The New York Herald Newspaper, December 3, 1848, Page 1

NO. 5296. View of the Pilot Laws, The Bill to repeal the act of 2d March. 1837, entitled “ An act concerning pilots,” being under cousidera- tion in the United States Senate in June Iast— Mr. Dix said, Mr. President : On @ former occasion T sa'd to the Senate all I desire to say in relation to the legal questio olved in this bill. I shall not, there- fore, repeat it id then, or enter into any new assignment or discussion of objections arising out of the powers of Congress over the subject of regulating pilotage in the States. But | am constrained b; ‘xemerts which were made by the Senator from Masi chusetts, (Mr. Davis.) and the Senator from Jertey, (Mr. Miller.) to enter into a somewha' detailed history of the pilot question in New York. I regret that I am compelled to do so, be- cause it has become, in some degree, a dissension between classes, involving private interests; and these are always subjects w. ich I wish to avoid, when I can do so consistently with my duty to the public. Ihave stated heretofore that the pilots of New York, in 1886, had entered into an agreement to share equal- Jy theirjoint receipts, and that this combination had Jed to a relaxation of their accustomed vigilance in look- ing out for vessels and tuking them into port. In con- sequence of some disasters which occurred, the public attention was called to the defects of the system of pilotage existing in New, ¥ Tn the annual mes- tage of the Governor of t! gon the3d January, 1887, he brought the subject Legislature. On the following day, select coi were appointed in both branches. On the 11th February, a bill was’ reported by the chair of the select committee in the House of Arsembly; and after « very thorough di cussion in committee of the whole, the bill was report- ed to the House by a vote of 91 to7, on the 8th of March. It was eubsequently read a third time and passed by a vote of 85 to5. Im the Senate the bill was received on the 14th of March, rf-rred to the select committee of that body, and reported with amendments which were conourredin; but in co uence of the pressure of important business, it. jG passed untilthe 6th of April. I state thene fe how the delibsration with which the Legislature tate of New York acted on this important question The number of pilots was increased, a careful system of examination was established, combinations were guarded against, and all the known and alleged evila of the system were provided for by appropriate remedies, or remedies at Jeast which were considered appropriate and effectual. ‘The Senator from Maseachusetts, (Mr. Davis,) in his remarks, ceemed to assume that the New York pilots of 1848 are answerable for the acts of those of 1835 and 1536; amd the Senator from New Jersey, (Mr. Miller.) who followed him, made some allusion to them which appears to warrant the same inference, But if shose gentlemen will censider how rapidly the lapse of yeara is thinning the ranks of their own friends and asso- ciates, they will not be surprised to learn that the great ememy has been busy with the pilots also Of the sixty pilots following the business in 1837, there are but twenty-nine now engaged in piloting. More than half have peEimnen at sea, died on shore, or become disqualified by age for the ardu- ous service in which they were engaged. The number of New York pilots holding branches under the laws of the State, is eighty; and, of these, fifty-one have been appointed since the State law of 1837 was pasted. Whatever responsibility, therefore, belongs to the pilots of 1836, has, for the most part, gone with them to be met at a higher tribunal than this. 1 state these facts that t! jenate may understand why it ‘will be proper to deal with systems and not with men. The haste manifested in passing the act of Congress of 1837, of which we ask for the repeal, stands in strong contrast with the legislation of New York. Let me recite the facts as briefly as pogsible. By the Senate journal, of 1886-7, it will be seen that a resolution was introduced on the 12th of January, by Mr. Tallmadge, of New York, instructing the Committee on Commerce to inquire into the expediency of legislating on the subject of pilots on the sea coast, with power to report by bill or otherwice. This resolution was adopted. ‘The Committee on Commarce consisted of the foliow- ing distinguished gentlemen.—Mr. King, of Alabama, chgirman; Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts; Mr. Linn, of uri; ‘Mr. Brown, of North Carolina; and Mr. Rug- gles, ef Maine. The committee, though they had am- ple time for deliberation, never made a report on the Fesolution. On the 28th day of February, the last day of the month, Mr. Wall, of New Jersey, introdaced a Dill om notic It was instantly read the first d second time, reported to the Senate, and immediately read a third time—the work probably of as much time as I take to give the details. But, sir, it is neceseary that we should accompany the bill through all the stages of its course. It was received in the House on the 28th of February, the day it passed the Senate, (Houre Journal, page 552) and on the next day re- ceived its number of readings, and passed. On the 2d of March it received the r'resident’s signature, and became the law of the land. Nor is this all. The gubject had been referred to ® committee in the Hotse early in that session. The committee made att elaborate report on the 22d of February, and asked to be discharged from the further consideration of the subject. Inthe face of this proceeding, the bill was passed, and in the summary way as remarkabi business inv 1s and bringing in ils train collisions between individu- and classes, and States, as can be met with. It was hurried, or rather rushed, through Congress, al- most at the last hour of its seasion—indeed, almost at the Jest hour of it: ‘istence. I have heretofore told the Senate that the Legislature of New York, after becoming satistied that the act of Congress operated injuriously on the pilots of that State, and after wait- ing eight years fer its repeal. came to tne conclusion to repeal her own laws regulating pilotage by way of Sandy Hook, the great outlet and inlet for the foreign commerce of the country, providing only that the peg then licensed sbould continue to be pilots. It as been alleged that the New York pilots were appli- cants to the Legisiature for repeal. Thi is a mistake. ‘They appealed to the Legislature of the State to— ‘Try and determine whether the afuresvid act of Congross does or does not transcend the lezislative power of the federal govern ment, and whether the acts exercised wader its sanction and un- der the authority of the laws of the State of New Jersey by the citizens of that State, are or are not in violation of the sovereiguty of the State of New York, and in centempt of her laws. It is true, they acquiesced in the repeal of the Stats laws, and desired it as an alternative, if they could not procure the repeal of the act of Congress. The latter object was always what they sought. they consented to the repeal of the State la sure proposed by the mercantile interest. Delieved it would place them on an equal footi: the pilots of New Jersey. ower, a The pilots with It was under this view of the subject, that the New York pilots, on consultation with the mercantile interest, the Chamber of Com- merce and Board of Underwriters, consented to it. Such appears to be the fact from the petition to the Legislature, and the debate on the bill, {t was sup- posed that it would open a fair field of competition to them and the New Jersey pilots, and that their fitness and industry would be the measure of their success, ‘As soon, however, as the State laws were repealed, the chamber of commerce and the board of underwriters organized a board of commissioners to examine pilots and give them certificates. Nor was thiaall. fhey published a notice, which I will read, calling on the ship masters not to receive a pilot unless he could pro- duce @ certificate from them or the State of New Jeri recommended that no vessel reesive a person as pilot except om his producing a certitionte signed by the aoove board, or those issued under authority ot the State of New Jersey.” ‘This measure a virtual proscription of the New York pilots, uni hey would consent to receive the certificates of this irresponsible board, and acknow- ledge its authority. It was not to be supposed that they would dircredit the licenses they held under the laws of the State, by receiving the certificates of a Doard organized without any legal authority whatever —certificates, which could confer no authority on thore to whom they were given. Was it reasonable to expect them to do so? Certainly not. They possessed in the State licenses the highest warrants of authority. They required nothing more : they should not have been asked to take less, Though the Chamber of Com- merce and the Board of Underwriters have no legal control over the subject of pilotage, their actual con- ry great. They represent, and indeed wield, ercial influence of the city of New York. The re are subject, in a great degree, to that in- fluence, and hence the recommendation had in many caces the efficacy of a command. It was li ly warn- ing the public against employing the New York pilots, though trained from their youth to their vocation, un- lees they, holding the State authority in their hands, would content to receive certificates Seon an irrespon- sible board having no legal power to grant them. What was the effect? Was it to break up a monopoly —the at evilof which the public complained? The New ork -twoin number; the New Jer- sey pil nd the merchanta’ board. as it i we regulations were published, 8! ixteen persons. mendation bad been acted on, the whole pilotage of the city would have been given to thirty-three persons, and ity:-two persons would have been excluded from all participation init. But it was not genera'ly acted om, With all the weight it carried with it, the New York pilots continued to be, and are still exten- sively employed, though, as | shall show, they bave felt severely the effect of tho invidious distinction which bas been made between thom and others. | will now proceed to state, in.detail the coarequences which have resulted from the act of Congress; for it is to this act that all the difficulty which exists is to be Firat, There has not been a fair competition. ‘ip-owners, who represent a considerable portion setive commercial capital of the city, have con- it unequal, In the first place, the quoted has had its influence. The Ne ‘are pasted by. and the New Jersey and merchants’ pilots, as they are called, are employed in preference ; not because the latter are more com- tent, but because they are considered as preferred By the mercantile classes, on whom the ship- masters are often dependent for employ ment. The injustice of the regulation is more distinetly seen in @ prac- tice whi bes rown up under it, and become very exte! ve, OF taking ® vensel brought in bya New York pilot out of bis hands, and giving her to @ New Jersey or merchantn’ pilot to take out, It may be proper (o ray that in every State, of which Jhave been able ty examine the laws, aod in which thore laws are passed with a view to equality, » pilot bringing in @ vessel, or a pilot belo: to the same boat, hae the privilege of taving the vessel out, The reason is chyious, The inward pilotage ts often hazar- dous and laborious, Vessels are roinetimes boarded two hundred miles at fea Pilots are often out a week or ten days in pursuit of them, They are te be brought jnto portin all weathers, But the outward pilotage jealwayseary, Vessels go to seain fair weather only. The pilot takes his charge a few miles from sbore, aud leaves her There is no labor, no hazard, and but little responsibility in it, Nothing can be more unjust, more repugnant to every principle of fairness and liberality, tham to take from a pilot = to another to tal ts pilot who brought in a vessel entitled to out, In like nner, the la of South provide, that " every pilot taking a vessel in, jurive right to take her out,” except in case Let us see what has been the operation of the system in New York, since the act of Conprese parsed. That act authorizes a pilot from New Yori or New Jersey to be employed to pilot a ves- fel to or from New York. It leaves it optional with the master of # vessel to employ the same pilot who brovght in @ vessel. to take her out. or to employ ano- ther pilot; and here the regulations of the Chamber of Commerce and the Board of Underwriters come in, re- commending him to employ no pilot not certified by their board or licensed by New Jersey, excluding the eighty New York pled The consequence may be readily seen. I bold in my hand several liste of vessels brought in by New York pilots and given to New Jer- sey or merchants’ pilots to take out again. The names ofthe vereels sre given, as well as the times ot the transactions. There is also a list of vessels taken out by the merchants’ pilots, which they did not bring in. ‘This list is furnished by the secretary of the board of commissioners, and is under hisowu hand. The pi- lotage on these vessels amounted to $3,038 5, and must bave been taken. from the New York'pilots — in addition, of 148 vessels, taken trom the New York pilots during portion of the years 1840 1847, and given to other pilots to tal Even these li are not complete, merous oases which wi omitted for want of pre verage pilot fees for each vessel They are probably a little more At thia rate, the provi (cr one belonging to the same boat) i take her Caroli —certainly not less, from the New York pilots on the vess tioned, and by violating a rule of universal justice, is $6,688. Thete facts are proved by unquestion- able evidence. In the year 1844, before the mer- chants’ pilots were appointed, it appears by # ‘“re- monstrance of the underwriters of the port of New York,”? Doc. No. 60, House of Representatives, 1st session 29th Congress, that the New York pilots brought in 1.902 vessels, and took out 1,610— adifferenee of 382, the pilotage on which must have amounted to $9 550. By the same return, it appears that the New York pilots, $1 in number, piloted in and out 3,602 vessels, or 443¢ vessels each pilot, giving them at $29 per vessel, $1,112 60 each, to pay the expenses of their boats, and maintain their familieson shore, It aleo appears that the New Jersey pilots, 17 in num- ber, piloted in and out 1,131 vessels, giving them, at $25 per vessel, $1,663 23feach, or $550 73 each more than the New York pilots. A very considerable por- tion of this difference is owing to the open manner in which the New York pilots have been discouraged by the board of commissioners. | have stated these facts, Mr. President, in justice to the New York pilots, who have been charged by the senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Davis) and the senator from New Jersey, (Mr. Miller) with sinister motives in coming to Congress to ask for a rer#al of the act of 2d Merch, 1837. [ have felt it due to them to show that they are laboring under a rerious disability, and are the objects of a most invidious distinction, under the operation of this act. But I proceed to other considerations. Seconp. One of the great complaints against the system in force previous to 1837, was, that pilots would not go tores in search of vessels, but wait at Sandy Hook to receivethem. This evil has been re- medied; but it has been followed both by incon- yeniences and injustice, which, perhaps, fully coun- terbalance it. I will first state the inconvenience. Pilots now go far out to sea in quest of vessels It is not an uncommon thing for a pilot to present himself two hundred miles from New York. Now, there is no particular advantage in this. It may be safely said that no yeesel requires or wishes a pilot at a greater distance than twenty or twenty. from Sandy Hook. If a pilot gets on board a ve one or two hundred miles from New York, he does net take charge of her. She is ordinarily given to him when she comes in sight of land. It is not every pilot who is capable of taking charge of @ vessel out of sight of land, and carrying her into port. The conseq! f ti resent over-active competition is, that pilot its go to sea, vessels constantly pass them, and on reaching Sandy Hook they find no pilots. At the very piace where they are most wanted, they are oftem not to befound. I shall refer to an honorable senator from Maryland,"(Mr, Johnson.) to know whether, cx arriving at Sandy Hook in the Great Western, that vessel was not detained because no pilot could be found, I will read some notes from the log-book of the United States light-ship off Sandy Hook, showing that it is a very common occurrence for vi to arrive there and detained for want of pilots, There are over seventy cases on the tract of the log-book, which I hold in my hand; and in addition, the captain of the ship states on one occasion that there was “a large number of vessels in sight wanting pilots;” on another, that “several vessels near us want pilots;” and that there were many other cases which he saw himeelf, and of which no entry was made in the log- book. While, therefore, the active competition in piloting has corrected one evil, it has produced anoth And now, sir, I will state the injustice of the «: tem. Under the laws of New York and New Jersey, and I believe under the lawsof most other States, ifa pilot boards a vessel beyond a certain dis- tance from the land, he is entitled to 25 percent in addition to bis established fees. In New Yo.k this dis- tance is tome fifteen miles obtaide of the Sandy Hook light. This is called off-shore pilotage, and was intena; et as a compensation for the extra labor and inconves nience of the pilot. When there was a legally establish- ed system, it could be exacted. Now it cann shipowners and masters knowing this, refure to pay it. ‘This remark is not of universal application, but the Practice is becoming very general. It is believed that four-fifths ofthe vessels refuse to pay the off-shore pi- lotage. They are willing the pilot should go one or twohundred mlles to sea, but they are unwilling to pay him the customory addition to his fees, If he presents himself, the first question is, “Do you off shore pilotege !? And if he refuses ‘to give it up, the ship ref to take him. Or if no in is im, he is required to deduct it when vessel goes out, or a is given to ano- ther person. Under such a system he has no legal security either for just or liberal treatment, 8. The active competition which has grown out of the existing system, and which would have grown up without the act of Congress under the State law of New York, has not had the effect of securing com- merce against shipwrecks and other disasters. I very much doubt whether they have been at all diminished in number. The cases of the Mexico and the Bristol were extraordinary occurrences, They happened at an inclement season, and even if the old system had been continued, such disasters might not have ocour- red ae in half a century. Since that time there have been shipwrecks equally diastrous, except in the lors of life. Some of the property in the Bristol and Mexico was saved, and the deaths which occurred in the Mexico wére not from drowning, but from frost, the passengers, who were emigrants, having been driven to the deck in a winter’s night of unparalleled severity. I hold in my hand a list of 220 vessels stranded, run aground, or wrecked, from April, 1839, to March, 1846—seven years—-allfunder the new ays- tem. Of this number, over thirty were a total ioas, and twenty-two were engaged in foreign commerce. Some ot these shipwrecks were of @ most distressing character, on account of the loss of life with which they were attended. The ship John Minturg, for in- stance, went ashore on Squan Beach, about fifteen miles from Sandy Hook—the captain a1 the pilot, and thirty-eight others, havi: gether, and the ship and cargo were to! the score of property, it was probably than that of the Bristol or Mexico. I have another list of 111 vetsels stranded, run aground, or wrecked, from Febr , 1846, commencing where the other list ter- minated, to the 14th Jan , 1884—say two years. Of this number, twenty-four were a total loss—a large increase in the ratio compared with former years—and nine were engaged in toreign commerce. In the first seven years above-named, the vessels totally lost amounted to nearly five per annum. During the last two years they have been twelve per annum—more than doubled, though the increase of the commerce of the city has not bee in a much larger proportion. I state these facts to show that security to property and life bas not increased under the existing system, whatever opinions may be expressed to the contrary. It is true, I have not been able to make comparisons with the period preceding 1837 for want of data. There is, however, am account by Captain Earl, who was ad- duced as a witness against “the New York pilots, who stated, in 1835, that he had enumerated, from memory, 30 vessels totally lost within «few years.” The number of rs is left to conjecture; but, upon the most unfavorable suppositio loss could not have exceeded that of the last two y Thave also felt mytelf called on to make the declaration of the honorable Senator from Massa- churetts. (Mr. Davis.) that “ ebipwrecke in the neigh- borhood of that harbor are almost unknown’—a de- tion which he would not have ventured to , if he n time (to investigate the it, with his usual care and discrimination. From what I heve said, it will be apparent that the whole control of the subject of pilotage is in the hands of the ship owners and ship-masters, without legal regulation, The mastgr of a vessel may take any pilot he pleases—he may bargain for the amount of pilot fees— he may, after having taken a pilot two hun- dred miles at sea,when coming in, give his vessel to an- other pilot to take out. The pilot himeelf has no se- curity, either that the customary fees will be patd him or that he will bave the preference in taking out & vessel he has brought in, He is, im fact, wholly depen- dent on the ship-owner or ship master. [s this right? I believe, Mr. President, that the best systems of pilot- age are thore which are under the most rigid regula- tion. The defect of the system in New York is. t there is po law, no systematic government or rules Nor can there be, while a master of @ vessel is allowed his statement to meet to take a pilot from two different States, It is impos- tible to ex force prohibitions or cor im one Siate, when there is @ competition betwee: ferent helding warrants or licenses from two avthorities, er of which is responrible the other, The Chamber of Commerce and the Board of Underwriters have, by establishing rules themsely: confested the necessity of legal regulation, They have no authority toentorce the rules they have adopt- those rules are not enforced They fixed the pllotage according to Ube ttandard eetadlivbed e tates of “SUNDAY MORNING, employment, 7 Pilote are required to board the nearest mnder @ penalty of $50; but there is no power to the penalty. The commisioners are author- ized by the regulations to impore fines; but itis a Ferfectly nominal authority. Off-rhore pilotage 1s allowed by their regulations ; but vessels, as has been seen, in most instances, refuse or evade the pay- ment, @ there is no legal authority to ex- act it. lot offers his services to the east- ward of the white buoy, about three miles from Sandy Hook, and is refused, he is entitled to half- pilotage ; but it is never paid, because the commis- sioners e no power to make such a regulation.— ‘They had no authority whatever. Their regulations are a dead letter. All the control there is rests upon the commercial influence wielded by the com- missioners and the eid owners. I believe this state of things to be radically wrong. The reasons for sub- jecting the business of pilotage to legal regulation ‘seem to me urgent and unanswerable. Let me advert to asingle ene. The entries and clearances of foreign veseels at New York exceed 1,100 per annum. Tay are entirely dependent on @ judicioug aystem of pi- lotage for their safety. The regular tapi may know the pilot boate, and sometimes may make selections ; but foreign vessels, without this knowledog, will natu- rally take the first pilot that presents himself. They can bave no knowledge of his qualifications ; they are entirely at his mercy; and it is only by’ a proper hen of regulation, under an undivided au- thority, that we can do justice to the vast foreign commerce which centres in the city of New York. The act of Congress is the only obstacle to the establishment of such a system. If it were re- pealed, I am entirely satisfied that stem could be adopted, in concurrence with the mercantile classes, which would meet the views and interests of all, and secure every public object. But, to pursue this point alittle further, the New York merchants are not the only partica in interest New*York is the centre of commerce of the whole Union, Foreign countries, as I have already shown, have also a deep interest in the matter— an interest which we hi no right to subject to the control, without law, of @ single class. It is due to the country that the system ef pilotage for the gteat emporium of the Union should be made efficient by judicious regulation, instead of being thrown open to unrestrained competition. The interests at stake are too important ; not property alone, but human life is concerned. Jam not aware that there is any com- mercial country which intrusts the business of pilot- ing to open oom petition. It is one of the tew matters in which regulation has always been deemed indispen- table, Strongly impressed as I am with the import- ance of freeipg commerce and navigation, as far as possible, from allshackles and restrictions, 1 cannot, on the fullest reflection, bring my mind to the conclu- sion that pilotage should be without law. But there is another consideration. Those who now control pilot- age in New York to a great extent, have an interest adverse to the pilots. Their interest is to have pilot- ing done cheap, Bargaii e frequently made, and the pilot is compelled to take less than the customary rates—lers than the rates fixed as r asonable and just by the Chamber of Commerce and the Board of Under- weiters. The tendency of this state of things is to drive the best pilots into other employments, and to introduce an inferior class of men in their place. And from the best judgment I have been able to form, I cannot but think, that if this state of things continues until the present stock of well-trained pilots pass off the etage, New York, instead of having pilots equal to the best in any country. will have the worst.* 1 am not quite certain, Mr, Fresident, that the inte- rest of insurers is so very decidedly in favor of the highest degree of security to property afloat, as the Senator from Massachusetts supposes, Insurance is regulated by the hazards. The rates are high when the hazard is great, and they are low when the hazard issmall. Now, I believe it may be said with safety that the rates of insurance rise in a ratio higher than that of te ircrease of hazard, and that the profits of insurance are greatest when security is least, I speak in respect to the operation of principles, and not in respect to motives of action; and only for the purpore of explaining why a very defective system of pilotage might exist without prejudice to insurers. The Senator from Massachusetts has said that the mercantile interest generally is im favor of the present system, and he intimates pretty strongly that there is not a merchant in New York who is not opposed to the repeal. Now, I can assure the Sena- tor that the memorials from New York asking for the repeal of the act of Congress, signed by some five thou- sand persons, contain the names of several highly re- spectable merchants, besides a large number of ship- masters and ship-owners. I can also assure him that Ihave conversed with some of the most respectable ship. masters who sail from New York, and who believe the prerent system tends to degrade the pilots, and to render life and property insecure. It is no doubt true that the merchants generally are op) to the re- eal ; First, for reasons I have stated; and sevondly, ecause it has been industrious!> circulated by inte- rested persons tbat the cpject of the re; is to estab- lish the cid monopoly. The Senator from Massachu- setts twice said rhid so, and I regretted to hearit. He has been deceived. is not @ shadow of founda- tion for the charge. It is tbis belief which has pro- duced so much hostility to the repeal, and I regret that my honorable friend from Massachusetts should have fallen into sogreat an error. Let me state a few facts. The New York pilots assented in 1846 to the creation of a board of commissioners of three persons, one to be chosen by the Board of Under- writers, one by the Chamber of Commerce, and one by themselves, to regulate the whole business of pilotage. They offered to take into t! those now licensed by New rey ‘and the merchants’ pilote, if found qualified on examinrtion. ‘This propo- tition ‘contemplated a repeal of the act of Congress and the establishment of a system of pilotage by State legislation. The agent of those two bodies was under- stood to give his assent to it in this city, and I sup- posed the matter would be satisfactorily adjusted.— But on his return to New York they refused to ac- cede to it. Thepilotsagreed that the mercantile inter- est should have two to one of the commissioners, a complete control, provided they could have legal regu- lation. Under the existing system this interest has This is the issue ties. The New York pilots de- ‘hey do not ask even for control. rights universally to be just, The Senator from Massa- ated as his belief, that the papers in owed no persons connected with the interest of the country. except the pilots, the act of Congress. I haveshown I might go on and say that two sovereign State complained of it as injurious to great public interests. But if it were true that none but the pilots desired the would it be a reason why Congr deaf ear to their appeal tM any ‘not any individual, or any class of individuals, fairly appeal to Congress for protection against the operation of its own enact- ments, when they are oppressive or injurious to the party appealing? 1 have always supposed it to be the peculiar duty of Congress to see that, in the enact- ment of laws, individual rights were not injuriously affected. The only question is, how far those rights shall give way to great public interests? And, sir, | insist that, on the application of the pilots alone, ask- ing for the repeal of an act which has proved oppres- sive to them, it would have beem the duty of Congress toflook into the facts, and to grant the prayer of the petitioners, unless high public consideration’ rendered itimpreper. But, as 1 have already said, the pilot: net the only complainants. Numerous and resp able classes of citizens unite with them; and the Le- gislatures of two States remonstrate Congress, either as be gpg Mi or a8 public interest which it is desig to eccure. | cannot dismiss this part of the subject without saying that | entertain for the merchants of the city of New York the highest respect. In enter- bo intelligence in commercial matters, and in an onorable discharge of ir peouniary obligations, they are unsurpassed by any class of men in this coun: try orany other. When:l took my seat in this body, 3 the control without legal regulation. joined between the sire no monopoly. They ask only legal protection for acknowled, ping desired the eee this to be @ mist DECEMBER 3, 1848. association of pilots all | it was with an earnest desire to contribute my humble | efforts to the promotion of the commercial interest of the country, which | thought had not received all the notice to which it was entitled; and it is to this sub- ject more than any other that I have devoted myself. 1 thall continue to doso, But in this matter of the pilots, | all 1am constrained te differ from what seems to be the ge- | neral opinion among the merchants of New York. And yet lam entirely satisfied that if we understeod each other, there would be little difference between us. | do not think the great body of the merchants have looked into the subject critically. I have inquired of many of them why they were opposed to the repeal of the actof Congr and [ have received the same angwer in every “ because we are opposed to the re-establishment of the olé monopoly.” And when | bave rejoined, that | was equally opposed to such a measure, that I was in favor RP eg the whole sub- ject of pilotage for the city of New York under legal regulation, and leaving the! administration of the s tem inthe hands of the Chamber of Commerce the Board of Underwriters, their representativ do not recollect an instance in which not acquiesced in the propriety of the What | have insisted on is legai control, ‘ cited by thoee who have # practical knowledge of tho subject, But [am nuwilling to leave it even in their bande without legal control—if for no other reason, because there is no power to enforce proper regula- tions, or punith their infraction, And { do not hesi- tate to say, if the merchants will look into this ques- tion, that there will be a general concurrence in the propriety of the measure | propose. It is possible | may be deceived; but if | am—if they shall continue to differ with me in opinion—one assurance | shall still retain, that they will do me the justice to believe | am sotuated solely by what | consider the true interests of the city and country at large. One word in conclu- * Bince wakirg this speech, Ihave seon & notice in the New York papers, which 18 enuexed:— * Notice to Shizmasters.—The Board of Underwriters of this city have resolved to revive the practice of examining the conduct, ci the masters of vessels wreesed or meeting with serious disast. eis Without extraordinary cauee, ogcasioning loes to the members cf the Board; and that éach examination and suspension, no riks sre to be takbn on vessels in charge of such masters, Notice is also given, that information has been communicated to the Board that several abipmasters have recently entered this Ft Without pilots, and others with persons pretending to bo pi- loge, Who were incompetent. The Teqtests masters to act re, ae the ee Com will hold partie accountability for omitting to take & plot, und nlro for tabing an ineom petent JNO. 8. TAPPAN, “ Secretary Board of Underwriters of New Yor Nothing can m°re clearly show the defeotivencss of the existing syi ten than thie nogice, oF prove more eonchusively the trath of What LD aye ead, sion, My suggestion in respect to a system of pilot- age in New York is thi ‘irst, a board of cominis- , one appointed by the Cham- Board of Underwriters, y the pilots, who and license all perso! nd to superintend the administration of the sys- nerally. Second. A classification of the boats, to i thore of New York, New Jersey and merchants’ pilots, with all the persons now belonging to them, who thall be found competent, and an assignment of the boats, in turn, to three dercriptions of service, viz: cruising out of sight of Roney Hook. within sight of the light boure, and in the vicinity ofthe Hook. ‘his will correspond substantially with the station systen at Liverpool, and will at all times insure to vessels arriv- ing at the city of New York, competent pilots, under legal regulation, and under the supervision of the mer- cantile interest ofthe city. The first step towards the establishment of such a system is a repeal of the act of Congress, without which it cannotibe placed upon such a footing as to insure its efficacy. Amertiecn Institutions and the Presidential Elections. [From the London Chronicle, Noy. 2.) In'expressing a with, as.we did ona former oc- casion, for the success of General Taylor, we thought of his elevation rather as a favorable sym- tom of the general temper of the American people, and*especially of their feelings respecting this country, than as likely to exercise a direct and important influence on the foreign or domestic politips of the United States. There is no doubt whatéver as to which is the better candidate of the two favorites, General Cass is a man whose whole caree¥ has been one of unmingled mischief; he is the eXponent, literally, of no single principle but that of war and conquest in general, and of hatred to England in particular. His “ mission” to Paris, and his seat in Congress, have been used for no other end than that of furthering those detestable objects. Itis true that, with the view of catching the votes of free-traders, an attempt has been made, within the last tew weeks, to connect his name with the maintenance or extension of a liberal tariff; but tor such matters he has shown neither taste nor talent, nor will he, if elected, exercise the smallest influence upon them, one way er the other. General Taylor, on the other hand, has now abandoned the equivocal ground which he at first took up—the ground of per- sonal reputation—and has thrown himself into the hands of the whig party, which includes nine-tenths of the intelligence and _respectabili- ty of the United States, A man of no remark- able abilities, but sensible, practical, and well-in- tentioned, he 1s known to be a friend to peace and civilization, and a determined enemy of that wild and lawless spirit which has lately manifested itself among his countrymen, and which, if un- checked, will render the American people the fire- brands and the terror of the world. We heartily with, therefore, that they may not give so signal a proof of their deflection from_ the policy of those great statesmen who laid the foundations of their republic, as the election of General Cass, under the existing circumstances of the Union, would afford. . But it is a great mistake, though a very common one in this country, to suppose, that the President ot the United States possesses, independently of the people and their representatives, any great power, either for gcod or evil, even 1n that sphere whichis, in theory, peculiarly his own; or that the foreign policy of the republic 1s directly aflected by a change inthe Presidency. We are in the habit of berrowing our ideas ob the influence of an executive chief from the old communities to which we are accustomed, and to argue from thence that, in the case of America, an irremovable dic- tator, entrusted with the command of the army and navy, the conduct of negotiations, the dispo- sal of patronage, and all the other tunctions ot supreme administration, diflers little, except in the duration of his tenure, from an absolute mo- narch. Such a notion is founded on a funda- mental misconception of the political system ot America, as it 1s workedin the present day.— The President can do little or nothing without the assent of Congress. Alone, he can neither declare war, es a treaty, nor appoint defini- tively to any one of the higher offices at home or abrdad* "In, short, the foreign secretary of the United Kingdom has infinitely greater opportuni- ues of committing the British nation, and infi- nitely greater influence over its policy, than any President now has, or ever will have, over that of the United States. The days are past when the most vigorous and powerful politicians in the country were returned iy the people as their Pre- sidents, with the express object of championin; the ** democratic” principle against the “ federal - ism” of Congress, and, when, by using that le- ver, some of them attamed to a height of popula- rity and power which, in a centralized republic, would probably have been fatal to liberty. ok late years, the work of the democracy having been completed, the representative bodies having —fiom the introduction of the practice of “in- structions,” and from the indirect operation of other cauges-—come to be more. entirely subser- vient to their constituents, and the generation which supplied those early and vigorous Presi- dents having nearly passed away, the office has dwindled into comparative insignificance. Men of no reputation, or of small political ability, are raised to it (their deficiencies in those respects being, apparently, rather a recommendation than otherwise) merely with the view of signalizin; the predominance of a political party, and 0} placing its members in the various offices which are dependent on the central government. Not the least remarkable sign of the relations between the people und their Executive, is to be found in the fact, that formerly the President used to be re-elected asa matter of couree, there having been but two exceptions (and those after despe- rate sontene) in forty-six years; whereas now, it seems likely that the rule of putting them aside after the first term willbe universal; for, when the impending election shall have been decided, there will have been four successive instances ot it within twelve years. . The fact is, that the supremacy of the majorit in the United States has been, for the last half century, tending more and more to become su- preme; and the power of the President, like that ot the Senate, the monetary corporations, the ju- dicial functionaries, und every other institution possessing any degree of stability and permanence, has been slowly but sensibly reduced in its propor- tions, and shorn of its strength, though the change ig rather in the manner in which the people exer- cise their controlling authority, than in its theo- retical extent. Two causes have chiefly- con- tributed to bring about this result—the increasing | preponderance of the West in the Union, and the growth of the Irish population in the cities. In the intancy of the republic, its ruling sections were New England and Virginia, and both were full of conservative elements—the former from the sober and religious character of the people, and the Jatter from the existence of a landed gentry with feudal traditions. But—though there 1s much of those elements still left in the older States—pro- portionally, their influence over the councils of the Union has diminished to a very great extent. This iy easily be conceived, if we recollect that the population of those States hardly increases at that it is only prevented from falling off very largely by the importation of the scum and refuse ot European destitution—and that, at the same time, the shores of the lakes, and the valleys of | the Mississippi and the Ohio, have become the habitation of vast multitudes, who are debarred, almost by the necessity of their position, from any chance of attaining, for many years to come, a high civilization, and who are peculiarly exposed to allthe influences (except material wretchedness) which tend to degrade and corrupt humanity. ‘hese form the eflective influences to which we lock, not without anxiety, as presenting dan- gers of a serious nature, both for the present and for the future, in connexion with the desti- nies of America. A government controlled and influenced, as 18 the case with that of the Union, by such populations as the Irish of the Atlantic cities, and the lawless “buffalo hunters” ot the Rio Grande, cannot be regarded otherwise than with a considerable amount of alarm and suspicion by quietand peaceable neighbors ; and consider- ing that the extent of those pernicious influences will be insome degree gauged by the approaching election, we look with much interest to its result. And the intelligence from America, which we publish to-day, would seem to leave little doubt of the success of the whig candidate. Asa New York paper quaintly expresses it, ‘from present appearances, testimony, evidences, and indica- tions, the presence of Generai Taylor will be re- quired at Washington atthe next inauguration.” At the same time, it is wholly impossible to form more than a very remote conjecture as to the re- sult of polling three or four millions of votes, es pecially as the influence upon that result of the ‘*free-soil yote” cannot be tested by the State elections of Governors, just concluded. We re- member weli, that Mr. Clay was generally con- sidered, in thie country, to be quite as certain of success at the last election, up to the day when the intelligence of his defeat arrived, as General Tay- lor is now. Art.—Of the Antique sheet there are 45 mem- bers of the Life schobdl in the Acadamy of De sign, 36—aleo @ clare of etx Iedtes, More specimen j TOMS tae Goaized by the Secretary, Victoria and Prince Albert In the Court of | Chancery. | (From the Londen Atlas.] | A fact has come under our notice, to which we | attach more amp portance than to the ordinary news. | It 1s not often that royalty has occasion to appear | in the courts of law or of equity. There can be no | doubt but that, as laid down in Blackstone, the sovereigns of this country can sue as plaintiff in the courts, in respect of private and personal rights, because they have those rights as individuals, anc not jure corone. But although such a nght un- doubtedly exists—and it 1s part ot the pride and | privilege of Englishmen that it should exist—the instances of its exercise are rare. When the night to be asserted by the sovereign must be enforced bya court of equity, a difficulty arises; becaase an injunction in chancery (in vacation) must he obtained on petition and affidavit, and there would be a contradiction in the sovereign himself pet- tioning the Court of Chancery. In the case to which we refer this dirficulty has been got over by an arrangement quite legitimate. ‘There are cases, we believe, on record, where Prince George of Denmark was a suitor in the courts, thou, we are not aware that he ever sued in his capacity of husband of Queen Anne, A Prince Consort, however, can initiate proceed- ings in chancery on behalf of the sovereign, which could not, without an apparent contradiction, com- mence fromthe Crown. Prince Albert has stepped forward as the legal champion of the Queen. Her majesty and the prince are well known as patrons of the arts. They are not patrons in a merely vulgar sense, but themselves follow art in various branches, with a pure love not often mani- fested by royal persons, Our readers may remem- ber to have read an account, not long since, ot va- rious drawings and etchings which have been executed by her majesty and Prince Albert, and | which excited a deserved admiration in those who were so favored as to be allowed to inspect them. These drawings, er etchings, or copies of them, it seems, have, by some scandalous turpitude, been abstracted from the palace without auihority.— They were taken to a publisher in Paternoste: row, who proceeded to advertise them for publica- tion, with a descriptive catalogue. It was not to be supposed that this piracy could be allowed to pass. That the parties aggrieved | were our gracious queen and her consort was no rea- son why punishment should not follow the offence, Accordingly 1t was resolved, that proceedings should be taken to restrain the individual in ques- tion from proceeding with his threatened publica- tion. It was necessary that Prince Albert should make an affidavit, which he did. We subjoin an abstract of it:— The deponent describes himeelf as “ Albert, Prince of Saxe Coburg and Gotha, Consort of her Majesty the Queen,” and maketh oath and saith, “That he has looked through the book, intituled, ‘A Descriptive Catalogue of the Royal Victoria and Albert Gallery of Etchings.’ That there are such etchings made by her Majesty and himself reepectively as therein men- tioned—that the same were so made for the private use of ber Majesty and himself, and not for publica- tion. That they had a private press, from which they occasionally took impressions of the etchings, and that the piates were and are kept locked up by her Majesty, in order to prevent the same becoming public; bat that copies are left in some of the private apartments and in such private apartments only. That there are various family portraits and etchings from old and Tare engravings in the possession of her Majesty, and several from such original designs as in this casalogue mentioned, and that amongst shch etchings are seve- ral portraits of the Princess Royal, and such scenes in the royal nursery as in the catalogue mentioned.— That such etchings were intended for the private use of her Majesty and the deponent only. Thatalthough some of such etchings have been given occasionally and very rarely to the personal friends of her Majesty, yet the deponent says, speaking positively for himself and to the best of his belief for her Majesty, that no such collection as that advertised for exhibition was ever given away by them or either of them, or by their or either of their permission. That no such collection could have been formed except by impressions surrep- titiously and improperly obtained, and believes that the defendant, or the person or persons in the posses- sion of the collection adverticza fur nibition, must have obtained and did obtain the same from tome person or persons surreptitiourly. That by whatever means the same were obtained, the exhibition of the said etchings, or any of them, is without the tanction and against the wishes of her Majesty and deponent, and believes that such catalogue could not have been compiled or made except by possession of the several impressions of the said etchings so surrep- titiously obtained That the deponent’s first know- ledge of the existence of such catalogue of etchings ‘was on the llth October instant, when it was given to deponent by G. FE. Anson, Erq., ass parcel which had been left atthe palace, directed to her Majesty, and opened by him as her privy purse; and deponent there- by learnt for the first time that it was intended to sub- mit them to pub.ic exhibition, and he believes on the same cecasion and at the rame time, her Majesty first became aware of the exietence of such catalog deponent immediately desired the said G. E. A Esq., to write to the private solicitor of her Majesty ject.”” Upon this affidavit an injunction was granted to | on, on march against them ?” colonel then said. would you march a TWO CENTS. moved to Modena. Being still found too near their own capital, and being again persecuted, the Princess rought shelter in Tuscany, whilst the Duchess (herself @ Sardinian Princess) was fo far misled as to take up her abode in Turin, in the vain hope that her presence might effect more favorable terms, The Eng vernment is appealed te for the truth of t ments. Its agents are well aware of the ste with Charles Albert, for the protection of these illus- trious ladies. The violence and faithlessness of the, King of dinia require no comment. He at once trampled upon sacred dutier, and invaded ‘those rights which the powers of Europe have sanctioned. In order to gain a majority of votes in Parma, the most unjustifiable means were had recourse to ; and now that Providence has laid his pride in the dust, voices are heard upon this subject, accusing the King, which can neither be suspected nor doubted. His late partisans, who fled to Paris, have uttered aloud a pro- test against the union of Lombardy with Piedmont (vide Wiener Zeitung, Sept. 13, article * Paris’), whilst, a8 eye-witneases, they declared that the votes had been obtained in an unfair and fraudulent manner. The Duke of Parma, some time since, delivered a protest to the great powers, against the attacks of Charles Albert, at the same time asserting his parpose to secure and preserve to bis States the advantages of a cénstitutional government and free institutions, 99 they were granted previous to his departure from bis capital. His rights to his dominions are as sacred as those of any other monarch, and no third party can be permitted to take foreible possession of them with- out a violation of every principle of justice ‘The actions of the Duke of Parma have becn greatly misreprerented in foreign countries, Hein now gene- rally regretted in Lucca, and hundreds of voices are raired to celebrate that benevolence which was the rource of benefit to thousands who bless his memory with tears of gratitude, We subjoin a letter, written by the Duke of Parma tothe Pope, dated Weistropp, 27th June, 1848 “ Holy Father—I remained at Parma under a change of circumstances. 1 spared my people's blood. I pro- mised a constitution, which was drawn up bya regency appointed by me, and was more liberal than that of apy other State in/italy. | consented to the establish- ment of a Provisional Government, which demanded my sanction to its existence, and then advised me to retire, I voluntarily submitted to the decision (arbi- traggio) of your holiness, the King of Sardinia, andthe Grand Duke of Tuscany, whether it was for the a tage of Italy that my dominions should be separa’ And the result has been that larger demands have bcen made on me by the movement party, and I have met with unworthy treatment (1 must be permitted thus to express myself) from the sovereigns of the Ita- Han league, who hot only did not receive my proposal, but did not even vouchsafe to me an answer. And all this because | was a friend of Austri and had m analliance with that power at a time when there no hostility bet-veen her and the Italian governments, and when her ministers were received at the courts of Rome, Turin, and Florence. This alliance might be a blunder, but it could not be a fault. Yet now, there is a motive of interest for doing so, it is treated as such. King Charles Albert has violently seized upon my hereditary dominions, without delay or oo: sideration for my family, who were forced to quit ma. in order that their presence might not be a reat on the people from voting inhis favor; and while he incorporated my territories with his own, he, by way of compensation, carried my wife to Turin. ‘When, for the weal of Italy, I offered the sacrifice of my all, | sppealed to the judgwent of those who, as soverelgns, could decide my fate in @ worthy and noble manner; but | did not submit myself to the arbi- trary violence of one. And now that your Holiness, the King of Sardinia, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany, refused the arbitration which I disinterestedly proposed to you, and one of these powers has proceeded to active measures against me, I consider myself to be wholly absolved from the obligation inte which I had freely entered. “While my sacred duty to my people and my family calls on me to protest against this injustice in t! of Europe, your Holiness is too just not to confess that itis hard to bear injustice as the reward of modera- tion, and that cs lly at the hand of a sovereign in whom I reposed my confidence, It should be considered that when, in the defence of the principles of liberty, thore of justice are cast aside, the result i tyranny more unbounded than that of which the fallen absolute monarchies are accuse:|. “As a good and true Catholic, and, like my ancestors, devoted to the interests of the Holy See, I pray that the Almighty may send you many years, for the weifire of Christendom, while | implore the Apostolical blessing on myeelf and my family.”’ Cavaianac anv nts Morner.—The Paris cor- respondent of the London Globe says :—The party of the Palais National and of the National journal, are straining every effort for Cavaignac, but they are not very rhilful in their proceedings. For instance, the have published a biography of the General, in whic they really raise doubts of his probity, After having spoken of his mother as one of the rare women ofan- tique virtue, and stated that he was entirely educated by her, the biography gives an account of a riot at Mets, in which Cavaignac was confined with his com- use he could not be trusted, ) Cavaignac complained to of the surpicions of which he had been the object. and insisted upon questions being put to him as to his principles. The colonel asked,‘ Would you, if the Carliets were to rise against the government, Cavaignac replied, Yes. The “And if the republicans were to rise, inst them?” Cavaigaac replied, restrain the publisher in question from proceeding | No. This answer is put forth as eulogium upou Ca- further im the business. The papeiicabin was melgnee TT Mhestr ian coy nent) ape el oles junction granted. produce jeed, 61 Ca. se ae ean "i a fecal point of view, the | vaignac, an officer in the service of a King, indebtedito question is a new one. The case of piracy of | drawings not intended for publication, does not appear to have come betore the courts in any pre- vious instance. The nearest case to it, in which an injunction has been granted, was where the ap- plication was to restrain the publication, by a | piratical book-seller, of Archdeacon Paley’s MS sermons, after his death. We rejoice that her Majesty and her husband should have stepped dewn from their altitude thus to defend their personal rights. It is time that royalty should be more eflectually protected against intrusive vulgarity. But we rejoice, also, at this fact, because it gives so unquestionable an evidence of the healthiness of our institutions, and the absolute tranquillity of our condition. While other sovereigns of Europe are fugitive or | trembling on their thrones, the chief anxtety of | him for all his grades, and having taken an oath tode- fend him. for declaring that his sword in his defence @ would not draw if attacked by such or such a set of men’ This is not the duty of @ soldier, or any man ee to} to entertein sentiments of honor, and I will not believe that Cavaignac ever made the reply attributed to him in the biograpby published by the National. As to the mother of Cavaignac, the woman of rare and antique virtue, the sole tutor of the general, it is well- known that she is a red republican of deep dye. To the honor of Cavaignac, however, it must be said, that if he imbibed republican principles from his mother, he rejects the violence which is said to distinguish her character. A friend of mine, who breakfasted and dined with Gen. Cavaignac a few days ago, gives mo the following account of this lady of rare and antique “At breakfast we had not the honor of the The general was gay, tched his featares mar- ¢ Cavaignac. the Queen of England (apart from those great du- | jy honest m ‘At the dinner, which was truly re- ties which she transacts with her ministers) 18 to | publican, there being only three dish nd no other protect herself fromthe annoyance which a natu- | wine n vin ordinaire, | saw Madame Cavaignac. ral modesty, as an amateur artist, no doubt ex- | She it ard-iooking and rather vulgar woman, scarce- aggerates, of having her drawings—executed in | ly condescending to address any of her guests, and re- the leisure of domestic relaxation, and énly com- | | municated in the sacredness of private friendship | --published, without authority, to the world, for the mere gratification of an idle and purrient curi- | osity. The Duchy of Parma. [From the Allgemeine Zeitung of Oct. 11.] The Gazetta Piemontese of the 6th September, con- tains a protest from the King of Sardinia against manifesto of the Duke of Parma, dated Weistropp, 21 August, and published on the Ist September by the Austrian military authority in the Duchy of Parma. In thi ifesto the duke confirms all former conces- tions granted by him to his subjects, as well as the acts of the Aust tary Government, until he shall | return to his Sti In order to nullify this document, the King of Sar- dinia adduces two notes of the Duke of Parma, dated 29th March and 8th April, 1848, addressed to the Pro- visienal Government, which he had then appointed at Parma—to the effect that, overcome by the force of circumstances, he submitted the fate (f himself and hin dominions to the decieion of the three soverrigns, Charles Albert, Tius 1X., and Leopold II. ; declaring, | moreover, that the previous convocation had been | necessitated by the presence of Austrian troops. The | Gazetta Premontese infers from this last declaration, | that the duke’s manifesto of the 2ist of August was also occasioned by the presence of Austrian troops in | Parma. To place this matter in its proper light, we beg the attention of our readers to the following brief state- ment of facts :-— Soon after Charles Louis (Duke of Lucca) had suc- y, to his hereditary domi- ia, &e., the public spirit of | Italy was roused against absolute forms of government, and the duke, in order to meet the wishes of his peo- ple, granted them concersions ona much more broad | popular basis than had been yielded by any other sovereign, Out of real for the interests of his | proposed to the rulers cf Sardinia, Rome, | ny to enter the Italian League, thus mitting his\deetiny to their common decision, and dcing all for the interest of his people that was com- patible with the preservation of his own sovereign authority, ‘This proporal of the Duke’s was not accepted. It did not spit the selfish designs of Charles Albert, who wished to act single-handed towards the Duchies of Parma and Modena. He preposed to the Duke to eell to him his rights to Parma and Placentia !—those rights which were his by birth, and which were secured to him by the faith of European treaties. Ina note of the Sardinian Ministry, dated April 5, 1848, in reply to the repeated representations of the Duke’s plenipoten- tiary, the refusal of the Duke’s offers is rey and, with an insolent pretext of compassion for his family, the Sardinian government proposes an arrangement for the tot f Parma and Placentia. the insulting conduct of # monarch allied .ouis by blood, and by long years of inti intercourse. very man of honor must feel that such id to for one mome’ poral could not be Ii jong as the Duke had ‘k of feeling ieft, for w op, and to the royal ho: was due to bimself, to hi are f the persecutions ee quence of the the Dune was forced, on the 10th of Apiil: to quit Parma. A reries of machinations then began om the part of Charles Albert, against the Ducheer, and the bereditary Princess of Parma, (Made- moirelle de France.) who were constrained to ren the former on acoount of her delicate bealth ter becanse of her approvehingzeon Larmens pympethy ehieh thes owetted on Pertny the Peay ee eg womans meg eeey mmemeennts awe y plying to remarks bya dry iA, She was animated only when rebuking one of the servants for sone gaticherie “Ab,” eaid she, “one may see that you have never gerved in a grand maison,” This rebake, in @ stern republicen rounded strangely in my ears. [ have ne doubt that Madame Cavaignac is a very wor- thy personage, but the biography of the National would lead the reader to suppose that she was a woman of high accomplishments, in fact, a second Madame Roland. Mestixe or tne Grerks.——We are told that his excellency, Governor Johnson and General Tay- lor bad a very warm meeting on the wharfboat at Ba- ton Rouge, on the return of the Governorto the city. We may as well observe, that though belonging to op- posite parties, the most cordial good feeling has always existed between the Governor and the General. “How do you do, General?” exclaimed his excellen- cy. in his usually cordial wad courteous style, © | am happy to fee you ” ; “The happiness ia reciprocated,” responded the Ge- neral, with equal warmth 3 “Weill, General,’ continued the Governor, “ You made a better run than! thought you would. You must bave been in good training, to have come out so handsomely in the race,” “Oh no,” replied the General, “it was only an old field training ”? “Well, General I congratulate you; but I must also acd, 1 wish you a happy deliverance from that portion of your duties which relates to the distribution of offices. There’athe rub. These executive offices would be very snug berths, if itwere mot for the Neasina shirt of patronage. | cam speak experimentally on tae subject” Well, Governor, Tasacre you, that if other people thought as I do about the Presidency, Congress would have to pass a law to co people to take it.”” ‘That declaration, Ge , Satisfies me,” responded his excellency, “that you are good enough ician to pass among those cute fellows you will have around you in Washington.” And, aiter exchanging good wither, the two distinguished gentlemen parted, with the best feelinge, This conversation, we think, not only gives an in~ sight into the characters of these two patriocie citizens, but involves a great deal of profound philosophy.—N. O. Delta, Now, % ‘ ware Tne Yucatan Kxoimevt.—The schooner Joha Bell left day before yesterday for Yucatan, with Captain Jacobs’ and a detachment of Captain Ree companies of the Yucatan regiment, #0 speedily en- rolled in thie city, by Col. White. The bar: Florida will leave on Saturday, with the balance of the regi- ment. Therspidity with which so large a force hss been raised in this city—a foree too, designed for foreign service~ manifests the existence of a stromg military feeling among our people Colonel White’s regiment will consist of one thousand men ; three com~- panies will be mounted, and one company will be or- ganized as ertillery, the government of Yacatan hav- ing promiced to supply them with cannon. The pri- mary object of the State bf Yucatan, in raising this is toenable them to overaws and restrain the 8, Who, by frequent succesres obtained over the ‘on, have grown insolent and ungovernable; ulterior purpore is, to form & nucleus for an ich Yucatan may depend on in any future Ather with the Indians or with any foreign jals of the regiment raised by Colonel urance that their gallantry and energy will add greatly to the strength of any contest in which they may be involved treduction of £0 la) number of enterprising Ame- ng Tegion will, no vir Four own rieans into this fruitfnl and promi dovbt, eoutribut beer to bring that and ye! mperola het