The New York Herald Newspaper, June 25, 1848, Page 1

CONVENTION THE BARNBURN The Letter of Martin Van Buren. His Nomination for the Presidency. of , the United States. Interestiog Proceedings, &e. ke. ke, ica, June 22, 1848, The Proceedings of the Burnburners’ Convention on the First Day. it is proper to suppose thut the deepest interest is felt by the American public in all the movements of that heretic section of the democratic party known us barnburners. The eyes of the South, and the eyes of the North, are centred upon Utica, the semt-national rendezvous of the intractable democracy. But the barnburners have declared that “ No pent up Ution contracts our powers ; ‘The whole boundless continent fs ours.” They have boldly declared in their addresses, their resolutions, and their letters, that a powerful and watchful party has been organized at the North, which extends over the entire Northern portion of this continent. This party, infuriated by the con- tumely with which its leaders have been treated— | { | | | | | NEW YORK, SUNDAY MORNING, JUNE 25, 1 843. ea Oneida—Jobn B. Miller, Richard Hurlbut, Stephen Vanderzen, John Dean. | Onondaga—Goorgo Pettit, Jerome T. Briggs, Goo. A. | Kennedy, Cyrus H. Kingsley. | Ontario—k. G. Lapham. Chas. J Folger. | Orange—P. R. Thompson, H, H. Singabaugh, H. F. Masterton. Orieans—W. H. McAllister, C. F. Potter, Asa Clark, . Southworth, V_Vessah. Oswego—Thos. Skelton, Jno. B. Higgins. Otvego—Seth Doubleday, J. C. Spafford, 0. C berlain. Putnam—Benj'n Bailey Queens--H. D. Hall, Kensselaer—John J. Kittle, J. C. Lansing, M. I. | Townsend. Richmond—James 0. Van Hovanburgh. St. Lawrence—H. Goddard, Henry Barber, D. Sand- ford. Saratoga—Saml. Young. P. H. Cowen Schenectady—Harvey Davis, Schoharie—Duvid Eldridge. Seneca—John Kennedy. Sreuben—Joba M. Fower. G. F. Harrower, Suffolk—W. Sidney Smith. Suilivan—Hortou Fidd. Tioga—Thomas Farrington. Tompkins—H. D. Bortow, John Young. Ulster—Gvo. T. Birce, E. G. Waters. Warren—James Palmeter, Benjamin C. Butler. Washington—Jno M. Lane. Charlos Hughes, Wayne. -Jno. W. Cary, O. H. Palmor. Westchester—Wam. W. Schrugham, Alex. Watson. Wyoming—L W. Thayer. Yates—Forost Harkness, A considerable time was occupied in calling over and completing the list of delegates. [t was amended and curtailed, and elongated in many ways. This list includes only the regular dele- ‘ates. Those called honorary are not inserted. When the names were called, the President announced that all the counties ia the State were represented except the counties of Rockland and Cattaraugus. Mr. Aner, of Livingston, said he was inform- Cham- maddened by the disasters which it has suffred— | ed that the young and vigoroua State of Wiscon- is prepared to make a mighty and resistleas opposi- | sin had sent two delegates to this Convention. He tivn to the election of the nominees presented to the country by the Baltimore Convention. The first day’s proceedings of the Convention have been deeply interesting and impressive. nvention, in point of numerical foree, mental energy and personal dignity, will compare The unanimity of feeling hibited in th.s Convention is almost unparalleled ; the entuusiagn of the delegates, and of the people, who assembled to witness the deliberations of this body, is certainly great and certainly sincero. The early part Ai the day was occupied by the Convention in receiving the credentials of the de- legates, and in appointing the asual committees.— Ia the afternoon, the Hone Samuel Young was elected President. This gentleman, on assuming the chair, delivered a short, address, which will be found in the accompanying report of the pro- ceedings Atala hour, the Convention was addressed by Messrs. Smith, King, Grover, Van Buren, Butler, and Field. Their speeches were very piquant, and the enthusiasm of the audience went beyond all bounds. Mr. Butler read the long expected letter trom Martin Van Buren. Itis really a masterly let- ter, and Mr. Van Buren says, ina private letter, that 1t may be the last one he shall ever write ; he is there/ore anxious that it shall be printed correct- jy, and his anxiety upon this point has made him guilty of a great impropriety. He gave orders that it should uot be published unless the proof sheets were read by himself, or by oae of his bosom friends, whom it is not necessary to name. This order was highly improper, because 1: does not give him a chance to compete with the hely al- tance. Mr. Van Buren ought to have been awsre that no document of this character was ever print- ed incorrectly in the Herald. The next time he may go to the dogs with his letters. This evening the democracy were addressed from the steps of Bagg’s hotel by Messrs. Smith, of Wayne ; Nye, of Madison ; Taylor, of Ohio; Cas- serly, of New York ; Strong, of Wisconsin. . T>-morrow, Martin Van Buren will be nomi- nated for President. There 13 no doubt on this point. The Conveation will meet at 80’clock to- morrow morning. 2 . : Hen y Dodge, of Wisconsin, will te nominated for Vice President. Unica, June 22, 1848. The Barnburners’ Conversazione—The Barnburners in M tion—The Barnburners’ Bazaar, and the Barnburners’ Balaam—Fun—Frolic—Fanfaro- sade—Important Letter from Martin Van Buren, $e. &e. &e. ‘The tournamenthas opened. The Sikhsare here; the Mahommedans are here; John Van Burenvis here. The morning is bright, and clear, and plea- sant, and nature has been bounteous to the barn- bumers. The Convention assembled in the Metho- dist church on Bleccker street. Baggs’ Hotel is the headquarters ot the delegates, and at a quarter to twelve o’clock they started for the church ina body. The building ia of medium size, and it is rendered memorable from the fact, that the last and datest Convention of the barnburmers was held within ite walls. At five minutes to twelve o’clock the head of the procession entered the church, and the sovereigns made a simultaneous rush for the galleries ; there are galleries at the sides, and also at the ends of the building. About two thousand persons were present, and the church was well filled ; the sovereigns in the galleries maintained a #tanding position. John Van Buren brought up the rear of the procession, and_on entering the church he took aseatat the foot of the altar; his seat was hambl-, aud his attitude was humble and sancti- fied He lovked as blooming as he did before he commencerd offensive operations ; he wore a claret colored frock coat, light brown waistcoat, and pints of the same material. John never wears a shirt collar, because, when he was in Europe, a draper of Pall Mall’in London told him, that a shirt collar was considered to be a yoke by the aucients; the moderns (so far as the barnbumers ure concerned) have a peculiar horror of yokes of any kind. "he appearance of the delegates, when they had assembled, was very good; they are generally men of talent and influence in their respective counties At 12 M., the Hon, Warp Hor, of Utica, calied the Convention to order. On motion of Simeon B. Jewett, Esq., the Hon. Thomas Farring on (late frensurer) of Tioga, was appointed temporary President. Mr. F., on assuming the ehair, said :— It was unexpected that he should be called upon to preside over this Convention ; he asked the indulgence of the delegates while he endeavored to discharge the dutios of the Chair in an impartial manner. Mr. F. is a fine looking man, and an accom- plished man ; the selection is a good one, On motion of Mr. Pierce of. Satchres, Messrs. Dean and Serugham were appointed Secretaries. Oa motion of Joun B. Mitten, Esq. of Utica, the Secretaries were instructed to call the several coun- ‘ties in alphabetical order, and the names of dele- gates representing the several counties. Mr. Vanpyxe, of the Albuny Atlas, observed, that after some trouble he had succeeded in making a list of the delegates, which he believed was cor- rect; the paper, he suid, was at the service of the Convention The Secretary then proceeded to call the names of the regular delegates, together with the hono- rary delegates from the several counties. The following list inclndes only the regular delegates : Albany—Messrs. Harcourt, Van Dyke, Benton, Stew- art Alleghany—Martin Grover, Broome—S Hand, Catturaugus— Chautaugue—Franklin H, Waite, Cayuga—Geo, Rathbun. V, Kenyon, EF. P. Ross. Chem John M. Wisner, Chenango—A. K. Maynard, J, F, Robinson, Clinton— Noyes P. Gregory. Cortland—John Gillett, Colunbia—John F. Hogeboom, Wm, Kirk. Delaware—G. 11, Wagerton, B. F, Gibbs. Dutchess—Gilbort Dean, Danl, Sherwood. E.te—John Ganson, P. M. Vosburgh, 0. Pateh, W. White, svex—Oliver Keese. nh line Fulton—Jns, M. Dudley. Genesae—Sam'l Skinner, Jno, Merrill, Greene—G. W, Cummings. Herkimer—A, Loomis, A. Beckwith, Jeffervon—-A. 8, Green, C.D. Smith, A. Strong. Kings—Alex. Campbell, D. Strong. Lewie—Clement Whittaker, Livingston—Asa Nowlen, B. F. Angell. Modison— A. M. Baker, Thos, Barlow. Mowroe—Sam'l P, Gould, Isaac KR. Elwood, Jowett. Montgomery—C. B. Cochrane, Niagara-—Shorburae B. Piper, D, Pomeroy. New York—Sum’l Waterbury, John Van Buren, John H, Bowie, Jas, Batterson, G Thomas, D. D. T. Mar- shall, Mark Spencer, Thomas Doyle, G, M. Merrill, G. Harrison, B.F, Butler, L, Livingston, Robert B. Boyd, D. D, Field, 8. B. | | tials were referred to the committee on resolutions. ‘ moved that they be admitted to seats. The motion waa adopted by acclamation. Mr. Townsenp said that Marcus Morton, Jr., of Massachusetts, a son of that pieineeanad (cheers and applause,) citizen who was well known to this convention, was present. He moved that he be admitted to a seat. The motion was unanimously adovted. On motion of the Hon. B. Barter, of Putnam, James W. Taylor, Esq., of Cincinnati, Ohio, was admitted to a seat - 4 Delegates from Connecticut were also admitted, and then the further calling of names of delegates was dispensed with. ‘ On motion of Judge Hogrsoom, of Columbia, it was resolved that the delegates of such as- sembly districts as were represented by more than one delegate, should designate one of their num- ber to vote in the convention. On motion of Hon. B. Baiey, two delegates from eacit judical district in the State were appointed to report the names of permanent officers for the Convention. An effort was made to have the dele- gates from other States participate in these pro- ceedings, but James W. Taylor, Esq., of Ohio, on behalf of the delegates from other States said, That while they would not withhold their sympathy, they would decline to participate in the proceedings of the Convention. The democracy of other States, he snid, would ratify the proceedings hereafter. (Ap- plause } The motion ts have the delegates from other ates placed upon the eommittee on organization, was withdrawn. : On motion of Mr. Lartam, of Ontario,a com- mittee of one from each judicial district was ap- pointed to prepare and report an address and reso- lutions for the consideration of the Convention. The Presipenr, after some delay, announced the following gentlemen as a committee to select and report permanent officers for tae Convention :— COMMITTEE ON ORGANIZATION. FIRST DISTRICT. FIFTH DisTRict. Mark Spencer, John Dean, John H. Bowie. ‘Thomas Skelt SKOOND DiATRIOT. SIXTH DISTRIOT, Wm. S. Smith, G. H. Edgarton, Benj. Bailey. J.C. Spafford. THIRD DISTRICT. SEVENTH DISTRICT. John J. K ttle, Vincent Kenyon, John T. Hogeboom. O.H Palmer. FOURTH DISTRICT. EIGHTH DisTRICT. Jas, Palmerston, L. W. Thayer, Noyes P. Gregory. RR. McAllister. When this committee was appointed, the Con- vention took a recess until 4 o’clock this afternoon AFTERNOON SESSION. The Convention reassembled at 4P.M. The collection of sovereigns in the galleries was great er than during the morning hour; the body of the church was also more completely filled. Great numbers of the delegates could not even find stand- ing room. During the recess, the train had ar- rived from the t, bringing Benjamin F. Bu'ler, (with the address and resolutions in his pocket,) Samuel Young, David D. Field, &c. Mr. Young, on entering the Convention, was loudly cheere The veteran Colonel made an imposing appearance. At4 P. M., the temporary President called the Convention to order. He observed that it was de- sirable that the delegates should occupy the body of the church, and he requested persona sitting in the centre pews wno were not delegates, to vacate them. But the sovereigns would not assent to this arrangement. The President said it was impossi- ble for the Convention to proceed unless the dele- ‘ates Were permitted to have seats in the pews.— (here were cries of ‘adjourn to the Park”—* go out doors,” but it could not be done. ; The Presmenr then announced the following gentlemen as a comunittee to prepare an address and resolutions for the consideration of the Con- vention: COMMITTEE ON ADDRESS AND RESOLUTIONS Ist District... . Benjamin F. Butler. 2a GA. Grant. . 3d). George T. Pierce. due LL LOhver Keene, 2nd. "2. Sth |. \JevomeJ. Briggs. Gch “278 D. Hand..... 7th “ ...E.@ Lapham. 8th Sherburne B. Piper The Hon. Bensamin Bartey, of Putnan, from the committee appointed to select and report perma- nent officers for the Convention, then made the following report: PRESIDENT, Hon, SAMUEL YOUNG. VICK PRESIDENTS, Samuel Waterbury, Abijah Beckwith, Alexander Watson, Seth Doubleday, John J. Kittle, Ara Knowland, John MeLane, Samuel Skinner. SPORETARIES, Gilbert Dean, Stephen Van Dresser, W. W. Scrugham. Peter M. Vosburg. This report waa unanimously adopted, and the temporary President desired two delegates to con- duct the Mon, nuel Young to the chair. Mr. Young, on assuming the chair, said: Gentlemen of the Convention:—For this mark of your civility, and for the unmerited compliment you have paid me by selecting me to discharge the delicate duties of this officn, when you might have selected 20 many better qualified men. accept ny humble acknow- ledgements. 1 will discharge the functions of this of- fice to the best of my ability ; for my errors [ crave your kind fadalgence. | feel proud to be associated with men who are denominated by Southern men as Baroburners. Thunder and lightning are occasion- aily baraburners (isughter) ; and if this Convention will do its duty, the propagandists of slavery will hear a clap of political thuader noxt autumn which will make them shake liko Belshagzar, when he saw the hand- writing on the wall. 3 ‘This apeech was received with tremendous cheer- ing. Kir. Jnwrrt moved that the democratic (Van Buren) delegates who attended the Bultimore Con- vention, and who were kicked out, be now desired to come forward and give an account of their stew- ardship. Accordingly, Mr. Surru, of Wayne, a member of the Baltimore delegation, rose and said— Gentlemen of the Convention—You have undoubt- iy been aware that the detegates from New York who attended the Baltimore Convention, have issued an ad- dross to the people of this State, That address was widely circulated, and it gave a correct and concise history of the treatment and the subsequent course of the delegates from this State, Mr. S. said he would not now make @ detailed report, but he would place upon the files of this Convention a copy of the report of their proceedings at Baltimore, together with the credentials which they received from the Utiea Convention, and which were dishonored at Baltimore. tM. S. then proceeded to give to the Convention a succinct narrative of the proceedings of the barn- burner delegates at Baltimore. On motion of Mr. Jewerr, the report and creden- Mr. Preston Kina, another member of the Bal- timore delegation, was then called out. Mr K. amused the Convention a little while with some humorous allusions to the Baltimore Convention He used some bitter language in referring to the ig- saa and insults which New York had suffered at the hands of the Baltimore Convention, Mr, K. concluded by saying that he was with this (Utica) penerer and he had no doubt but it was with mM. Martin Grover, of Alleghany, was then called for, This man was lately a member of Congress ; he is one of the most peculiar speakers in America; he speaks in a high treble tone, and he occasionally | to it, ! gets off some humorous remarks, He said he did not want a Southern man proscribed becaure he was in favor of extending slavery, nor did he want a Northern man proseribed for being 0 posed Ifthe Louth was determined to a sectional party, we must make one; if the South was determined to me our Northern meu a head shorter, let us make repri-als. t. G. was very smohatio in his condemnation of the conservatives ; his remarks were remarka- bly curious, but I have no time te write them out full jae sii When Mr. Grover had concluded his witty and laughable speech, there was loud call for John Van Buren. He complied with the call, and pre- sented himself before the convention. As I have already remarked he looked extremely well. I cannot attempt to give even an outline of his re- marks to-night. His speech was, however, spirited and pointed ; as a pleader, Mr. Van Buren has few equals. On rising, he remarked— That he felt some embarrassment in coming before this convention. The republicans of this State were left without a candidate for the Previdency, and it had become the duty of the freemen of the North to nominate a candidate who would have no difficulty io securing the electoral vote of this State There were several indications that the administration was losing ground; and among others was the di-p sition it had evinced to foster and increase the patrouage of the Ex- ecutive; another indication wax the hostility it had evinced to the improvement of our rivers and harbors; we had seen the Baltimore conventions packed by the patronage of the general government; we had seen them controlled by members of Congress, who wore the mere creatures of the Exvcutive. Mr. V. B. referred to the unanimity of Western feeling in favor of the improvement of rivers and barbors by the general go- vernment; the popular sentiment was sufficiently pal- pable upon this subject. But the great question pre- sonted to the people of this day, was whether in going into the territories of Oregon and Californi: would plant there New York or Virginia—a slave State ora free State There never was a time when the people were 80 deeply aroused upon this subject. Prior to 1817, this State wax deeply moved upon tho subject of this institution of slavery, Even the great struggle of the revolution never would have induced our fathers to con- sent to this divproportionate represwatation. if they had not believed that the South would consent to the gradual but certain emancipation of her slaves. Mr ‘an Buren declared that he had unwavering confi- dence in the intelligence and virtue of the people; he was not afraid to entrust them with the duty of pro tecting their own libertios He did not believe the peo- le of the North would support either Taylor‘r Cass. Hie had heard a curious anecdote the other day. Ata “raising.” a vote was receatly taken for the nominees for President. A young man asked a comrade. who was present at the raisiug, what was the result of the voto He was informed that it was a tie, “Why,” said the Inquirer, “I thought you told me that there were no Taylor whigs in your town.” “Woll, there ain’t,” was the reply; “there is no Taylor whigs nor no Cass democrats; that’s the reason it was a tle.” (Laughter. ] Mr. V. B.’s speech was very brief. He recom- mended the Convention to forget all past contro- versies and difticulties, and nominate a man who could secure the electoral vote of New York by a triumphant majority. . Bensamin F, Burver of New York, followed Mr. Van Buren. The speech of this gentleman was eloquent and impressive ; but it was in matter a mere repetition of all the speeches which the barn- burners have made since they were ejected from the Baltimore Convention. Seen It was well known that Mr. Butler had in his possession copies of a correspondnce which had recently taken plice between Martin Van Buren und the delegates who represent the city of New York in this Convention. When Mr. Butler had sat down, Mr. Field, of New York, announced the fact that such a correspondence had taken place, and in the name of the Convention he asked that it be now read. This request was acceded to by Mr. Butler, avd he accordingly proceeded to read the following correspondence: THE DELEGATES TO MARTIN VAN BUREN. New Youx, June 16, 1848, Hon. Martin Van Buren, Ex- President uf the United States: Sir—The undersigned delegates. appointed by soveral of the Assembly districts of the city and county of New York, to represent such districts in the Demo- cratic State Convention, to be held at Utica on the 22d instant, complying with their own feelings, and with those of their constituents, fiud it necessary to address you on a question of great moment, which may be ex- pected to come before the proposed Convention. This us- sembly, ax you are aware, has been couvoked in conse yuenee of the arbitrary and insulting exclusion by th: National Convention lately held at Bultimore, of the dx- legates regularly appointed to repreasut the democracy of this State in that Convention, from any effectual vote or voice in its deliberations, for the purpose of pressing the sentimonts of their constituents in re- gard to that meusure, and of recommending. should they think fit ao to do. candidates fur the offices of Pre- sident and Vice President. If the Convention shall decide to make such nomina- tions. cur own eyes, and. we believe, thoze of the whole bedy, "will instinctively be tuned to you as the de- mocratic statesman best qualified by taleut and experi- ence, ax well as by purity and the soundness of your political principles, to receive the first of their nomina- tions. The greit Jeffersonian doctrine—now boldly re- pudiated in the South, and by too many tamely surren- dered in the North: that slavery, or involuntary servi- tude, should not, by any action of the fuderal guvern- ment, be entered into the territories of this Union— deserves, in connection with the other and time-proved doctrines of the democratic party, to be represented by astandard bearer of the highest eminence for ability and worth ; and such an one, you will permit ua to say, we shall present in you, should we be authorized to name you as a candidate for the consideration of the convention. We are not insensible fo the many reasons which may properly induce you to forbid wny such use of your name, Having filled with highest honor, the first station ia tho republic, and being now retired from the political arena, you may be unwilling to be drawn from the quiet and usefal pursuits which uccupy your atten- tion, for the purpose of being involved in the etrifes of party. We remember that in your noble letter to the democracy of this city, in June, 1844. in whem you gave to Messrs. Polk ahd Duilas so cordial and so generous a support—a support which so greatly contributed to heir election—you declared in reference to their no- mination and to the position in which it had placed you. that your political carver had forever closed. We know that you have neither done anything your- self. nor countenanced anything in othors, to vary thir position, and that you lately refused to the delegates of this State, in the nt of their reception by the Bal. timore Convention, permission to use your name asa candidate before that body under these circumstances ; and, unwilling to embarrass one who has always. whilst tn the political fleld, stood ready to place him-elfat the dispo-al of his friends, we do not feel ourselves at liber- ty to insist upon a compliance with our wishes to the extent that we might, under other ciroumstances, have been induced to do. We are, moreover, sure that you will nacurally weigh the many aud grave considera- tions which belong to the subject. and decide itin a spirit of liberality to your friends and justice to your- self. Should you feel yourself required to adhere to your previously expressed determination not again to be made a candidate, wo earnestly hope you will not withhold from as your opinions in regard to the action of the Baltimore Convention, the obligations, whether of duty or expedioncy, resting on the democracy of New York towards the nominations made by that body, and the course proper in the prerent crisis to be pursued by the democracy of New York, as to the great issue before the country, the extension of slavery to territories now free. ‘Wo are, sir, vory respectfully ‘and faithfully. your friends, Samvet Wateanvry, Gro. M. Mornitt, Joun Bowrr, G. Harnios, Jastes Partison, B. F, Burien, Gaxoory Hous L. Livisastox, Dasixt D. MaARsHatt, Rosrat B. Born, Marx Srexe D, D. Frevo, Tuomas Dorie, The following reply of Mr. Van Buren was then read to the Convention vy Mr. Butler: THE REPLY OF MARTIN VAN BUREN TO THK DELE- GATES. Lixoenwatp, June 20, 1848. Genttemen,—I have received your kind letter with feelings of no ordinary character. It comes from the reprerentatives of a body of mev who possess unsur- passed claims upon my respect and gratitude, My re- ception by the lion-hearted democracy of your great city, after my defeat in 1840, was marked by circum. stances, and displayed a depth of friendship, which 1 can never forget, It made impressions upon my heart which are ac vivid now as they were then, and which will never lose their hold upon my affections until that heart ceases to beat, It ia not in my nature to decline compliance with any request which such men are ca- pable of making, except for reasona of the strongest character, and which they themselves will, on further consideration, approve. The determination announced in 1844, in my letter to the New York committee, ad- vising my friends to unite in the support of Mr. Polk, to regard my publio life as forever closed. was made upon the most mature reflection, and with an inflexi- ble determination to adhore to it totheend. I beg of you todo me the justice to believo, that it was in no degree influenced by that epirit of reeentment which olitical disappointmenss are so apt to engender in the foes roguiated minds, Maving beon defeated during a highly excited. and asthe result bas shown, an un. oun financial policy which I believed to be right, the de- mocratic masse* every where, as soon as it become evi- dent that the eountry had recovered from the delusions ofthe day. resolved, with extraordinary unanimity, that the policy which had been so succesefully decried should be vindicated. and the justice of the people il- lustrated by my re-election This decision of the masses was reversed by their representatives in the Convention, More than coropensated for any mortifi- cation which my discom@ture in 1840 had oceasioned. by these expressions of confidence regard, pro- ceeding directly from the people themselves. and anxious above all things for the success of the measures for which I had been so unsparingly arraigned, I fore- state of the public mind, for adhering to a | bore to scan either the motives by which my oppo- nents in the Convension of ‘44 were actuated, or the means they resorted to for the = complishment of their object, and united with and alacrity in hg of the democratic candidate. Bat whilst thus in good faith discharging what I re- garded to be my duty, it did not fail to vecur to me that the circumstances by which | was surrounded, presented the vecasion I had long desired. whea | could retire frém public life, consistently with what was due to the country, to my friends, and to my own self-respect. | embraced it with my whole heart From that day to the prevent, my mind has not for a moment wavered in regard (o the determination then ann unced At an early period iu the present canvass, and before the dem crati: mind could be regarded ax having taken anything like # distinct direction in re- ference to its candidate I reaffirmed my resolution in this regard in a letter to # worthy citizen of Pennsylva- nia, which has been extensively published, andin many others with which it was not deemed uecessary to trouble the public. delegates to the last national conyeation, for authority to use my name as a candidate If they could do ao un- der proper circumstances, mude it as you appear to be informed, my unpleasant duty to refase my consent to their doing so uader any circumstances whatever. Having thus assumed and so long occupied this posi- tion, I trust to your friendship and past indulgence to be excused for repeating my Unchangeable determina- tion never again to be a caudidate for public office. The fuct of my having long since retired from public life, with the tacit approbation of my friends, gives me a right to say so. If whilstin the political field. will- ing to receive honor and advancement at,the hands ef wy political friends, { did not shew myself at all times rendy to obey, without regard to personal consequences, their calls to posts of diMvulty, I failed to make myself understood by those whom [ was most anxious to serve. The considerations to which I have adverted, are not entitled to the same eootrolling inflaeuce in regard to the remaining subject of your letter, Whatever would be m: prefayenaain such matters on ordinary occasions, I feel that T could not, under existiag circumstances, refuse to comply with your request, without doing in- ustice to my democratic friends in thia State. I shall. therefore, give you my unreserved opinions upon the questions to which you have called my atcention ; and in doing go I shall endeavor to observe that respect and courtesy towards the conflicting views of others. which it has always been my dexire to practice. and which is now more than ever Appropriate to my position. To give the doings of & Democratic National Con- vention a claim upon tho suppert of the democracy of any State, it is indispensably necessary that the de- mocracy of that State should be po Teprevented in such Convention, and aliowed equal rights end pri- vilegos with their political bretbrea from other States in regulating its proceedings. Neither of these, al- though perseveringly demanded, was conowded by the recent Convention to the democracy of New York, and they are of course in no degree concluded by its decisions. But although their rights and their duties are thus clear, it is notwithstanding material to the fraternal relations which have heretofore existed tween them and those who composed the Coavention, that it should be distinctly shown at whose door lies the wrong of their exclusion ; whether at that of our own delegation, or of the Convention. Upon this point both sets of delegates clalming to represent New York, although differing in almost everything else, appear to have coneurred in the opinion, that the action of the Conveation had been such as to put it out of their por to participate in its proceedings, without a total disregard of what was due as well to their own honor as to the honor and just rights of their State. It was therefore bat reasonable to expect that here, at least, tho opinion against the slightost obli- gation on the puri of the ocracy of New York to sustain the doings of the convention. would be uni- versal, To find citlor set of the delegates who clalined to represent New rock in that convention, or thoir friends who approved of their conduct. casting re- proach upon their opponents for not sustaining the decisions of a body, of whose action in regard to their own state, they had raspectively formed wad expressed the opinion to which I have adverted, must, it seems to ine be regarded a3 a very extraordinary ocourrence in olition, Lars plainly the duty of the Committee on Creden- tials to examine tnto the facts, and report their opinion upon the conflicting olsiins referred to them = It is an indisputable fact, that instead of domg so, they requi- red an unqualified pledge from both sets of dulegates from New York, that they would support the nominee of the convention, whoever he might be. and resolved that without compliance with this arbitrary ex «ction, they would not even look into the merits of their re- spective claims. Now when it is considered that no such pledge was required at any previous National Democratic Con- vention from any person—that at one of them the de- iegates feom an entire State (Virginia) were permitted to announce their determiastion in advance not to support w certain nomination, if it should be made without causing a question to be raised in regard to their seats in the convention. and that they carried sueb refusal into full effect, without subjecting them selves or their State to the reproaches of Lieir assuciates in other States—that thin very convention cunta:ned, without dispute as to their eligibility, delegates from several States who could not enter into such pledge. without violating tho instructions of their constitu- ents. and whose intentions wot to enter into it, were not concealed —that the convention itself had previous- ty gnd expresely refused to impose such # pledge upon its members, aud that on the very commitiee, which 30 imperiously demanded it from the New York dele- vates, there were members who openly denounced its exaction as an outrage--declared their utter unwilling- ness to take it themselves, aud who, aiso. were never- theless recognized as eligible and fit members of the convention—when these things are consid«red, is it possible that any right-minded citizen among us can fail to regard this treatment of the New York dele- gates, a8 an indignity tv them, and to their State, of the rankest character? If it is our misfortune to live im @ community with whom it is necessary to resort to argument to prove this, whose minds do not rush co that conclusion at the mere pre-entution of the sub- ject, it is of very little importance to us what is said or doue ina democratic convent.on Quhers may think differently, and I haye neither the right ner the dis- position to become their accusers Hut «peaking for myvelf, and for myself only, I do not ceritate to say that the representatives of the radical democracy of this State, were entirely right in their appreciation of the treatment they received. and in the course they adopt- ed, Were I to advise them or those whom they repre sented, to any steps which would indicate the slight- est im-ensibility on their part to che degrading distine- don that was applied to them, I should,in my beat judgment, be counselling them to an act of political dishonor, by which they would justly forfeit the re- spect of all upright minds. forbid that [ should be induced, by any considerations, to leave my me mory exposed to the imputation of having made eo poor a return for a whole life of public favors received at their hands. The committee carried out their design to the ex- tent of ther power. and the question occurs, did the convention itself relieve your delegates or yourselves from the injustice of their committee? Most sincerely tol wish that [could think so. But is that possible ? That the difference between the two delegations was ineconcilable, was apparent to that body, nor was there room for a moment's doubt that at least one of the delegations would not attempt to represent the State, unless their right to do so exclusively was ex- amined and decided by the convention. and it had not yet become too late for the convention to do its duty im the matter, when it appeared that the resolution not to take their seats was common to both delegations. There was then no other way in which the difficulty couid be properly disposed of, than by examining into and deciding upon the conflicting claims before them The unavoidable result of failing to do so was to cause the proceedings of the convention to be regarded as without authority in New York. The expedieat of admitting both delegations might do well enough in a case where the difference between them was not one of principle, and where both parties finally asxented to the arrangement, but was wholly inapplicable to the one under consideration. The matter was neverthe- leas 0 disposed of. New York was allowed a doublo repre-entation with the inevitable and weil understood consequence, that she should not have a «ingle effective vote upon the proceedings of a convention whose de- cislons she is now culled upon to sustain, Your dele- gates claimed the exclusive right to represent the de- mocracy of this State in the convention, and offered to maintain their title thereto befor that body by dooumentegy proof. Their claim was reje~ted. and on what ground? Not certainly on the ground, that they were unable to sustain it, for their credentials and proof were returand to them wnopeurd. nad t convention iteolf di! not profess to put the re, tion of their dean? on any such ground; and yet that was the only don which, if well founded, their claim could be p ly overruled. It is not to be disguised, that 11 f that your delegates were re- | fused admission on tlie ground of the opinions enter- tained by their constituents upon the question of the prohibition of slavery in the territorivs. is very general in this State, The course of proceeding adopted by the convention, renters it not a little difficult to define with precision for what particular reason the rejection of both sets of delegates by the nominal admission of both, was ordered. That many members were not in- fluenced by the consideration referred to, I am well satisfied, whilst it is equally clear, that the number of those who were, 1either amall ner unimportant in character, Those who fel themselves coustrained to believe that their delegates wore rejected for that cause, cannot indeed but regard it as an extraordina- ry spectacle in the political Geld. to find their votes de manded for the nominee ofa convention, in the delibs- rations and discussions o: which they were not deemed worthy of participation I cdnnot. under such circumstances, refrain from cou- curring with you in the opinion, that the decisions of that convention are in no degree binding upon the de- | mocracy of this State. or wntitled to any other weight | in their estimation than as an expression of the wish | es and opinions of reepectuble portions of their politi | cal axsoointes and friends in other States, qualified as | their expression is, by the acty by which it has been ac- | companied, ou desire also my views in regard to the proh’bition | by Congress, of slavery in territories where it does not | now exist. and they shall he given in a few words and ina minner, which will not | hope, inerense. if it | doos not diminish, the existing excitement in the pub- | tie mind ‘The illustrious founders of our government were not insensible to the apparent inconsistency between the perpetuation of slarery in the United States, and the « A friendly application from our | principles of the Revolutio: delineated in the De- clars'ion of Independence; and they were too ingenu- ous .in their dispositions toattempt to conceal the impressions by which they were embarrassed. But they knew also, that its sp-edy abolition in several of the States, was impoasible, and its existence jn all, with- out fault on the part ofthe present generation. They were also too uprizht, and the fraternal feelings wh had carried them through the struggle for indwpe: | dence were too strong, to permit them to deal with such & matter upon any other principles than those of liber- | ality and justice. The policy they adopted, was, to guarantee to the States in which slavery existed, an cluxive control over the subject within the r respective jurisdictions, but to prevent by united efforts, its ex- tension to territories of the United States in which it did not in factexist On all sides the most expedient means to carry out this poliey were adopted with alacri- | ty and good feeling. Their iirst step was to interdict the introduction of slavery into the Northwestern Territory, now covered by the States of Ohio, Indiana, Ilinois, Michigan and Wisconsin, This may justly be Fogard as being in the main, a Southern measure.— 7 bject was first brought forward in Con- gress by Mr. Jefferson. Virginia made the coxsion of the territory upon which the ordinance was intended to operate, and the representatives from all the slave- holding States gave ita unanimous support. Doubts having arisen in the minds of some whether the ordi- nance of 1787 was authorized by the articles of Confederation, a bill was introduced in the new Con- gress at its first seasi_n under the constitution, recog- nizing and adapting it to the new organization, and it has ever since been treated and regarded as a valid act This bill received the constitutional approbatior of President Washington, whose highest snd sworn duty it was to support the constitution under which it was enacted, Nor was the north backward in doing its part to sustain the policy which had been so wisely adopted, They assented to the insertion of provisions in the constitution nece<sary and sufficient to protect that interest in the States, and they did more. The trouble apprehended at the commencement of the government from this source, began to show itself as early as the year 1790, in the form of petitions pre- sented to Congress, upon the subject of slavery and the slave trade, by the Quakers, of Philadelphia and New York. and by Dr. Franklin, as President of a So- ciety for the promotion of abolition, ‘These petitions were, in the House of Representatives, referred to a committee of seven, all but one of whom were northern members, whore report, ag amended in committeo of the whole, afficmed “that Congress have no power to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them within any of the States, it remaining with tho several States alone to provide any regula- tion therein which humanity and true policy might re- quire.” The perseverance and good faith with which both branches of the policy thus adopted have, until very recently. been recognised and carried out. are hig! ry, honorable to the whole country, ‘Che peculiar liabi ity of the subject to be converted into an element of political agitation, as well in the slaveholding as in the non-slaveholding States, may have led to occasional attempts so to employ it, but these efforts have been very successfully frustrated by the good sense and good feeling of the people in every quarter of the Union. A detailed account of tho numerous acts of the federal government, sustaining and carrying into full effeot the policy of its founders upon the subject of slavery in the States, and its extension to the terri- tories, and the steps taken, in the non-slaveholding States, to suppress or neutralize undue agitation in regard to it, would be alike instructive and honorable to the actorsin them. Butit will be readily perceived, that this could not be given within the necessary limits of a communication like the present. It must therefore suffice to say, that, from 1787, the date of the ordinance for the prevention of slavery in the north western territory, down to and including 1838, at least eleven acta of Congress have been passed. organizing territories which thive since become States, in ail of which the constitutionel power of Congress to interdict the introduction of slavery into the territories of the United States. is either directly exercised. or clearly asserted by enactments, which, as matters of authority, are tantamount to ite exercise ; and that at the only period when the peace of the slaveholding States was supposed to be seriously endangered by abolition agita- tion, there was a spontancous uprising of the people of the North, of both parties, by which agitation was paralysed, and the South re-assured of our fidelity to the compromises of the constitution, In tho laws for the organization of the territories which now constitute the States of Ohio, Indiana. Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Iowa, slavery was expressly prohibited. The laws for the organization ot the territories of Mississippi, Orleans, Arkansas, Aln- bama and Florida, contained enactments fully equiva- lent in regard to the extent of power in Congress over the subject of slavery in the territories to the express exercise of it in the other aces, These acts were ap- proved by Prexidunts Washington, the elder Adams. Jelferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson and myself. all bound by our oaths of office to withhold our raspective approvais from laws which we believed *unconstitu- tonal. If tm the passage of these laws during the pe- riod of half a century, and under the adminis ration of $0 magy Presidents, ihere was anything like sectional ai #, Or a greater or less participation in thwir enactment on the part of the representatives of the slavebolding. or of thy non-slaveholding States, [ am not apprised of it, I believe the plan devised by the om founders of the government, including the fathers of our political church, for the treatment of this great subject, und which has hitherto been so faithfully sus- tained, and which has proven so successful in preserv- ing the union of these States, to be not only the wisest which the'wit of man could have devised, but the only one consistent with the safety and prosperity of the whole country. 1 do therefore desire to see it continu- ed so long as slavery exists in the United States. The extent to which I have sustained it in the various pub- lic stations | have occupied is known to the country. was at the time well aware that | went further in’ this respectthan many of my best friends could approve.— But deeply penetrated by the conviction that slavery wax the only subject that could endanger our blessed Union, { was decermined that no effort on my part within the pale of the Constitution, should be wanting to sustain its compromises as they were then under. stood, and it is now a source of consolation to me that I pursued the course I then adopted. The doctrine which the late Baltimore Convention has presented for the sanction of the na sabstance, that the laws | have referred to were but so many violations of the constitution—that this instru ment confers no power on Congress to exclude slavery from the territories, a3 has go often been done with the assent of all. This doctrine is set forth in the pub | lished opinion of the highiy respectable nominee of that convention, who it is well known received that distinction because he avowed that opinion, and who it is equally certain would not have received it, if he had not doue so, It is proposed to give this doctrine the most solemn sanction known to our political sys- tem, by the election of its declared advocate and sup- porter to the Presidency. If it receives the proposed sanction of the people of the United States, the result cunnot be doubiful. ‘The policy in regard to the ex- tension of slavery to the territories of the United States, into which it has not yet been introduced, which has existed since the commoncement of the go- nt, and the consequences of which have beon ry, must cease, and every act of Congress de- signed to carry it into effect be defeated by the veto of the “xecutive, The territories now owned by the United States, and every acquisition of territory that may hereafter be made by, the United States, whether obtained by annex- ation, by cession for a valuable consideration, or by conquest, must, as long as this epinion is held, and as far as the action of the national legislature is con- cerned, be subject to the inroads of slavery. And this consequence is to be submitted to, on the as:umption that the framers of the constitution, with their atten- tion directed to the subject, and with awell understood desire to do #0, have failed to clothe € engress with the necessary powers to prevent it. I cannot, by my vote, contribute to this sanction. | cannot do s0, because | cannot concur in the opinion which we aro called upon to sustain Entertaining these views of the constitution, I could not, by my vote, contribute to the proposed sanction of this new principle in the administration of the fede- ral government, without, at the same time, avowing mysolf to be in favor of the extension of slavery in the ab-tract, and this | can never do. ‘Those who agree with mein regard to the existence of the power and th Xpediency of our exercising it, and can still brin their minds to dissent from this conclusion, must have more light upou the subject, or have greater powers of discriminating than | possess. I do, therefore, wuhesi- tatingly approve the course you proposs to pursue, in do so mysulf. If no other candidates than those now before the country are presented, { shail not vote for President. ‘The manner in which our political bre- thren in other non-slave-holding States shall dispose of their suffrages. ix for them to determino, and with it we have nothing todo. But that they accord with us in the spinion as to the existence of the power in question, and the expediency of exercising it when- ever the occasion for so doing arrives, we have the best reasons to know, ‘The power, the existence of which is, at thislate day, denied, is, in my opinion. fully yranted to Congress by the constitution. Jts language, the circumstances under which it was adopted, the recorded explanations | which accompanied its formation—the construction it has received trem our highest judicial tribunais, and the very solemn and repeated confirmations it has de- | rived from the measures of the goverameat—Ivave not the thadow of a doubt in my mind in regard to the authority of Cougress to exercive the power in qu tion. Thists nota new opinion on my part, nor the first oceusion on which it hac been avowed. Whilst withholding your votes from Governor Cass. and shall | Price Two Cents. of our political friends in those States to be, are inoa- pable of trifling with so grave a subject Oar ancestors signalized the commencement of this glorious government of ours, by rescuing from subjeo- tion to slavery, a territory which is now covered bj five great States and pespled by more then four Hons of freemen, in the fail aloyment ofevery bless- ing which industry and good institutions ean confer ‘They did this when the opinions and conduct of the world in regard to the institution of slavery, were vary diferent from what it is now, They did 40 before Great Britain had even commenced those gigantic ef- forts fi pression of slavery, by which she rs distinguished herself. After seventy- ears enjoyment of the sacred and invaluable Tight of self-government, obtained for us by the valor and discretion of our ancestors, we their descondants are called upon to doom, or if that is too strong ® word, toexpone to the imroad of slavery a territory capable of sustaining an equal number of new States to be ad- mitted to our contederacy—a territory in a great of which slavery has never oxisted, in fact, the residus of which it has boon expressly abi the existing goverament. We are called u| this at a period when the minds of nearly all mankind have been penetrated by a conviction of the evils of slavery, and are united in efforts for ite suppression— at n moment, too, when the spirit of fovedom and re | form is cverywhore far more prevalent than \t has ever been, and when our republic stands proudly forth na the great exemplar of the world in the science of free government, Who can believe that a population like that which inhabits the non-slayeholding States, probably amount- ing to twelve millions, who, by their own acta, or by the foresight of others, have been exempted from the # of slavery, can, at such a moment, be induced, by naiderations of any description, to make a retrograde movement of a character so extraerdinary and so pain- ful? Such a movement would, in my view of the mat- ter, and I say it with unfelgned deference to the con- flicting opinions of others, bring a reproach upon the influence of free institutions, which would delight the hearts and excite the hopes of tho advocates of arbitra- ry power throughout the world. Holding thes opinions, you have duties to perforgs, as important as they are delicate. In the first place you should adhere inflexibly to your opinions, as long a4 you believe them to be right, and no longer. Thix you willdo. In the next placo you should present your views in regard to them, calmly and distinctly, but firmly, to Zour political brethren of the slaveholding States, with a full statement of the reasons on which they are foun: that those reasons may be contro- verted if they are not sound. This you have done, In other important respects your positions are unassail- able. ‘The movement to advance tho principle you desiro to promote, was commenced in the right plac though, perhaps, uot at the most desirable moment, and was not accompanied by partizan measures oF founded on political designs of any description, as far asI know or have reayon to believe. If[ understand your course, your delogates went to the con- vention prepared to accept the nomination of any sound democrat, who had not actually sub- mitted to a test which implicated the well known and repeatedly oxpressed opinion of your State, without interrogating him in regard to his opinion on this particular qnestion. In taking this ground, you pursued the only course by which the democratic party of the Union as hitherto organized, can be perpetua- ted; andthe just and fair minded men of the party every where, will, when the present excitement has parsed away, approve yourconduct. One thing more, and your whole action will, in the end, attract the al teution and enlist the good feeling of all just and ge- nerous minds. Let your farther proceedings in this whole matter, be distinguished by moderation and for- bearance, Injustice must be resisted—in dignities repelled; and all this can be done with decency, and without im- peachment of the motives of whole commuaities, on account of the conduot of individuals, The situation of your political brethren in the slave-holding States, in nog as favorable to calm discussion and dispassionate consideration as yours, and more will, therefore, in this respect, be expected at your hands. If your differenc: must continue, do you at lenst austain your views wit out vituperation. or ungecessary excitements of any d scription. Exemplify your firmness and your confi- dence in the justice of your cause, by the best of all tests—the dignity and moderation with which you up- hold it. When the election is over, and reason resumes her empire, the ground which has been taken by your southern brethren will be reviewed with calmnens, and, if found to be untenable, you are bound to believe that {t will be abandoned. If in this you are disappointed, it will still be a consolation to know that you ha: nothing unnecessarily,which could serve to exasperate alienations which may then become incurable. Accept. gentlemen, ay warmest acknowledgments for the obliging expressions contained in your fetter, and believe me to bu Your friend, M. VAN BUREN. David Dudley Field, and n ti D done To Messrs. Samuel Waterbury, others, New York BECOND DAY. _ Unica, June 28, 1848. heavens are again propitious to the barn- burners; another sunny day has dawned over their heads. "This semi-National Convention is much more imposing in its appearance than I had be- eved it would be. The people seem to feel adeep interest in its proceedings. My last note gave a running account of the operations on_ the first day, down-to the hour of adjournment. The Conven- tion met in the Methodist Church, this morni 8o'clock. Even at that early hour the building was filled, from the dome downwards, with by so- vereigns, The Convention was called to order, by the Hon. Samvet Young, at precisely 8 o’clock. The Presipenr said three important telegraphie despatches had just been received, and they would now be read to the Convention. The first, from Pittsburgh, Pa., announced that a letter from the democrats of that city, addreased to the Utica Con- vention, was now lying in the post office at Utica. ‘The second despatch from Chicago, Illinois, and it announced that the democrats of Northern Illinois were ready to fraternize with the free de- mocracy of New Y¥. (Vociferous cheering.) It 3 ‘itory, and suggested a ntion. It was si ned BY the r and one hundred others. ‘The third despatch was trom Lafayette, Indiana, which says:— Our eyes are on you. Indiana will throw a large vote in favor af free territory. Whigs and democrats have spoken in loud terms at the Tippecanoe mass meeting.” _ At iis point the letter from Pittsburgh, mene tioned by the telegraphic despatch, was procured froin the post-office, and read to the Convention, as follows; Mayor of Chicag Prrtssuran, June 19, 1848, Sin—The opponents of the extension of the are, slavery, in this section of country, look with anxiet; the meeting of the body over which you preside. hey feel that a very pregnant crisis in the history of our country, and the cause of humanity, has arrived, and that the results of that orisis, whother good or evil, must depend greatly upon the course of action of the body over which you ara the presiding officer. They believe that a firm perseverance in the resis. tance which you have commenced against the sham ful truckling to the slaveholding power, even if fined to your own State, will exercise a powerfal beneficial influence throughout the Free States; but they also believe that you may, by wise and judicious action, greatly extond the scope of that, influence. ere is great and general dissatisfaction at the pre- sent position of the old political purties; and it is only necessary to afford a rallying point for this general discontent, to secure to it a power which must appal all those trackling demagogues who have bowed before the dark spirit of slavery. Time for de- cision is now short ; the day of election is rapidly | approaching; corruption is daily exercising its sedu- | cing arts, and those arts will of course be more poten- tial while the olements of opposition are destitute of | form, union and definite purpose; while the free snd honest spirits of the land ure daily and hourly driven | to exclaim * Where shall we go.” The arts and argu- ments of the serviles must of course be most pote | seductive, We therefure take the liberty of mgretiog | to your Convention the policy and propriety of calling A couvention of all thore opposed to the extension of | alavery. at Cleveland, Ohio, sometime in July. We | believe that such a convention would be largely atten- | ded; and surely from no place could @ protest against | the slave influence come with more ty than from that great State—the first and healt offspring of the glorious ordimance of 1787. Let it be known that such a convention is to assemble, and the - tion to the slave rule will no longer be at wheat chart or compass, liable to be misled by every baneful influence. We are fearful that our letter may be too Inte in reaching you, and therefore hasten to a conelu- ston, Yours respectfully, | We ny Jn, Jous Dicxsox, M. D., Twos McConxets, Mrcnart Drax Maonatan. ultations, acclamations, followed the reading of this letter; the barnburners were electrified, and John Van Buren was heard to make a noise somewhat similac to the crowing of an English cock. Here was proof of sympathy in Pittsburgh; here was a ge; the document in- creased the confidence of the barnburners, aad the: even made some cheering observations to eae! other in a conversational way. This was the hap- py moment—the golden age—and Preston King | took advantage of it; he rose and moved that the | Convention now go into a nomination for Presi- and congratulations the candidate of my friends for the Presidency, J dis- | dent. tinctly announced my opiu'on in favor of the power | of Congress to wbolivh slavery in the District of | lumbia, although | was, for reasous wl and are still satisfactory to my mind oppised to its exerci-e there, The question of power is certainly as clear in respect to the territories as it is in regard to that District ; and as to the territories my opinion was alxo made kuown in a still more silemin form, by giving the executive approval required by the constitution, to the bill for the organiaation ot the territorial government of lowa, which prohibited the introduction of slavery into that territory. The opinion from which we dissent was given in the face of. and directly coutrary to the views «xpressed, | in forms the most solemn and explicit, by all or nearly all the non slaveholding States, sod we are not at liberty to euxpect the sincerity of these expressions. Ho and well meaning men as we know the masses Hon. Bens. Barury move “and Vice President.” The amendment was accepted, and the motion as adopted by acclamation. The enthusiasin of the delegates was reaily ruparalleled, d to amend by adding, de} Mr Jewerr.—I move that Martin Van Baren be nominated by ucclumation, (Nine cheers.) Paesipent.—Geutlemen, the motion is to no~ minute Hou. B Barr Pexstnent.—M. Mr —Mr. President— tin Van Buren— Baiwey —Mr. Presideut— I inev?.—By acclamation, Mr. Batney—Mr. President. . Paesipenr.—Thot acclamation we have heard in confirmation of the owoR,