (Hear.) It was a very remarkablo thing that all those things should have occurred in France, in Belgium, in Germany, and other places; that the hostility to the proposal of the government should continue, after all the missionaries from this country who had gone abroad to teach those benighted foreign- ers what would be for their benefit and for their 7. bid and laughter.) The hon. member for the it iding (Mr. Cobden) had been on that mission, and in he had failed to convince them of the efficacy of in doctrines. (Hear, and Taughter.) Not one step was taken towards that system of trade which the hi member went to teach. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman then proceeded to state the real question at issue be fore the house. It was maintained on the one hand, that the navigation laws had secured to this country @ large commercial marine, that a ¢ commercial marine was necessary to a great naval power, and that the repeal of the navigation laws, by crippling our commercial marine, would impair our maritime wirength. On the other hand, it was contended that the navigation laws restrained enterprise and impeded commerce by enhancing the cost of freight— that these laws were not essential to a large commer- cial marine—that, even if they were, euch & marine ‘wan not necessary to astrong naval power, and that their repeal was desirable, inasmuch as it would be of great advantage to trade, and of no disadvantage to our maritime strength. He admitted that, to some extent, the navigation laws imposed restraints upon commerce, by slightly enhancing the cost of freight. But he main- tained the nee connection between these laws and the existence of a large commercial marine, and the neceseary connection, again, between a large com- mercial marine, and a great naval power, The ques- tion, then, lay between the advantages of the naviga- tion laws, on the one hand, and their inconveniences on the other. The restraints and impediments, which he admitted to exist, were of too insignificant a che- racter to be weighed against the national advantages eonferred by the navigation laws upon the country.— He then proceeded to make good his position, that the bh of our commercial marine was promoted by the navigation laws, and that their repeal would, therefore, be detrimental to our maritime strength. Were they pared to acme a slight benefit, in the shape of Riminished ights, at the expense of #o great a na- tional calamity? This was the real question beforqthe Houee, brought within a narrow compass, and in giving its decision upon the subject, he warned the House to keep this simple issue in view. He concluded by mov- ii jis amendment for the rejection of the bill. "Er. Wireor, in be , after putting the ease of the Senades and that of the Wert Indies in @ very differ- ent light from that in which the right honorable gen- tleman had put them, and explaining the exact posi- tion of the queetion with regard to foreign powers, ob- vorved§ that the present was a peculiarly fitting time for the adoption of a moasure like that before the House, and that reasons of a domestic and imperial d teription, urged to its adoption, He then proceeded ai considerable length to show that, whilst they threw considerable impediments in the way of commerce,the navigation laws, as they now rtood, were of but very little importance to the Britieh rhip-owner, who had * slready been subject to severe tests, and had success- fally emerged from the ordeal of competition. His verest trial had been that with the American phi o rt, in which the rtatistios of the American trads would show that he had been eminently sucoessfal.— And whilst the navigation laws were of but litte bene fit to the British ship-owner. their operation waa some- times such, that they virtually protected, the foreign ship at the expense of the British one. The fact being established that the British ship-owner had success- fully competed with his rivals—with the American in the American trade, with the Prussian in the Prussian trade, &e—he could not bring himself to believe that the British ship-owner commanded, in general, a high- er rate of freights than the foreign owner. it there- fore followed, that the navigation laws, as they stood, did not, as @ general thing, secure to the British ship-owner a high rate’ of freight, as compared with that commanded fby the fo- reign ship-owner. They certainly gave him accidental advantages in the shape of high freights, whenever « great and sudden demand arose for foreign produce, and the amount of shipping permitted to import it was Limited, as compared to the demand for it. ‘This was all the advantage conferred upon him, and the source of the injury which was inflicted upon the consumer bythe laws in question, ‘The object of all classes, 0 the ship-owners amongst the rest, should be to secure as much uniformity in this respect as possible, and the Fepeal of the navigation laws would lead to this unifor- mity, He then briefly considered Mr. Herries’s argu- ment, that the proposed measure would impair the strength of the Royal Navy. Not only would this not be the effect of the bill before the House, but the very reverse was likely to be its result. If, then, our navi- ation system was really beneficial to no class, whilst it was injurious to several, and if it was desirable to de- part from that system, the question was, how was this departure to be most judiciously made? in his opinion, the measure before the House embodied the wisest, be- eause the only practicable course. Mr. Gladstone, last ear, had expressed himself in favor of reciprocity.— fe, however, was opposed to this principle, thinking it unwise, inconvenient, and, Indeed, impossible in prac- tice. The House should ensure to the merchants of the country the greatest degree of certainty. and sim- plicity in their commercial transactions. The system of reciprocity would not ensure them this. There were insuperable difficulties in the way of carrying out such aprinciple, The least of these, perhaps, were the “fa- yored nations” clauses in so many of our commercial treaties, and the multiplication of tariffa to which it would be necessary to resort in thoroughly carrying out the principle. If, then, the navigation laws, in their present operation, were of but little advantage to the ship-owner, what was the object sought by their repeal? The great object of ¥ repeal was, frat of , to do justice to our colonies; next, to remove cer- tain impediments which they created in the way of trade; and, lastly, to come to @ particular case, to de justice to the sugar-refiners of this country. ‘The great bulk of the honorable gentleman’s speech con- sisted of statistical details, introduced to illustrate his different positions, He concluded by recommending the measure to the House as part and parcel of that free-trade policy on which we had embarked, and which he hoped would soon be the commercial policy of the world, The Marquis of Granny then rose and expressed a hope that the House would not be led away by the speech which had been delivered by Mr. Labouchere in introducing the measure. Disguise it as the promoters of the bill might, the real question was, whether the british ship-owner could or could not compete with the foreign ship-owner? In his opinion, it was no dificult matter to show that he could not. ‘The proof that he could not, lay in the fact that every thing in this coun. try was dearer than in foreign countries. ‘The honor. able gentleman who had preceded him bad endeavored toshow that the British had successfully competed with the American ship-owner, But it was notorious that, in such a competition, the American had every vantage. In proof of this, the noble lord quoted some length from Mr. Mackay’s “Western World,’ recently published, to show that the the Americans had infinitely greater resources at their disporal than the British shipowners had. He agreed that the resources of America were greater than ours; but he dissented from the conclusions as to the future rospects of England, which Mr. Mackay had drawn m that fact. ‘The house should not forget the num- ber of artieans who would be thrown out of employment by the repeal of the navigation laws. The government had made out no case for their repeal, either in con- nection with Canada, the West Indies, or foreign powers, Their repeal, by crippling our commercial marine, would aim a direct and fatal blow at our mari- time euperiority. The government proposal was ro- plete, mith, Inconsistencies, which were generally ac- nowledged. It was fraught with danger to the em- pire, the contemplation of which, he hoped, would in- duce the house to reject it. Mr. Canpwett approached the consideration of the subject with adue sense of its national importance. But he could not escape the conviction of what wasdue to the great mercantile interests of this country, of what @ senee of justice to the coionies linpératively de- manded, and of what a due regard to the shipping in- terest iteelf required at their hands. He regarded it es all important to tho interests of this country that they should come, as soon as possible, to a right under- standing with regard to the long voyage trade. If they much longer delayed doing #0, the results would be anything but ratisfactory. Every dey for which it was delayed, subjected to frosh danger one of the most im- portant’ interests of the country—the warehouse in- terest. He was at a loss to conceive what was the in- tention of the opponents of the bill, with regard to the demands of our colonies, and was utterly astonished at hearing one of Mr, Herries’ knowledge and experience, treat the case of Canada asof no weight whatever. The more the case of that province was inquired into, the more must every one be convinced of the absolute ne- corrity of the repeal of the navigation laws, if they would save to Canada one of the greatest and most lucrative of her trades—the transit trade of the West. It was for the interest of the British shipowner tocome without delay, to o fair and equitable adjustment of this question.’ The shipping interest of this country had nothing to fear from a real, fair, and effectual com- petition. It was urged that the proposal of the govern- ment would impair our maritime power. If our mari- time power come in collision with our commercial in- teresta, the latter must give way. But the final settle- ment of this question would not put in conflict our mercantile interests and our maritime power. All the arguments which had been adduced upon. the subject, served to prove that the settlement of the question was necesrary to the mercantile interests of the country, to the welfare of our colonies, and to the prosperity of the shipping interest itself. In the existing law there were anomalica which it was impossible to defend, and it was the paramount duty of Parliament to deal with them immediately and effectively. The question for the Honre to decide was, should it object at once to all progrera in the matter, or, should it go into committeo, to hear all reasonable objections to the bill, and togive @ fair consideration to the representations of every interest which its different clauses would affect, 60 a8 to arrive at a conclusion, and, at the same time, @ satisfactory settlement of this most difficult and most important question. Mr. Heniey thought it rather singular that Mr. Cardwell was prepared, because there were anomalies in the navigation laws, to sweep them away altogether. The existence of anomalies in them might be a reason for their alteration, but it was certainly none for their abrogation. As to the long-voyage trade, so far was he from agreeing with Mr. Cardwell, that he regarded that trade as necessary to the welfare of the warehouse sy8- tem. Much had been made by the promoters of the Dill of the case of Canada; but nothing had been said by them of Nova Scotia or New Brunswick, simply be- cause these colonies were unanimously opposed to the policy of her Majesty's government, He thought that the branch of the subject which had erpecial reference to our maratime power, had been sedulously avoided by the government and its abettors. But on this ground the whole question chiefly rested. Could they secure by the repeal of the navigation laws, advantages sufficient, in variety and extent,. to counterbalance the national disadvantages which would inevitably follow from such @ step? If not—and thet they could not was his firm belief—what folly was it to run into cer- tain dangers for remotely contingent advantages. The honorable member from Westbury had repudiated the principle of reciprocity. If thet honorable gentleman expressed the sentiments of the government, its conduct was mont inconsistent. If reciprocity waa an indefen- sible principle, why had the government entered into correrpondence with foreign powers, or inserted into the bill the clause reserving extraordinary powers to the Queen in couneil? He warned the House to pause ere it took an irretrievable step, and to consider in ‘what position the country w laced were the contemplated experiment to prove @ failure. He cluded by putting rome questions to the govern Feepecting the apprenticeship ystem, Impressment, and the registry of tonnage, and by contending that if the government pursued a consistent course, it would not stick at throwing the consting trade, as wellas the other trades, open to the shipping of the world. He concluded that the present time was ill-chosen for the carrying out of experiments, eceing that the country in a state of general distress. The number of pe- titions from populous towns, which bad been presented to the House, manifested plainly the sentimente of the public out of doors upon the subject; and he confessed that he for one was not disposed torun the rick which he apprehended would be run ifthe present measure were carried. (Cheers.) Mr. Gravestone moved the adjournment of the de- bate. Lord J. Ruasrit said he had no objection to the ad- journment, provided it was understood distinctly that the debate would be resumed on Monday, that the House would then ¢ome to a division, and that no fur- ther adjournment on that day would take place. (Hear, hear, Me. Kaan yaa nioet eazious to sey. few words in explanation of the vote he intended to give. (“Oh, oh,” and laughter.) He thought that Irish members had a right to speck on navigation subjects, and he was of opinion, from the manner in which thie and other mea- tures had been introduced by her Majorty’s ministers, that much credit could not be given them for deep thinking and judgment, (Loud laughter, in the midst of which the hon. member euddenly reeumed his seat.) ‘The debate was then adjourned to Monday. Moray, Mareh 12. The adjourned debate on the navigation laws was then resumed by Mr. Gtapstoxy, who sustained an elaborate argument in favor of a departure from our present system, by & veries of comparisons whieh went to rhow that our tonnage, both foreign and colonial, had increased at a far more rapid ratio sinee we embarked on a rystem of relaxation, Fo far as the navigation laws were concerned, than previously to our so doing. This was, of iteelf, ® complete answer to those who held that further pro- grees in the course of relaxation would be destructive to the shipping interests of this country. He would not then enter into the question of time, his conviction being that, on commercial and other gromnds, this was a fitting reason for effecting a large change in our navi- gation rystem. If this were a proper time for maki such a change, the question was in what manner it TWO CENTS. could be best effected? Here he must say that he dif- | fered from many who sup) the present measure. His doctrine was, that y should not abandon the path of experience. In his opinion, it was only on principles analogous to those acted on by Mr. Huskis- son and others, that we could safely depart from the system of navigation which we so long pursued, and which had been for centuries interwoven with our national policy. There were several demands which the shipowner might fairly make upon the legislature, when it was about to deprive him of protection. In the first place, he was entitled to the removal of ie? peculiar burden by whieh he was now hampered. If we exposed him to unrestricted competition with foreigners, we should give him a drawback, or a remis- sion of the duties upon the timber which he used in the construction of his ships. He should also, in the next place, be relieved from the restraint under which he labored with respect to the manning of his ships. ‘There was still another compensation to which the shipowner was entitled. By repeal of the navigation laws, he would have to undergo # competition from the Baltic, sharp, as far as it went, and from the United States, all over the world. He was, therefore, entitled toask that we should secure for him, if possible, an entrance into those fields of employment from. whieh he was now excluded, as a compensation for the en- trance permitted to the foreigner to those flelds of om- ployment of which he had now a monoply. The polic pointed ‘out to them by experience was That of Peetle ional relaxation. He had never erftertained the no- tion that we should proceed by treaties of reciprocity with foreign powers. There were difficulties in the way of co doing, which it became a prudent legislature toavoid. The American system, so fur us it went, was that to which he would look as model. By adopting that of conditional relaxation, they would avoid the difficulties inreparable from the system of reciprocity treaties, The immediate effect of conditional relaxa- tion would be to give to the vessels of such States as conferred privileges upon our shipping corresponding advantages in our ports. Such a course would be in accordance with precedent and experience, whilst it was that which was demanded by justice, and which would be found more easy of execution than the plan proposed by Her Majesty's government, There ‘was one feature of that plan to which he had an insu- appa objection. Every word said by Mr. Wilson on ‘riday night, against the system of reciprocity, told with augmented force against that of retaliation. He would joih readily with those who might endeavor to get rid of that feature, regarding it, as he did, as a ma- terial defect in the government plan. If the govern- ment would not consent to legislate on the subject conditionally, he would advise it to do so directly, with- out the accompaniment of retaliation, Indeed, the conditional system was that upon which we now prac- tically acted with regard to many of the maritime na- tions of the world, The plan which he thus proposed, would do more for the general liberty of commeree than that which had emanated from the treasury bench. There was another feature in the government proposition which he regurded asdefective. He was of opinion that the mode in which it proposed to deal with the coasting trade would be found ineffectual for the purpose in view. Before we could expect to get the boon of the American coasting trade, we must throw our coasting trade unreservedly open to that country. He did not believe that we weuld secure the coasting trade of America by proceeding on the principle of un- conditional legislation. On the other hand, by pro- ceeding on the conditional principle, they had eve reason to believe that they would secure that trade. t this plan wanted another recommendation to entitle it to the favorable consideration of the House, it would be found in this, that by proceeding conditionally, they might at once effect @ final parliamentary settlement of this great question. Mr. Rowixson regarded the apeech of the right hon. gentleman ase powerful argument against the whole proporal before the House. If the measure were to be forced upon the country, the least that the interests affected might look for was that our legislation on the subject should be eonditional. The condition of our laboring population, the state of our finances, and the exigencies of our royal marine, all ied against the paseage of the measure before the House. ‘The only shipping interest that would benefit by it would be that of a most active end formidable rival. Mr. Cray would vote against the second rea: the bill, although he did not regard our navigati: tem as on such a footing that it could not 7) a with advantage. Mr. Hornay opposed the second reading of the expiating his former flirtations with free trac abusing free-traders, and making @ protecti speech, Mr, Mircent, in su} porting tho bill, exposed Mr. Hornby’s fallacies, and agreed with much that had fallen from Mr. Gladstone, although the speech of the right honorable gentleman was, in its genera] turn, fuch as he was surprised to hear from so distinguished ‘an advocate of free trade. The right honorable gentle- man could not have taken a more effectual mode to da- mage the whole echeme. Ife did not believe that the general rate of freights would decline in ¢onsequence Of the repeal of the navigation laws; but their repesl would enable us to escape the inordinately high freights which, in time of sudden emergency, we were called upon to pay. The result of the measure before the House would be the equalisation, and not the general Teduction of freights. Mr. Ware condemned the bill, as a measure the whole object of which seemed to be the promotion of the interest of the foreign at the expense of the British shipowner. Mr. C. Bruce gave his determined opposition to the bill, as tending to the ruin of another British interest, and fraught with peril to the maritime supremacy of the country. Mr. Wieox pegeortes: the wal hor ra hee the ground that protection had ever proved itself the bane of the interest sought to be cherished. As to the lachrymose forebodings of the opponents of the bill, in reference to the national defences, he could assure them that the public had learnt to look with suspicion upon such effusions of patriotiem from those whose chief regard ‘was for the pockets of a particular class, Mr Hitxrakop followed in opposition to the measure, denying that the shipping interest in this country was @ monopoly. Mr. Ricarpo was surprised that Mr. Gladstone, after having clearly demonstrated the mischief and incon- venience of these laws, should turn round and say that we should make our abrogation of this mischief and t] inconvenience conditional eo the abrogation of sim! lar laws by other nations, The right hon. gentleman having given in his edhesion to the repeal of the corn- laws and the alteration of the sugar duties without any such stipulations, he (Mr. Ricardo) could not un- derstand upon what pretext he could defend himself in requiring these conditions in regard to the navigation laws. No new argument in regard to tho shipping integest had been adduced, although it was etill as- serted that American ships were cheaper than English ships, though it was a mathemdtical demonstration t! 8 all the elements of ship-building were cheaper in this country than in America by one-third, British built ships must necessarily be cheaper than ships builtin America. The hon. gentleman said it was proved before the committee of the House of Lords that the West India merchant a American ships to English ehips; but for his (Mr. Ricardo’s) part, he could not follow the evidence of the West In- dian merchants before that committee. Almost all of them candidly confessed that they were quite unac- quainted with the navigation laws—that they had never read them, and were wholly ignorant of their effect upon the local interests of the West Indies. He denied that he had ever underrated the importance of the mercantile marine of this country, as some hon. members had imputed to him ; but what he said was, that the mercantile marine of this country was indo- pendent altogether of acts of Parliament ; that it de- pended rather upon our insular position, upon our daily intercommunication with those porsessions the inhabitants of which spoke the same language as our- selves, had the same wants and habits as ourselves, and upon our people being @ seafaring population. (Hear, hear.) If mercantile marine could be pro- duced by an act of Parliament, how did it happen that France and Spain, who had navigation laws far more stringent than ours, had no mercantile marine upon which tocaleulate? (Hear, hear.) He held that it would be most dangerous for this country to depend upon the mercantile marine for the manning of the royal navy. That was a question on which he did not consider the offieers of the royal navy the persons best ualified to give an opinion; but he was quite willing % admit that they were able to furnish important evi- dence with regard to matters of fact; and taking the facte etated in the evidence of Sir B. Martin apart from his opinions, he thought that they they afford: decided proof that we were trui to a rotten reed in depending on the mercantile ne for the manning of the navy, unlesa we resorted to the system of im- presement ; and did any gentleman in his senses im- ine that ‘the country would eubmit to that again? (Hear, hear.) Admiral Bow.es would take the liberty of telling the government that en awful reeponsibility rested pon them if they gave eupport incautiourly and rashly to @ measure which might endanger the empire. Mr. Drummonn said the object of this bill—and most ingeniourly contrived it had been—was to keep capital im the country, but still not to employ our laborers, (Hear, and a co The promoters of it did not send capital away; but they kept it here for the purpose of employing foreign laborers. They had all heard of the Batanic school of poetry in literature. If there was such @ thing as @ eatanic shool in politica, the authors of this bill certainly belonged to it. (Hear, hear, ands laugh.) It was a very remarkable phenomenon that at the present day it seemed the fate of every staterman, no matter to what party he belonged, or on what side of the Houge he rat, to be doomed to eat every word he had ever uttered on any one occasion (a laugh) and to go againet every principle which he had ever endea- yored to establish. If, therefore, any honorable gentle- man were ata loss to meet the arguments of the go- yernment and its supporters, they had only to go ba to the speeches of those very gentlemen, and to ap from the drunken Philips of the day to the sober Ph lips of ten years ago. (Hear, hear.) In fact, the best speech against the measure of Kari Grey was the speech delivered not long ago hyd Lord Howick. (A laugh.) For ears past, the country had been under an evil genius, it had been well described by the honorable member for Buckingham (Mr. fe 84 a fate from which no minieter could liberate himself—{t seemed, as it were, a sort of myth ofa force which bound .them down while chancellors of the exchequer pecked at their livers ad Kibitum, (Cheers and langhter.) The most cclebrated statesman of antiquity declared that ‘there isin ma- ritime States a corruption and instability of morals, for they import not only merchandise, but morals; 80 that nothing can remain entire in thejinstitutions of their country.” He might quote the opinions of Lord Chatham and of Mr. Canning to a similar effect; and of late days they had an eminent writer, who, in his work on Germany, speaking of Frankfort, said, “ip com sequence of her commercial relations, she was so tho- roughly under foreign influence, and so uted by a mixture of all foreign manners, that her population could be hardly said to have a character of her own.” — ‘What bad fitted them to be citizens of the world had unfitted them to be citizens of the country to which they belonged, for “they judged of the happiness of mankind by the rate of exchange.” (Cheers and laugh- ter.) Now, all that was applicable to the Manchester school. ‘d fuult of these gentlemen was, that they could not forma conception how anything that was not good for cotton spinning could be for any thing else, (Renewed laughter.) “But,” said the same writer, “let no one blame thenf for forgetting, in the parmnite of the money speculator and merchant, the interest of their country; or, at least, before doing 80, let him visit the ports of London, Liverpool, or Bristol, and discover, if he can, a purer foundation for Englisi: trioticm.” (Hear, hear.) But he had one more au- hority for honorable gentlemen opposite—thelr darling Adam Smith. The only quarrel he (Mr: Drummond) had with honorable gentlemen with respect to Adam Smith was that they never would read beyond one page of him. (A laugh} Let them. attend to this:-"As their (the manufacturers’) thoughts, however, are com- monly exercised rather about the interest of their parti- cular branch of business than about that of society, their Judgment, even when given with the greatest candor (which ithas not been on every occasion.) is much more to be depended upon on the former than on the latter, The interest of the dealers in any particular branch of trade or manufacture, is always, in some respects, dif- ferent from or even opposite to that of the public. (Hear, hear.) Yet it was for such men as these that the legislature had acted for many years back, and acted still. The manufacturer sent to Africa for his cotton, grown by the African laborer; having employed the African laborer and shipowner, he would take it home and spin it into cotton; then it was put on board @ French veasel, and exchanged for French silks or wines; fo that, from beginning to end, not one English luborer would be employed. (Ironical cheers from the ministerial benches.) When the poet, glowing with a fine enthusiasm, exclaims ; “Breathes there a man with a soul so dead, ah bo never ty himselt bath eaid— * This is my own, my native land ?” “Oh, yes,”’ says the honorable gentleman opposite, “at Manchester there are a thousand of them.” (Cheers and Isugter.) Not eontent (continued the honorable gentleman) with resorting to bribery to get up accusa- tions against your sailors—not satiafied with assailing them and your naval officers with taunts, you now say we have #“ superstitious reverence” for ihe navy. It may be true we have a superstitious reverence for, that gallant service. It may remain among us yet. Time was when we hada veneration for it. ‘There was in- deed a time when we had a national faith—when we venerated, aye, worehipped, if you like, the statesmen who guided the destinies of this country—when we respected the magistrates who administered her lama, and admired the seamen and soldiers who devoted their liven to her service—a time when our national creed was “Rule Britannia,” and the finest anthem in our ritual was “ God save the Queen."? (Cheers.) Mr. Lanovenxnr argued the question upon the ground of British interest, not omitting the ship- Ping interest itself, the advantage of which he re- garded as deeply involved in the success of the mea sure before the House, The question then before the house was the principle of the bill; and he did not look for the vote of any honorable member in favor of it who did not admit the propriety of @ departure from the system of the navigation laws. He avowed his readiness to consider any suggestion in reference to the details of the measure, provided they ware uot in- consistent with the principles on which the bill was in- troduced. The right honorable gentleman then briefly recapitulated the arguments which he had formerly offered in connection with the colonial, long yvoy- age, end coasting branches of the subject. Iie saw no reason why the present retention of the lumber duties should operate as @ bar to the immediate repeal of the navigation laws. As to Mr. Gladstone's suggestion, he thought that the House would take a narrow and erroneous view of the true policy of the country were they to adopt it. Mr. Gladstone had claimed Mr. Huskisson as an authority in favor of his suggestion; but he (Mr. Labouchere) thought that the high euthority of Mr. Huskisson was opposed to the righ honorable gentleman's suggestion, and in favor of the policy proposed by the government. He did not think that eur commercial policy should be made to depend upon the views and caprices of foreign stat He hoped that the house would well sider the eub- ject before it adopted Mr. Gladstone’s suggestion. In ‘committee ample opportunity would be offered of ¢on- sidering that suggestions in all its bearings. He con- eluded by urging upon the House the absolute neces- sity which existed for settling this important question without delay. Mr. Muntz inferred from Mr. Labouchere’s speech that he hé@d great doubts as to the result of his own measure. The repeal of the navigation laws would diminish the returns and profits of British shipping. If not, why repealthem? But there was one advantage which would be derived from their repeal. Their exis- tence was the eal excuse now remaining for the failure of free trade. (Cheers and laughter.) He would help the government to rid of this remaining exeuse when free trade might be fairly tested by its fruits. Having stripped every other class of protection, be did not think it fair to protect @ particular class. When the ore arses laws were repealed, it would be dificul to nay who would be the gainers. Mr. Schoueriziy observed that in his opinion, the people of Birmingham would be gainers by the repea of the navigation laws. Mr. Muntz did not mean to say that his constita- ents would not gain by their repeal. All that he meant was, that one class would in at the expense of another, but that there would be no national gain. The House then divided, and the numbers were :— For Mr. Herries's amendment (that the bill be read a second time that day six months)... 210 Against it. .eeceeeeee Seer te jajority against.............. 66 Sheannowereent or tha manbers wiciied-joad ond prolonged cheering from the proteetioniats. The bill was then read a second time. ‘The other business was disposed of, and the House adjourned. Frupay, March 23. The telegraphic despatch in the Courier says :— Mr. Lanovcurns moved that the House go into com- mittee upon the bill for amending the navigation laws. He said he had an important alteration to make in the Dill, which he was bound to state at the earliest possible stage; and he had at first proposed ndch a modification of the cossting trade as would allow foreign vessels, as well as British, to combine coasting with foreign ves- sels, He (Mr. Labourchere) therefore did not feel jus- tifled in asking the House to agree with that part of the measure which would throw open the coasting trade; the bill would consequently return to the shape in which it was propored last. Mr. Grapstone, eaid the right honorable gentleman had been more merciful in the withdrawal of that part of the bill which proposed to open the coasting trade, then in justifying the original of such @ modification. It was evident Sir T, Freemantle’s opinion had from the first been adverse to the proporition of government; it was besides very inconvenient for the Minister to make statements for bis eonversations with subordinates. Buch persone’ practices perplexed the public mind with regard to the person upon whom the responsibility should rest. Mr. Gladstone then concluded; rtated that be ehould not embarrass the government by di- viding upon his amendments with respect to recipro- Uity, as he thould now prefer the bill es it was—-no bill at ail The right honorable gentleman then gave an outline of the plan he had intended to propose for car- rying reciprocity by means of conditional regulation, and repeated that he would not press it to a division. Mr. Hennixs said the proper course would be for the government to withdraw the bill and introduce a new one, after the material alteration that had been made init, He rhould divide the House on the side reading. The House then went into Committes on the bill; and on the first clause, rection four, Mr. Bouverie moved the addition of a provision to the effect that the exirt- ing retrenchment should continue in force until it ap- ears to the eatisfaction of the privy council that the ike restrictions upon British ships trading to foreign countries had been removed. This division was op- d by Mr. Labouehere, Mr. Herries, and others and, ufter lengthened debate, the Committee divided ‘The members wer For the provision. APE | ree | Against it...... Majority againatit..... 00. c.s eee eres The provision was consequently rejected. Th was then agreed to, The other clauses up to No. 16 were agreed to; after which the Chairman reported pro- gress, Adjourned at 1 Very Late rrom Vauraraiso.—Letters were received in this city this morning, mie the Boston Traveller of the 10th inst., from Valparaiso, over- land, to the 2d of last month, having been short of forty days on the way. A numberof veasels had arrived from the United States; among others, the ships Sophia Walker, from Boston, arrived Feb. 9; Hi. Erving, from do., arrived Feb. 24, in 76 ge, and the brig Horatio from do.—The ship Fam Forrester, Capt. Sweetlin, from N. York, government stores, arrived Feb. 1th, in days’ passage, and sailed for Monterey. The U. 8. ship Lexington, from San Francisco for New York, via Kio Janeiro, sailed from Valparaiso on the 2d of March. The pureer writes home that he took on board boda gold, $181,000 of which is to be left ‘alparaiso, to be coined, to return to the mines for trading Purposes 7 Th fol- lowing is extract of a letter dated Saree March 2:—* You are just getting the gold fever in the United States. Here it, has been raging for four or five months. Valparaiso isnearly deserted. All the commission houses are getting ard up tor clerks, and are trying fair and foul means to pre- vent the youug men from emigrating and leaving them alone. About half a million has been re- ceived here in, gold already from California. It yields, after paying all expenses of freight, smelting and aesaying, about €18 per ounce.” Court Calendar this Day. Borenion Count.—Nos. 41, 42, 61, 06, 07, 110, 118, 114, 115, 128, 129, 43, 1, 6, 11, 64, 13, 89, bo, 62, 88, 76, 126, 77, 6, 44, 117, 127, 182, 183, 194, 188, 187, 188, 139, 140, 141, 148, 144, 148, 147, 148, 149, 180, 161, 182, 184, 165, wow Puras—Part let--Now, 200, 211, 218, 915, 217, 219, 221, 228, 296, 227, 229, 231,233, 287, 230,’ Part 24-47, #4, 90, #2, 04, 100, 102, 104, 106, 106, 110, 114, 116, 118 ‘The Charter Hlec' ‘We give below the returns of the charter elec- tion, as faras we have received them; they are very nearly correct, and would have been entirely 80, if the inspectors of elections had performed their appropriate duties as they should have done; but having some other ends to serve than the completion of their duties and the furnishing of a report of their work to reporters, we failed to get frem some of them the result of their labors. From the tables given below, it will be observed s have elected not only their Mayor, ave also fourteen out ot the eighteen the next board, and that the Board of Assistants stands the same. In short, it isa clear whig victory. Mayoralty Tieket. Dem “Whig, VanSehaick. Brady. 1 ty) 3/323] ez newer fren 181 266 304 4a8 231 i i ” 5. e i tls <o fe e e | eyeeey 2 8 é i OAS mh oa gnzg3| 22222233 ages | 2505 s ecneurn = 204 mT aod 38 | eesesel es neg S| geatunal 223828203) ess enew~ S alg | geez E = d 3 iain SoEee me ecncn~ 3 ale | Sezaee g = s eouwr R2z9| 38 s 3 xe sl Buse 3| 3g #8 2| eoeeawr E " | 83 | £38 ' ; a8 FS = | #3 2 £ | sesee sl saz g g | esazz sl » ~ 82 i ges 3] s3sss2 3 il sessss2 gee 8| useeee S| ger le AGGREGATE MAYORALTY VOTE. 184, ——1ss——, Weedbeli, Van Schalek. + 723 584 Whig majority. 2,648 Whig apparent gain... ......05+- Taylor's majority in November, 1848. Weodhull’s majority in April, 1849 Whig apparent loss. . Common Coun 8S @RE9E 588 ‘2! a3 a i i THE JUDICIAL RESULT. SUPERIOR COURT, Duer. ae W. Campbal MARINE COURT. Hames of the Candidates Elected. Whigs in italies; sempteneicwmen) free sotlers in smal} oa w'ps. AaLDERMEr. 1,—Joseph Jami: 10.—Robert T. Hawer 11.—P. G. Sherman, 12.—George F. Clark. 13,—C. L. Ingersoll. 14.—Jamva M. Bano, 15.—Joseph Britton. 16.—Charles Webb. 17.— Geo, H. Franklin. 18,—MosesW 8, Jackson. RECAPITULATION, EW COMMOM COUNCIL, OLD COMMOM COURCIL. Ald.—Whiga. . . 14 Whigs, 1 Democrats, 3 6 Free Soil. Sd Asste.—Whige . a J Democrats . - @ Free Soil. .... 1 Free Soil tee Whig maj. on joint bal. # Whig maj. on joint bal. 3 Brookiyn Election. VOTE FOR MAYOR.—[OFFICIAL.] Castaencaw NAMES OP THE CANDIDATES ELECTED. Whigs iaxvman; democrats in italien Mayo Edward Copland. city super, -eenwood. POLICE JUSTICE. ‘Trueman Smith. ALDERMEN, Wade Wade. 1. m™. donald, 5.—Lemuel Hawkshuret. Frederick Peet. 6.—John Rice. 2.—Francis B. Spinola. Edward Lambert. Elf B. Morrell. 1.—Jaeob Boerum. 8.—B. F. Wardwell. William Mucmore.. Elisha W. Hinman. $.—Elisha Burbank. 4.—Francia Spies. Joueph Wilson, Peter G, Taylor, 9.—Thomas H. Redding. 5.—Rodney 8. Church. Rem, Lefferts. ‘Those marked in italics are democrats ; the rest whigs. ‘The board will stand, 18 whigs, to 5 democrata, VOTE POR ALDERMEN. Vote. Dem. 09 Bodo! "hd Pam; ee YOR CITY JUD@R, FOR POLICE JUSTION. whic, DEM. wie. (Da Wea. Dis. Smith: Greenwod. Was, Dis. Smith. Garrison. 11 is ug 1° 1 (199 s 2 98 0 2 (8% 2 1 1 uo 3 1 (18% 6 ia ae tes -_ 3 1 2389 1% 8 1 279 1 2 331 162 a me 1 4 1 266 14 4 1 «(76 res 2 806 a4 a 816 aes. 6 1 208 ar 6 1 (208 482 2 $38 14 a 6 m1 Ce ares eat dB cde stad ee = ie! ( pea pi ee os seh TY yeh Fe = 2 = — aoe — s 1 uw os 1M 180 9 1 Mi o 9 1 10 a ‘These towns givea whig majority. The President fa clested and # majority of the Trustess. City Politics. Now that wo are to have an entirely new Board of Aldermen, the next thing to arrange is the nomination of a president of the board. Who shall we have? Of course, ® man well acquainted with the business of the board. There is one man, who has heretofore served im the capacity of alderman, and James Kelly is that man. He deserves the office, on account of his former rer- vices in the Board of Aldermen. He is an efficient man—one who well understands the routine of busi~ ness, and who will eonfer honor on the office, if he should be selected to fill it. James Kelly, Alderman of the Second ward, is, then, the best candidate, and will probably be the next President of the Board of Al- dermen, ——— General Sessions. Before the Reeo: and Ald. Downing and Hatfeld. Arnit.11.—The Watch Case.—Second Day.—The trial of William Jackson was resumed this morning. The first witness called was Charlotte Seeley. The Apsistan’ District Attorney objected to her evidence ; whereupon the accused's counsel said that he could prove by the testimony of this witness a different state of facts. He could prove by her the statement of the prosecuting witness to Jackson, when he loaned him the $60; be- cause he (the prosecuting witness) had told her what he had said to Jackson at the time. The Apsivtent District Attorney persevered in his objection, upon which the prosecuting witness was ordered to take the’ ra . He did so; and ft hts cross examination he adi ed that he had lent the $60 to Jackson for the watch which he (Jackson,) had in his pocket, with- out the one which he said he was about to purchase from Miller. The counsel for the accused submitted that the indictment had broke down, and that the Court should instruct the jury to acquit. The Re- corder charged them to that effect. They then retired, and after an absence of about ten minutes, returned with a verdict of guilty of obtaining money by false retences, The learned gentleman who was the lead- ing counsel for the accused, moved an arrest. of judg- ment; and in doing so he raid that there were rules which had been laid down, and which had been sano- tioned by the wisdom of ages, whieh must be observed. Men eminent for their learning had adhered to them, and their decisions bad always been followed. It waa ®@ grand maxim in ethics, that it was better thats hundred guilty men should escape than that one man should be found guilty not according to law. Ifthe contrary was tolerated, all those landmarks and which they had for the protection of liberty, would be- come so much blank paper. The Jury, in the exercise of its wisdom, had thought proper to convict—although the evidence did not warrant a conviction—they had set themselves up as the oracles of the law, and sa being more competent to decide upon a question of law than the Court. If that state of things was to be tole- rated, there would be no use in coming there with their lew books, because they might decide cases without the interference of the Court. He submitted that the Court should suspend sentence, as the accused had been found guilty of a charge to sustain which no proof had been adduced. The Assistant District Atronnry then rose and said that the jury had shown themselves the most faithful ‘dians of the bes ¢ 2s end interests of the public. hey had not differed from the Court upon the ground mentioned by the other side. It was not a question of law—it was a question of fact of which the constitution, the laws, and their own consciencos, made them the judges. nder the selemnity of their oaths, the jury convidered that the charge had been proved, and ho would say that twelve more honorable meu had never tat in a jury box. They were weil known as citizens of the highest respectability. He did not deny the power of the Court to suspend ihe sentence, but riren for the purpose of vindicating theg motives, character, and the honor of that jury, who had beem unjustly arraigned by the learned geutleman who hag wn sire Hianor the Reconpen, intimated that the ens would be dispored of on Saturday next; afterfwhich the Court adjourued until 11 o'clock to-morrow (shia) moruing, Superior Court. Before the Chief Justice, William MeGraerly vs. Albon Hoyle § Co.—This was an action of trover fot $840, the value of a piece of floor cloth, The plaintiff, in 1847, purchased @ lot of goods from the firm of Shaw & Carter, among which wera the goods in dispute, all of which he removed to his own store, Pony the floor cloth, which he left behind, intending to call and take it away ina day or two. In the m time the defendants, who alleged they had = claim againat the firm of Shaw & Cartor, issued process against the in their store, carried them off, and Lag 2b Bho plaintiff's floor cloth. The ease was tried in February term last, but the jury disa~ greed. Adjourned. Allerton ve. Chase.—The jury rendered a verdict im this cause, this morning, for plaintiff, for six eente ue ‘and six cents costs, valuing the property at Mrs, Margaret Howard was arraigned before the ert- minal court of Cincinnati, onthe oth inst., for the mvur- der of Mary Ellen Smith, and pleaded not guilty to the Judichwent,