The New York Herald Newspaper, May 18, 1848, Page 1

Whole No. 5102. NEW YORK, THURSDAY MORNING, MAY 18, 1848. a nn APPROACH OF THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST. Voice of Massachusetts. ADDRESS OF THE WHIGS OF THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS TO THE WHIGS OF THE UNION. Another Presidential election is at hand. The whigs throughout, the country are preparing to do their duty in the contest as patriotic men. They are animated by a desire to place in the chief executive office some one whose election ull establish the ascendency of those whig prin- ciples, on the maintenance of which they believe the safety and honor of the Union hl , ‘They desire to have presented as their candidate a man, the probability of whose success may be reasonable, and the result of that success fruitful. Such are the sentiments which inspire us, and | the people of Massachusetts, and such doubtless are the feelings of the great whig party of the coun- | In such views, all of us can unite, and in that union is our hope, and our only hope. { ‘In the dark and troubled night that,is upon us, | Isee no star above the horizon, promising light to | guide us, but the intelligent, patriotic, united whig party of the United States.” ‘ B .7| These words were uttered some time since, in| -Faneuil Hall. What they declared was received as practical truth. It isas much truth now as it was then, and equally worthy to be regarded as a rule of action, : Whig principles constitute a system of policy not, local or partial, but favorable to the interests of every part of the country, conformable to the true and well-established doctrines of the constitution, and essential to the general prosperity, Those principles are well known as whig principles, not only in Massachusetts, but_in every other State, north, south, and west. They are the principles which carried General Harrison to the head of the government, in 1840; and we believe them to be at this moment as fully entertained and adopted by a majority of the people of the United States, as they, were then. We know the causes which led to the defeat of the candidate who stood upon these principles in 1844. We will not recapitulate them. A person opposed to all whig principles, whig measures and whig politics was elected President at that time. The result is before us, We were at once plunged in- to a war, not yet finished, in which thousands of gallant men have perished, the cost of which, up to the close of the present year, is not less than one, hundred millions of dollars, and the conclusion. of which, whenever that may come, is likely to bring tresa dangers and embarrassments on the country, and on its institutions of government. But it is of no avail to dwell upon the past. We are now en- during some of the evil consequences of domestic mal-administration, and others probably greater are yet to be met. 4 - Y The Leet etd and difficulties which encompass us are vastly augmented by the political occur- rences in Europe, which, however much we may approve their objects and general tendency, are likely, without the greatest prudence on our part, to involve us_in hurtful entanglements and jeopar- dize our best interests. At home and abroad, great questions are spring- ing up, touching not merely administrations and party measures, but the a of governments and people, the peace of the world, and above all, the con- tinuance of owr own institutions, and our existence asa Union. : : In view of all these things, fully impressed with a solemn sense of the perils of the times, and the gravity and momentous importance of the events that have already transpired, and of others that are likely soon to occur, we the whigs of the Legisla- ture of Massachusetts, about to separate and return to our respective homes in the commonwealth, can- not part with a sense of duty discharged, without call- ing upon our brethren, thoughout the Union, and upon all other good citizens, to unite with us in endeavors no to guide the counsels of the nation, and to put them under such a lead, as shall seem most probable, by the blessing of divine Providence, to conduct us in safety through the serious troubles now upon us, and the doubt- ful hazards of the future. The result of the next Presidential election, as it ap- pears to us, may very possibly be the turning point of our fortunes. Upon the administration then to be put in power will depend, in a great degree certainly, and perhaps entirely, the future destiny of our country. it is, then, particularly with relation to this event, that we address you. We shall do 40 with perfect respect and kindness, with an entire regard to the feelings of others, with mo- deration, and we hope with distinctness, There are several distinguished and excellent whigs among us, in various parts of the country, and in dif- ferent walks of life, who have been named as worthy candidates for the first office in the government of the United States. We cheerfully subscribe to whatever may be justly or generously said in their commendation. We admit feadily that either of them, in times of ordinary trial, might successfully administer the affairs of the govern- ment. We question neither their abilty, their patriot- ism, nor their devotion to whig principles, We are happy in our convictions of their worth, for certainly the country needs whatever of profound wisdom, of ex- perience, sagacity, firmness, foresight and patriotism is to be found in it, and we trust it may all be combined in support of its true interest and glory. But it seems to us that circumstances at this time indicate one man, as pre-eminently fitted for the great task of safe and honorable administration of national affairs, Amanfrom among the longest versed in public councils, whose talent noone questions, whose devo- tion to whig principles will never be doubted, since many of these principles are doctrines derived from his own. teachings, and from his unequalled expositions, particularly, of the constitution under which we liv whose power in the direction of grave affairs is unsu passed, whose integrity is undoubted, and whose riotiem is proof, A man whose life has been apent he public service, whose labors have been for the public good. who has all that experience, and that fore- sight, that firmness, and that moderation, that strength. and that judgment. that acquaintance with public con- cerns, that reputation abroad and that confidence at home. which. and all of which, are necessary to the cessful administration of affairs, under their present portentous aspect: A man who respecting all the “ arrangements and compromises of the constitution,’ and the rights of all under thom, will yet never suf- fer them to be extended and increased, to the destruc- tion of our political equality; prompt to admit the just rights of one portion of the Union, but able and ready to vindicate and maintain those of the other, and to make the whole respected and honored abroat--that man, we say, is Daniel Webster : and him we commend to the whig party of the country, if they desire a suc- cess that shall prove a success worthy of an effort. We propose to go into no statement of Mr. Webster's qualifications, no account of his life. Where the bis- tory of the public affairs of the country has not reach- ed, no address of ours can penetrate. To those who know nothing of the great questions of constitutional law. of nullification, of currency and finance, of inter- nal improvements, of protection to American industry, of annexation of slave territory. of international con- troversios between this and forelgy nations. and of Mr. Webster's part in the discusston and decision of them ajl. an appeat from ws would certairily be quite uscless. ‘To intelligent whigs throughout the land, the recital of the subjects is sufficient. Still less do we intend to avguo any questions that haye heen raised elsewhere, as to Mr, Webster's “ avail- ability.” as it is called Experience teaches us that such a quality cannot be known until it is tested; and is not always found where it has been said to be most strong. If such a candidate as Mr. Webster, representing whig principlos, cannot be chosen by the whigs of the Union, we see not®how any success can attend the party, except by a sacrifice of those principles then}- selves, or same of them; ang this the whigs of Massc- clinsett# do dot propose y .. At the prevent time, were there a more distinguished person in some other portion of the Union, in whoni the people might Le fee rye to have’ greater confide: —whore name had not been before presonted to asq candidate for the presidency-—who was identifi with the whigs as a champion of their principles—and whose abilities and experience in civil and political life were superior, of considered superior, to bis such, {in our tense of the difloulties of the times, and the dan: ers which we have to encounter. that we should refrain trom urging as an argument for the selection of 4 nortijern man, the fact that so great a portion of the executive administration of the government has born committed to the hands of southern statesmen. In our ruling desive to place power in the hands most ca- pable of using it for the benefit of the whole, we should forget or disregard this circumstance. Neither would we, under such a condition of things, take occasion to remember, that in the many compro- mises that have been made for the sake of union and harmony, it has fallen to us always to make them, and that they have been effected by our giving up or post- poning our reasonable expectations and desires But now, when, as in our opinion, the condition o; the dountry requires tné moxt Wite and:ktatosman-lik nagoment, and a statesthan pre-eminently qualified to guide difficult affairs is found here, these sugges- tions, in addition to those of the character and repu- tation of the man, may be urged with perfect proprie- ty, and with great if not irresistible foree. We will not allow ourselves to doubt that the whigs of other parts of the Union admit their full weight. We doubt not the eminent success which will attend such a man, at such a time as this, when presented by tho whigs of the Union.as 9 candidate for the Chief Executive offica, " ‘Dur brethren at the South and the West are woll aware of his respect for their just rights, and his regard for their best interests, They know that by no one will these rights and interests be more surp- ly protected and more fully We know the wouree whence the ablest ee and maintenance of. of ours has proceoded, and the whole country knows, who has most powerfully advocated her international — rights, and advanced her honors, and who has know how, with even ntain againat the strongest, and enforce from the most wpa | yeu ate songending tl ‘bring about cordial good understanding, Ths man we, the whigs of the Legislature of Mas- sachusetts, present to the whigs of the Union. We desire it to be understood that, having been orgs most anxious to preserve unbroken the union of the party, of which we have / maey sigual proofs, by the withdrawal ofour claimé from the con- sideration of conventions heretofore held for the pur- Pt of selecting a whig candidate for the Presidency; aving exerted always our whole strongth, without any withholding, in the support of that candidate, who- ever he might be; and the time having, in our opinion, now arrived. when an acknowledgment and return of such conduct is due; when the free States, if ever, are to assert their right to an equal participation in the government of the country; when we have among us the man whom the circumstances of the country, and exigencies of the times, imperiously demand, we are not to be expected to forego or lay aside our just rights, or to be put by with arguments and assertions already sufficiently used, Massachusetts is whig- eWay whig ; New Eng- land is whig; the free States of the North are whig. ‘The whig candidate for the Presidency is to be cho- sen, if chosen at all, by their votes. In them the main strength of the whigs of Union is found, and no whig President can be elected without them. It is but just, therefore, that they should have an influence in the choice ofa candidate, proportioned to the strength they contribute to his election. On behalf of one of those free States, not the young- est nor least known, we declare our determination to support a candidate who belongs not to the North only, ‘ut to the whole country; whose namo and fume aro guaranties of his fidelity to tho great principles whic! we profess; under whom the interests of all will be surely and equally protected; who will iiaintain the not suffer us to be overbalanced by niucxations of constitution as it is, the Union asit is; but who will foreign territory; nor by the further extension of the institution of slavery, which is equally Tepugnant, to the feelings, and incompatible with the political rights of the free States—a man under whose guidance wo may feel ourselves safe, and the institutions of the country secure: and who shall revive our hopes of maintaining while we live, and of leaving to our de- scendants when we die, a permanent, free, and equat form of government, to Bo contindod by a peaceful and prosperous nation. Woe intend nothing untriendly to any, we wish no disturbance of harmony, no interruption of unanimity; but we are not, and shall not be, unmindful of what ix due to us, to the North, to the Country; and of what the safety and integrity of the wholo seem to us to require. Tn conclusion, we take leave to say that, in uttering these sentiments, we do but repeat the unanimous and enthusiastic declaration of the whig convention of Massachusetts, of September last. And we feel it our duty to add, that we believe it to be tho resolute purpose of the whig people of Massachusetts to sup- port these sentiments, and carry into effect the design which they manifest. Volce of a Bit of Maryland. LETTER FROM W. C. JOHNSON TO MR. J. M. BOTTS. Harmony Grove, Catocton Valley, Ma, April 4th, 1848, ion. Joun Minor Borrs: Sir—I have just met with and_perused your ad- dress “To the Whigs of Virginia,” dated March the 8th, 1848, in which I find that you make par- tial extracts from, and comments upon, a speech which I made in New York, on the 15th of Febri ary, and which was reported in the New Yo Herald and other papers of that city. At page 12 in your pamplet is the following, which I extract : “Ts the old whig party (you ask) to be sustained orbroken up? Look at the speech of the Hon. Win. Cost. Johnson, one of General Taylor's warmest friends, at the New York Taylor mee ing. He said: *{ myself am a whig, and I belie Gen, Taylor is a whig also, but not a whig upon the old platform of whigism ; though Ihave fought those principles till fhad every button whipped off; and I have become wise enough to drop them. When 1 first started I went for every question upon the old ioe of whigism.’ ‘Alter speaking of. all the old issues, he says: ‘We must get rid of these by taking new men, fresh men, who have not the odium of all these questions upon them, or who can boldly come out from them and declare that these questions are not now the rule of their conduct.’ General Taylor (you continue) has done so: he has come out from the old whig platform. Let those who desire to get off this old whig plat- form, do so; but in the language of Joshua of ol ‘as for me and my house, we will serve the Lord Now, the difference between General Taylor and his friend Mr. Johnson, and ourselves, is, that we do mean to stand upon the old platform, and we can advocate the claims of no man who does not stand there with us,” The whole of the above is quoted from your pamphlet, and it is easy to discriminate between your ore comments and the extracts from my speech. . That I, in common, I trust, with, every good ci- tizen of the United States, am a friend of General Taylor, is most true. But if you are under the impression, or desire to convey the idea, that Iam a friend of personal acquaintance with him. it is a mis- take. Ihave no personal acquaintance with General Taylor, nor have I a correspondence with him ; I have never seen him, to my knowledge ; have never written him but a single letter, some six months ago, of not more than a half a dozen lines, upon an unimportant subject, at the request of a personal friend of mine, and desired, if it was received, no answer of acknow- ledgment. Nor have I ever received a single commu- nication, either written or verbal, from him. If I have made any gemarks in relation to public matters which are calculated to injure him, they are indiscretions chargeable alone to me, and not to him, for I know no more of his opinions than are known to the public at large; and have no authority whatever to act as the expounder of his published views, or to give any inter- pretation to them beyond their strict meaning and bearing. This I deem it due to Gen. Taylor to state ; nor did I mean to produce any other impression, in my speech at New York. Gen. Taylor stands before the public with tho sentimonts he has announced in his published speeches and his letters. He has avowe: himself a whig—one of moderation—and I do ni imagine it would be in the power of either youorme. it we were to exort ourselves for that purpose, to make him more or less a whig than he is, | feel sure that no speech of mine could effect a change of his opinions or principles. The purpose ef my speech was to express my own opinions of what I thought the practical, rea- sonable and judicious whigs should do to be enabled to elect a whig of Gen. Taylor's moderation and wisdom to the presidential chair, To that end | expressed my opinions freely ; and although many may differ, as far #s | have bad ‘the means of judging, I have found a genera! concurrence of sentiment on the subject. Had you published the intermediate portions of my speech vetween the two extracts which you made, { would have been spared the necessity, so far as | am personal- ly concerned on the subject, of troubling you with this communication. That would have shown the precise measures which I alluded to. You assert broadly of me that I maintained that “all the old issues should be abandoned.”? is is not so; I spoke of part only, and enumerated four, and said that “ theso” particular issues should. in my judgment, be abandoned, They were:—First—The United States Bankquestion. ‘Second—The' distribution of the pro- ceeds of the sales of public lands among the States Third—The doctrine of al outst that ‘part of the conatitytion of the United States whieh gives the Pro- sident the power to veto the bills of Congress, Fourth —The denial of the right to the President of the United States to remove officers of the governmont of his ap- pointment, without first submitting his reasons to the Senate for its sanction and approval. Upon these subjects, [ repeat I know nothing of the views of General Taylor, and intended to speak only of my own. Iwas satisfied with his silence; but I thought it would be advisable for any one who had advocated them, and who aspired to he 4 Presiqential candidate, to disavow them; or to conalder them ‘obsolete. + I am of opition that ho one who avows those opinions and urges them ‘upon tho ‘public consideratian, ean receive a majority of the votes of the United States, ‘The state Of the country does tot tequire a bank, nor does the voice of the people demand 'it, Yoit are the first Whig 1 have heard of since the last Presidential election, who desires the bank question to be revived, and who exacts it asa condition of his vote. I believe that that platform is tnsafe to rest a party upon. pledged the proceeds of the public jands Congress fins tothe holders of the public foan—ank it would now he a bregch of plighted faith to dispose of them otherwise If this p) edge Was not expressly made T would regard it still 4 Utaplan queation—whilat we have, or may haye, @ public debt of some hundred millions to pay When General Jackson freely vetoed bills of Con- gress, the whigs at first attacked the abuse of the veto power, and finally commenced an attack upon the con- stitution in the zeal of partizan excitement, and wish- ed that portion that gave the veto power to the Presi- | dent annulled. I think that no party will make muc political capital by running a tilt agains} any part that venerated iustrument. * As to the power of removal from office, it wil be re- membered that on the 7th Of March, 1834, Mr. Cl of f'rell'n Jona Series of tosolytions in the Senate, the first of which declares: “That the constitution of the Uni- ted States does not vest in the President the power to remove at his pleassure officers under the government of the United States, whose offices have been estab- lished by law.” And the rest of the resolutions, in substance, require the concurrence of the Senate to any removals which the President may desire to make, save of diplomatic agents, i The usage of the Executive has peen different from the dop}rine of those resolutions since the establish- ment of the goyernment; nd a party out of power containing so many men qualified for public em- ployment, ean gain little popularity’ by contending for stich a principle. It can eve no IAguenee on those who are in offle: He they are content, Theso wero the four nosttions that I thought the whigs should abandon. ye majority of the people have abandoned tl ed 1 helieve, Aut I understand at they are essential whig prin- ciples, an at the candidate hod vote for must avow or maintain them. You urge the nomination of Mr. Clay. and have recently had much nal intercourse with him, I think it reasonable to infer that you con- | men’ Would Mr. Clay's recommendation of the abolition | ant porters will be expected to do the same. | Upon these issues before the poople, with any decent | democrat as his sole opponent, | think that he would | be defeated in almost every State in the Union. But to demonstrate the absurdity of the whigs urging | upon the nation these four subjects, 1 will in fancy | imagine Mr. Clay duly elected upon these issues. ‘The robabilities are that he would have a majority in both | ouses of Congress against him. If he urged a Uni- | ted States Bank upon Congress, do you think Congress would adopt it? If he urged the distribution of th proceeds of the public lands, would it be adopted by Congress? Are there six men in Congress at this mo- who would vote for it? of the veto power in the constitution, meet with the necessary vote to alter that part of the instrument ? I think not. But with a majority in Congress against him, and he against the exercise of the veto power, how could he in any way shape or control the policy of | the country? In this view of the matter, he would | suit the opposite party almost as well asa democrat. As to the power of removal from office, the President take: the oath to support the constitution of the United States, and Mr. Clay denies the power of removal upon constitutional grounds. He could remove no demo- crat from office, save from diplomatic stations, without adducing charges to be approved by a democratic Se- | nate; for the Senate, beyond all question , would remain democratic and adverse to him if he were elected ; and thore is now a majority of more than a dozen demo- crats. Would not the democratic Senate hold Mr. Clay to his resolutions on the journals of the Senate, and require him to bring adequate charges, and prove them before they would permit a democrat to be super- seded by one of his friends? Mr. Clay, with these principles ax his guide, if elected, would virtually be a mere prisoner of State in the Presidential chair, dis- armed of all power to promote good or resist evil. Such is the predicament in which you would place him by advodating those old ultra whi i notions. I would desire 9 candidate for the Presidency to stand before the people uncommitted to any one of these ineasures., | would desire, when elected, that he should enter upon his official duties with due respect for public opinion, and believing that it should first speak to Con- gress, the law-making power—that Congress should deliberate (reely on all the subjects, and after the peo- ple and Congress had acted, that then h» should defer- entially consider the subject, and perform his duty ac- cording to the constitution and his unbiased judgment and of what the interests of the country demand. | would have him obey the constitution, and not com- mence his career by recommending to the people to pull down one pillar, lest they should desire to pull down another. I would have him remove at the carliest mo- ment every unworthy and inefficient officer, from the highost to the lowest, without first asking the advice of tho Senate. Such are the positions I assumed at Now York, and these are my reasons for differing with you, who yet linger over the ruins of these ol platforins, and cling to the architect who reared them I would have the President of the United States elect- ed and clothed with all the powers of delideration and execution with with the constitution invests him. He that cannot be trusted without a» pledge cannot be trusted with a pledge. General Taylor at least has not been mixed up with these old vexed issues, w! ther they are wise or unwise. With Gene - son’s triumphant election was carried a majority of! friends in Both houses of Congress. I believe that General Taylor is tho only whig in the nation who can carry both houses of Congress with him, and it were a barren victory for any whig to be elected with either house of Congress against him, and especially the Senate, which, upon foreign relations and execu- tive appointments, is co-ordinate and almost co-equal in power with the President. In relation to the. tariff, I said, “ I had been also in favor of a tariff, high or low, or any thing.’ | meant by this, which I did not say or explain, that the whigs had themselves occupied, under the various aspects of the country, different positions on that subject. and that I had changed with them and with the condition and wants of the country. The whigs, as national republicans, urged a high protective tariff, which I had advocated, Mr, Clay introduced the horizontal tariff with twenty per centum asx the maximum of duties, known as the compromise bill, which most of the whigs supported. Mr. Webster did not, and very truly, cha- racterised it in debate at the time, as a bili “ to surren- der the protective principle for ever, for a lease of ten years.” It was to be perpetual, and Mr. Clay thought that the manufacturers could sustain themselves with it. It was a failure. During the Harrison canvass the whig speakers and press every where urged a revenue tariff with incidental protection. When he was elect- ed they generally took the ground of protection. The tariff, | think, should never be made a party question, and the manufacturers put their interest at hazard if they make it so, for they thereby make their welfare depend upon the accidental elevation and de- feat of a party. The wants of the country and the treasury will now require an increase or modification of duties on every article that will justify it. What- ever might be the difference of opinion on the sub- ject with an overflowing treasury, between members of Congress from different localities, necessity will now force them to increase duties wherever revenue can be thereby increased, in order to avoid direct taxation. There are men who may dispute upon the subject, but they will practically mean the same thing—to look to the tariff before direct taxation. Lord Bacon has well said, “a man that is of judgment and understanding shall sometimes hear ignorant men_ differ, and know well within himself that those which so differ, mean one thing, and yet they themselves would never agree.” As long as it continues}to be the policy of this go- vernment to raise revenue for its support from the eus- tom house duties, the manufacturing interest will be abundantly protected. And. indeed, this is now the only government on earth, or that ever existed, so for as my reading extends, that supports or supported it- self alone from custom house duties; for the profits of the public lands are hardly worth counting. You are for retrograding the party and taking issue with the past. Iam for rallying on the present, and trying conclusions for the future. Many of the old topics of party discussion have become like “thrice told tales to the ears of a drowsy man.” The human affections are, happily for the human fumily, on the descending, not the ‘ascending line—a father thinks more of his son than he does of his father. We live inan active world, and the people look forward. not backwards—things present and future interest them; and they have heard Mr. Clay and all his course so often discussed, from the hour he was made Secretary of State by Mr. Adams down to the moment of the last Presidential election, and have pronounced their verdict so often, that the subject has become as fami- liar as household words! I doubt, whether upon a re- hearing and re-discussion, they could be induced to change their decisions, You assert that you will “stand upon this old plat- form,” and will advocate the clims of no man who will not stand there with you and “your honse:”’ and you make a quotation from the scriptures, from which Ido not exactly comprehend whether you mean to deify Mr. Clay, or to advise the whig party to travel the same road hoodwinked. over the same old s#tumb- ling blocks, and to be led to the same precipice again, over which they have thrice already fallen. 1,0 the contrary, would advise differently, and | would read to, you and the whole whig party, if it wore in my power, before it was too late for practleal good, from another part of the same scriptures the following salutary a monition:—*That we make a stand upon the ancien way, and look about us, and discover the straight way, and so to walk in it.*! Although you have writton a pamphlet against Gen, Taylor, you say on page U1, “of course, when General ‘Taylor says he will ook to ihe Constitution and the in- terests of the country is hia guide, it is all well enough.” Lagree with you entirely on this point, and will add that it was ® leading maxim with the distinguished Lownds, (and all experi ifies to its correctness) “to let well enough alo’ Whilst | am anxious to discard the fungus questions which in past years havo sprung up with luxuriant growth and attached then: selves to the body of the whig party, [ qn, no} for aban- doning this, its first, its broades$, ijs deepest, and only enduring platform—tie constitution and the interests of the nation. That I regard to be the true whig plat- form, Onrthat platform a national party can stand— Maino cant shake hands with Florida—New Jersey can stand side by side with Texas. A party can repose in security ypan it, and can have duration. If every question weiyon springs up in the hot bed of politios'is made a cardinal principle of party, itean Rave no stability in its existence, and is the mere port of every wind of doctrine. Let whigs \lifley {thon minor matters, and still be whigs. ‘To roquiro in- telligent men to agree upoy every jemporary question of expediency which enters into the detail of govern- ment ix fatal to the success of a party My. Clay And General Taylor aro oth distinguished men, and as I learn,are most cordial friends, lam sure that neithor you nor I would willingly do or write aught that could, in our opinion, have the slightest tenden- cy to lessen or disturb their long and cherished friend- ship for each other. 1 have myse tioning Mr. Clay's name in either of the s I made in the State of New f your pamphlet, you have taker o¢ my name and eyteacts rom my sy iwevits of Mr Lwhat yo de nf Gon. Tay is fact must he mY excuse fr trodticing Mr. Clay's nanye se {raquently in this etter. Te . advocate Mr. Clay for the believe that he is the weakest | ul be run, and without. in tonding any disparagement to him, I think more of tl party than I do of Mr. Clay, and 1 think more country than of either, Te has deen 4 candida than a quarter of a contary, anc has heen too often de. | o feated to inspire hope in the whigs generally. I do not believe that thore has been a period since he wax Secre- tary of State, and I haye voted for him since that time, whenever he was a candidate, that a decided majarit: ot the people were not posed to him. 1 believe tha | had any respectable whig ie nominated at Baltimore | at the last convention Qut Mr. Clay, we would havo sugceadedin defeating Mr. Polk. it was not Polk's strength, but prejudices against Mp, Clay, and oonse- uently Fhis weakness, that caused his defeat, You ive crphered aut the returns in sqme States where Mr. Clay dr acd in “44 than Gon, Harrson got in ‘40. Has it never ocoured to you that the votes of eve- ry State in the Unton increase immensely in four years? 'y the same process you could prove that Mr, Polk got more votes than Gen. Jackson, and far more than Gen. Washington. You say, “if asked if Mr. Clay's chanco is better now than we thought it in 1844, you would answer no," U there agree with you, 1d I believe that | with many whigs to believe them, But there is | lieve, too much calm, deliberate judgment in the party vote would surely go for him—they have a candidate of their own. How long would you keep the whig party wandering after that ignis fatuus, hop? You have hopes of the Catholic vote, and say it wont against Mr. Clay at the last election; but will go for him the next time. You do Mr. Clay and the Catholics injustice. In Maryland, 1 am sure the whig Catholica toa man yoted for Mr. Clay—and almost every one with whom have conversed now thinks it would be folly to rut Mr. Clay again, in ‘ou sny the * foreign vote” (I take exceptions to the expression, but suppose you mean the naturalized citi- Most of them, | believe, I think the most would , for this single reason, which has controlled them heretofore—Mr. Clay de- nounced the squatters upon the public lands, and especially this very class of them. If he were in the field, his speech would be read by or to t, one of them, as ithasso often been, and I think the same effect would be produced. These calculations and delusions which you present have been yo often presented, and we are #0 ready to believe what is agreeable and what desire, that | should not be surprised if there were credulity enough , I be- vote against him, 1B voters) Went against Mr. Clay, but now may go for ; dia to be controlled by all these calculations of an ardent imagination. The foregoing ia my answer to your question at 18 of your bulletin, where you ask, “ why does Mr. Cost Johnion support Gen. Taylor?” But in concluding this already too long communica- tion, I have been struck with the harmony of views be- tween you and father Ritchio of the Union, the organ of Mr. Polk's administration. And if! did not know how prolific and original is fred own mind, I would have supposed that you had largely plagiarized from that leading democratic organ. Ho, like you, is it Taylor's fc & candidate, because Taylor will not come out on all the old issues. He, with you, thinks it would be cruel in the whigs not torun Mr. Clay again. He. as earnestly as you, insists that Mr. Clay has wonderful strength, and Mr. Polk too, and his whole cabinet, agree, I doubt not, with you and Mr. Ritchie. Iwill, however, cheerfully do you the justice to say that your motives are very different from theirs, You would like to see Mr. Clay elected—they desire to have the opportunity of defeating him, You zealously work on with the Sisyphian task to elevate Mr. Clay to the executive eminence—they be- lieve the rebound would crush you and him, and the whigs again, and perhaps for ever. Very respectfully, W. COST JOHNSON. NAMES OF THE DELEGATES TO THE TWO NATIONAL CONVENTIONS. DEMOCRATS MEET AT IMORE, May 22. WHIGS MEET AT Pitt PHIA, JUNE 7. MAINE. At large. State Convention to be Hannibal Hamlin, held on the 24th inst, —— Charles. Districts. ONeill W. Robinson, Charles Andrews, Robert P. Dunlap, John L. Cutler, Franklin Smith, HIE LTTATA D. R. Straw, Shepard Cary. NEW HAMPSHIRE. At large At large. Robert Jenness. Anthony Colby, Districts. Iehabod Goodwin. John S. Wells, Districts. Andrew Pierée, C. W. Cutler, John R. Steele, G. W. Nesmith, Ambler Davis, A. P, Hughe: Henry Hibbard. Jonathan Kittridge. MASSACHUSETTS. At large. At large. Benjamin F. Hallett, Rufus Choate, C. W. Chapin, Wm. G. Bates, Districts. Districts. C. T. Green, J. Thomas Stevenson, B. F. Butler, Asahel Huntington, E. K. Whitaker, George Lunt, Isaac Davis, H. P. Fairbanks, Frederick Robinson, Charles Allen, David N. Carpenter, George Ashmun, — Cushman, Ensign H. Kellogg, H. H. Childs, Henry Wilson, Robert Rantoul, Oliver Ames, Nathaniel Morton. ‘Thomas Nye, Jr. VERMONT. At large. Dr, Ira Davis, John 8. Robinson. At large. Solomon Feote, Horace Everett. Districts. Dristricts. Horace Clark, A. P. Lyman, Levi B. Vilas, Hampden Cutts, Giles Harrington, H. 8. Royoe, Thomas Bartlett, Jr. Portus Barton. RHODE ISLAND. Thos, W. Dorr, (declines.) R. B. Thurston, Dutee J. Pearce, Orrin Wright. CONNECTICUT. At large. Isaac Toucey, Samuel Ingham Districts. James T. Pratt, C. A. Ingersoll, J. C. Holland, Perry Smith. At large. Chas, W. Rockwell, Truman Smith. Districts. John R. Brockway, James F. Babcock, John F. Trumbull, Nelson L. White. NEW YORK. [Barnburners.] At large. At large. John A. Collier, C. C. Cambreleng, Samuel Work: Jared Wilson, Distriets. Platt Willett, Minthorne ‘Tompkins, Districts. ‘Win. L. Rodman, H. W. Metcalf, Samuel 8. Wycoff, John A, Kennedy, ‘Wm. Tyson, Robert H. Maclay, Harvey Hart, Wm. F. Havemeyer, N. B. Blunt, Samuel J. Tilden, Isaac Platt, Ray Tompkins, Governeur Kemble, ‘Walter M. Conkey, Robert Denniston, Job G. Elmore, Jana'n A. Ostrander, Russell Sage, John P. Beekman, Abner Baker, John J. Viele, John C. C Nicholas Hill, Cornelius P. Allen, Amos A. Prescott, Herman J. Ehie, Augustus Chapman, Lewison Fairchild, Platt Potte: Sylvester Schenck, William C, Crane, Charles H. Carroll, Preston King, George W. Patterson, Alpheus §. Greene, David S. Crandall. Ward Hunt, James D. Merrill. bynes, J. Walworth, Oliver ©. Crocker, James W. » fe, William Fuiier, Thomas Y. Howe, John W. Wisner, dames C. Smith, Henry R. Selden, James S. Wadsworth, Martin Grover, William H. Tew, John T. Hudson, James R. Doolittle, George H. Stone. {Old Hunkers.] At large Daniel §. Dipkensen, Henry A. Foster Henry oct lenry Landon, C8. ardus, Emanuel B. ert, Edmund §. Driggs, xia, ©, Broderick, John McKeon Benj. Brandreth, Allen M. Sherman, James B. Howe, Lyman Tremain, Job Pierson, Edwin Croswell, Orville Clark, wate R, Flanders, Willlam A. Beach, Nath’l S. Benton, Philander Robbins, Jesse C. Dann, Jobn Stryker, Joseph Peck, Elisha B. Smith, Abraham P. Grant, dames Lynch, i0on Swyler, . seacaty Sis. Davius A. Ogden, George R. Parburt, Jesse Angell, ©. O. Datighaday, Henry K, Smith, - Joel §. Smith, - Reub. Tl. Boughton, NEW JERSEY. At large. — Garret D. Watt, - Peter D. Vroom havi Districts. a Richard P. Thompson, — John R. Slack, Samuel Lilly Henry Hilliard, Bon). Williamson. PENNSYLVANIA. At large. Districts. W. McCandless, Thomas FE. Franklin, John W. Forney. T. F. Dale, Districts. Henry White, Thomas McCully, John Lindsay, John G. Sharp, Samuel White, John Miller, Samuel Ware, wi al, John G. Henderson, J. B. Sterigere, Henry King, W.T. Ropere, ‘Townsend Haines, Nimrod Strickland, Ditton Luther, just claims, and at the same time to preserve peacoand sider him as still adhering to them, and that his sup- | itis mot so good. You think this time the abolition | | PENNSYLVANIA. DPMOCRATS MEET AT TIMORE, May 22, Districts. C, Bachman, J. Glancy Jones, A. H. Reeder, KE. H. Baldy, George Sanderson, Samuel Wilson, David Poole, Daniel Shaffer, James Graham, aoe Burns, ‘ ‘William Searight, A. McKinney, E. G. Creacraft, D. Lynch, W. 8. Garvin, James Thompson, Augustus Drum. At large. Edward Lloyd, William D. Bowle. Districts. F. P, Blair, Benj. C, Howard, Dr. €. Humphreys. R. K. Meade, James H. Cox, E. P. Seott, Marcus J. Gaines, R. A, Thompson, A. A. Chapman, John B. Calwoll, David Hall, ‘Wm. P. Morgan, Robert Butler, Tim. Rives. Robert R. Prontis, Thomas Hill, John W. Tyler, Charles Hunton, George Rust, W. P. Conway, Alex. R. Holladay, BAL- WHIGS MERT AT PHILADEL- PHIA, JUNE 7, Districts Sherman D. Phelps, Albert Chamberlain, Darla Taggart s Samuel Bell,” David Horner, Ww. F. Johnson, Joseph Ottinger. DELAWARE. John N.H. John MARYLAND. Wales. |. Smithers, R. MeFee. At large. ‘Thomas G. Pratt, John C. Groome. Districts. Daniel Jenifer, Sr. George Sehley, William E. Coale, Ge e R. Richardson, Lloyd Tilghman, Samuel Hambleton, Jr. VIRGINIA. Samuel H. Watts, E. B. Hicks, William §. Archer, Robert Allen, V. Witcher, Richard H. Toler, Hill Carter, F. P. Hunter, William Seymour, William B. Preston. Rev. R. Johnston, Allen T. Caperton, Russell, All tho whig delegates aro Francis W. Scott, Taylor men, and will John W. Hungerford, probably vote for him in T. H. Bayly, convention, Henry A. Wise, — M. B. Seawell, —_— R. R. Garrett, —_ Wm. O. Good, eats H, L. Hopkins, — W. C, Flournoy, _— Thomas M. Isbell, —_ George H. Lee. SES, J. M. Bennett, erie? Adam Crawford, ers J. T, Snodgrass, rere Corbin Braxton, ulin Wm. F. Ritchie, ze W. D. Leake, ee ©. P. Goodall, —— Jamos McDowell, — John Letcher, ans Dr. E. Watson, = William MeCo: - Robert Crocket —_ Samuel McCamant, i John B. Floyd, ab Fayotte McMullen. ame NORTH CAROLINA. At large. At large. Weldon N. Edwards, John M. Morehead, Robert Strange, John Kerr, Dist *. Districts. William §. Ashe, Daniel B. Baker, L. H. Marsteller. George Davis, J. W. B. Garrett, N. W. Woodtin, — E. J. Hale. SOUTH CAROLINA. J.M. Commander, — @KoRGIA. At large. “Ai large. M. Hall McAllister, Geo. W. Crawford, A. H. Chappell, James A. Meriwether, Districts. Districts. ©. J. McDonald, Hon. T. B. King, 'T. M. Forman, Willard Boynton, F. H. Cone, Eldridge G. Cabiness, E. H. Baxter, E. Y. Hill, L. Benning, W. Y. Hansell, Pinckard, R. Moore, B. Pryor, N. G. Foster, . Hull, L. J. Gartrell. FLORIDA. At large. — R. J. Moses, —_ L, O’B, Branch, reed A. H. Cole, —_— Districts. — W. B. Wynns, ass W. A. Kain, — J.C. McGehee, —_— F. A. Southall, —_ S$. R. Mallory, pee . T. Jenkins, as Jesse Carter, — James G. Dell. — ALABAMA. At large. ©. C. Langdon, John A. Winston, H. 8. Levert, William L. Yancey. J. Perrine, Districts. Robert Desha, T. Sandford, H. F. Sterns, J. A. Stallworth, ‘Wa. Byrd, D. Solomon, R. V. Montague, P. A. Wray, G.B. Hall, A. jon, Thos. McC, Prince, 8. Hydenfelt, — Porter, A. J. Saffeld, — Whitfield, ©! M. Jackson, — Snidicor, Porter King, — Baldwin, Sydenham Moore, para 8. F. J. Moore, — Price Williams, Bits W. W. Roby, pa J. E, Moore, ew Frederick Tate, — Robert Scott, eae M. A. King, fia ait William Acklin, —_— P. H. Brittan, — F. W. Bowdon, — Wiliam H. Garrett. — MISSISSIPPI. At large. Patrick W. Tompkins, Joseph W. Chalmers, Geo. W. Harper, Alexander G. MeNutt. Jamos Dupree, Districts. Samuel Kelly, Daniel B. Wright, Luke Lea, George W. L. Smith, O. Hamilton, W. W. MeWillio, David Gordon, J. A. Ventriss. William Chambers, John Slidell, Emile la Sere, W.H. Wilder, P, Augustin, Dr. Crockett, Samuel Locke, Clark Wookruff, W.S. Kendall, GW. Palfrey, W. K. Styles, Edmund Randolph, J serigan, J. C. Beattie, John E, Labranche, T.N. Williams, James S, McFarland, W. C. S. Ventress, James J. Pugh, Gustave Leroy, Thomas L. Randall, Augustin Duplantier, D. J. Fluker, Dr. F. M. Henford, W. B. Robertson, Zenon Ledeau, Jr Martin GQ. hig Mentgomery Sloan, wk ill, Felix Huston, T. G, Davidson, B. B. Semmes, JS. Bryce, P. Berry, Robert Cade, R. L. Tanner, WH. Whittington, T. O. Moore, W. B, Prescott, B. C. Duke, C. D, Moulton, L. Texada, d. L, Broussard, D. Broussard, R. A. W. F. Griffin, D S L. . Easton, . Splane, yr. Crigton, J. L. Moore, N. Darling, George Spencer, R. J, Chamblin, V. Hi. Jones, ‘Wm. Perkins, John §, Gilbert, N. T. Richardson, S. W. Downs, | Congress, resentatives of the Sti [All for Taylor.) LOUISIANA. Felix Labatut, Esq., Philip Maher, Enq., B. F. Winchester, 8. J. Peters, Esq., Preston W. Farrar, 0. P. Jackson, 8. 8. Prentiss, G. B. Duncan, Jos. M. Wray, Eaq., J. Q Pierson, M. Hurley, Lafayette Saunders, Wm. Sparks, Cuthbert Bullitt, James Ritchie. HPTEETEE LL TEXAS. — WHIGS MENT AT PHILADRL- Pitta, suN® T. DEMOCRATS MERT aT WAL | TIMORE, May 22 | ARKANSAS. William G H. M. Rector, F. B. Hanley, M. F. Ward, N. M. Foster, | Solon Borland, ‘T. B. Flournoy, D. B. Geer, Benjamin Taylor, A. J. Rainy, Isaac Butler, ©. E, Moore, C. Trousdale. 4 ‘TENNESSEE. it large James wi 2, Joseph C. Guild. Districts. Abram MeClellan, W.M. J. an ume y, H. M. Watterson, James Fulton, James M. Avent, ‘Thomas Martin, E. G, Eastman, W. B. Johnson, W. W. Lea, Phillip B. Glen. tit {| John John H. Croater, Wm. M. Cocke, Wm. Morgan, ‘Thomas C. Whitesides A. M. Bailont William L. Rodman Bell, KENTUCKY. pt At large. Jolin’ A. MoClung, Judge James Campbell Districte. James B. Husbands, William R. Griffith’ George T. Wood, Littleton Beard, — W. Hays, ; lish A. Jac! A Robert Mallory, ~ « James Harlan, John B. Houston, Benjamin F, Budinger OHIO. At large. At large. Alfred P. Edgarton, Joseph Vance, David T. Disney. Jobn Sloane. Districts Districts. William 8, Hatch, Alexander P. Miller, J. W. McCorkle, John A, Corwin, Emory D. Potter, John @. Breslin, 8. S. L'Hommedieu, Lewis D. Campbell, Peter Odlin, Benjamin S. Stanton, Ralph P. Buckland, Edward Hamilton, 8. W. Johnson, Jobn Cochran, John Glover, John Sherman, D. A. Robertson, V. B. Horton, Samuel Medary, Virtuion Rich, T. W. Bartley, James M. Bell, L. L, Smith, John Davenport, Thomas M. Drake, John A, Bingham, Thomas ©. Vincent, H. B. Hurlburt, D. P. Ledbetter, Daniel R. Tilde Honry H. Grogg, William R. Per John’ Larwill, Newton Gunn. John E. Howden, D. W. Hubbard. I INDIANA. At large A. 8. Burnett, John U, Pettit. Districts. James Lockhart, E. G. English, F. 8. Donfour, 8. F. Porkins, J.P. Chapman, John R. Jones, James M. Gregg, Addison M. Crane, Gilbert Hathaway, T. P. Randall. HILT ELTA ILLINOIS. | At large. C. E, Porter, John D. Whiteside. Districts. W. C. Kinney, D. Brainard, W. D. Latshaw, R. B. Slocumb, L. R. English, H. B. Truett, M. McConnell. 8. Lisle Smith, Churchill Coffing. HHI MICHIGAN. rs jt large. Joseph R. Williams, Addison C. Comstock. Districts, Samuel Barstow, Charles P, Babcock, At large. D. C, Whitwood, Alexander H. Redfield. Districts, Austin E. Wing, Leander Chapman, Edward H. Thompson. E. W. Peck. TOWA. Democratic convention to a meet on the first of June. — Iowa will probably be re- — presented in the Balti- — more convention by, — — Whitaker, —_— —— Eastman, —— Emerson, atthe — Clarke. kk MISSOURI. ‘Thomas Gray, W. H. Thompson, Benjamin F. Hickman, —G. Porter, ‘Thomas Van Swearingen, William Porter, A. H. Martin, Thomas J, Tatbott, G.M. Bower, George C: Sibley, Dr. Rhodes, William Jowell, J. Curd, D. R. Atchinson, William H. Russell, W. P. Hall, Coleman Younger, N. Burrowes. ‘Thomas E. Birch, Wm. D. wes Lem hte William E. Moberly, Robert C. Ewing, G. W. Samuel, John §S. Phelps, John P. Campbell, James S. Raines, William 8. Field, John M. Richardson, Mr. Ost Robert Brown, Robe: Linrrteon, Hiram Blackledge, E. C, Davis, M. Blair, William Mayo, Samuel Treat. John A, anEp, William G. Maupin, —_ James Simpson, _ Mr. Grover; John W. Williams, William Steele, Gen. George R. Smith, J. B. McCal Benjamin Wilson, —— Ross, Samuel H. Woodsen, Johnston Palmer, jr., George Douglass, R. A. Bond, J. Snyder, Samuel Wilson, J. F, Chenault, W. H. Crawford, Peter C. Everett, H. P. Watkins, N. W. Watkins, John Porry, Caleb Cox, Charles A. Davis, Richard Watson, D. D. Mitchell, A. Carr, John H. Edwards. WISCONSIN. At large 0. Colo, J.P Helfenstein, J.C. Hutchinson, Boriah Brown E. D. Murray, Districts FE. H. Eastman. E. G. Ryan, — Wiram Knowlton — ‘The Emigrant Wharf in the Fifth Ward. Mr, Error Your correspondent, ‘ Fifth Ward,” appears to think that, as the citizens of this ward have endured an in- tolerable nuisance for some years, thoy ought now to be willing to have all tho omigrants landed and secommo- dated with shanties, in their midst, and that the idea of disenso is all humbug, The testimony of over sixty of our most eminent physicians—many of whom aro connected with our public inatitations—is too eon- clusive ax to the effect of landing all the emigrants in any densely populated part of our city, Besides, the indiscriminate Ianding of the different nations, from | healthy and unhealthy ships, all in one spot, must on- danger the health of the emigrants themsolves ; and as | there is so much apace on the island, where plenty of | room can be had, where none would be injured thereby, | why not take them, say north of Thirtieth or Fortieth streets? The commissioners have plenty of mesns— | with a steamboat in their employ, I could, at a trifling expense, transport those that wish to go into the inte- | rior, to the steamboat landings, and thore is scarcely doubt but that the steamboats would stop at any point for them, I have “ snuffed the delectable effluvia” for fifteon years, and yet profer it to the SHIP FEVER. From tie Rio Graxpe.—The schooner Gen. Lincoln, Captain Talbot, arrived from the mouth of the Rio Grande yesterday, after a quick of three days, She brought over $12,000 in bullion to H. C. Cammack & Co. At the time she sailed the sehoon. ers Visitor and MeNeal were in port, to sail the next day for this place. The Sarah Jane was lying off the There was no news whatever from above.— cayune, Tt inst, | the bar. New Orleans 8 Geverat, Scorr.—The Council of Savannah have passed a resolution inviting General Scott to that city, and tendering to him the public hospitality. ‘The raiironds in the vicinity have tendered to himself and suite a free passage over their roads. EXTENSION oF THE TELBGRAPH.— We understand. says the Alton (IIl.) Telegraph, that a number of teams are now engaged in depositing the wires intend- ed for the telegraphic line between this city and Springfield, along the entire route, and that they will bo stretched on the post with all pinetionble dispate The communication between the ey will there. fore be in operation in the course of afewhsy