The New York Herald Newspaper, April 16, 1848, Page 1

' TI GREAT EVENTS OF THB AGE. THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTIONS, IN AN ENGLISH POINT OF VIEW. WEWS AND OPINIONS, ke. be, be. (From the Manchest-r Examiner, March 95 ) He who had predicted, when the February revolution first announced itself in Englaad, that the genera! shaking ofthe nations, by which it wee sure to be followed, was but the prelude of a stedfast European peace, would have been laughed st a8. a madman, if not scouted asa hy- pocrite. To the polltteiag and to the commer- cial man—to the thoughtful and the thoughtless —to thoze who exulted, as to those who mourn- ed, over the fical downfall of monarchy France—there was visible but one immediat resnit—the transmutation of our peaceful and civilized Europe into an enormous battle-field, oa which hiberty and despotiem were to fight together, on a ‘scale never before witnessed; while trade and traffic fled, terrified, into the distance, Yet, now that a month has elapsed since those February days, and our outlook into the future has become immeasurably surer and clearer, it is evident that the urppheiet of peace would have been more trustworthy than the pro- phesierof war The fate of Cassandra, who, in the midst of joyful security, predicted impending calamity, has Nace aby-word. Here the case would have been exactly reversed. The fore- teller of peace and prosperity, in the midst of actual conflagration and destruction, would, like her, have been seorntully gainsaid; and, events now prove, quite as wrongfully. The great Eu an revolution, which has established tts destructive energies at Berlin and at Vienna, not less than at Paris, is fast abolishing the causes which have hitherto produced war among men; and not only the causes of war, but its instruments To our own miads, this conviction rests on such sure and impregnable grounds, that we have lit- tle doubt of being able to convert it into a per- suasion for our readers also. ; What, previously to the February of this re- markable 1848, were the circumstances which periiled the continuance of peace in Europe? They were three. First—the antagonism be- tween continental liberalism and absolutism. which ranged kings and their standing armies on one side, against thinkers and nations on the other; and which might at oy time, have made, for instance, Austria march her troops into S uthera Italy, Prussia into radical Switzerland, France into rebellious Portugal, and thereby have sounded the tocsin of universal revolt. S-cond—That strange abstraction called the balance of power, which made Lord Palmerston protest against the annexation of Cracow; a protest which, if Cracow had been as accessible as Lisbon or Acre, might have plunged us into a ‘d—and, perhaps, most important or all—the existence in every couatry of a standing army, directly subordinated to the sovereign or the executive—a weapon of the most tremendous potency, yet one which can be set in mation by a whisver from an idiot ora child. Were not these the three things wi'h which the advocates of peace and retrenchment used to be taunted? If we said that the English people had no quar- rel with any other nation, were we not told of the hostile attitude med by the French go- vernment, for example, and of the powerful army which aay whim or sudden jealousy might em- bark against us from beyond the channel? Or, on other occasions, when that statement grew threadbare, were we not menaced with argu- ments drawn trom the * alarming state of Con- tinental Europe,” and the “probable infraction of those treaties of Vienna, to which England was a contracting peers: Ti w4 spoke of the possibility of mutual self-disarmament, we were laughed at as well-meaning enthusiasts, and asked, {Who will disarm aloug with us?” Le. us see how matters stand now. Io the first place, we need ecarcely say that the prospect of a general war, springing out of the antagonism between continental liberalism and abselutiem, is entirely dissipated by the events of the last fortnight. Jn 1792 the despots of Europe rushed armed upon the French revolu tion ; in 1848 the French revolution has revenged itse'f by rushing unarmed upon them ;—and sec, at Berlin, Frederick William himself, the sol diet-king, has granted every iota of conc: for which his subjects have been clamoring ;— and at Vienna, Prince Metternich, the wily con- queror of Napoleon, ie flung from his seat of au- thority; his influence, which pressed like @ nightmare on the life and bey of continental Europe, is gone for ever; and the democracy which now triumphs in Austria, no profered “ archduchess” can, as in Napoleon’s case, tempt into apostacy. By alucky chance, these two movements have been simultaneous; Aus- tria could not help Pruss Prussia could not help Austria. From Konigsberg to Palermo de- mecracy haa, at a single stride, taken possession of central Europe ; and the long bloody wer that was te have arisen from its slow and painful progress, belongs now to the contingencies of the , Ta the second rice the doctrine of the balance of power, and all that belonged to it, has disap- peared, or is disappearin’, and will never more cause bloodshed among them. The territorial divisions of Europe are no longer to depend on treaties of Vienna, liable to be interpreted in any way, but on those much surer foundations, which nature herself indicates Nationality is now the formula; no longer “‘balance of power.” Nature has sundered men into different nations, united by blood and languag*, and it is these in- destructible peculiarities, and not the chance agglomerations of conquest, that are henceforth to determine the political boundaries of States. France is distinctly marked out; the no doubt as to her political boundarie: can there be any with respect to those of Spain, Portugal, Switzerland, and Italy. The cry in Germany is for a united German empire, under which the severed Teutonic kingdoms, and prin- cipilities, and duchies, may remain as at present, but combined into anoble unity. Itis not entire independence that the Magyars of Hungary, the Sclavonians of Bohemia, and the Danubian pro- vinces, have claimed ; but these distinctions of race will entitle them to self-government and institutions, founded on their several peculiari- ties, and mildly directed from Vienna. While each nationality has self-government, :t little matters what its nominal head may be; and if the absolute authority of the nominal head is utterly destroyed, it will no longer be ambitious ot adding territory to territory, since over these it is to possess a merely constitutional sway. But in the third place, and most important and cheering of all—in the recent revolutions of France, Prussia, and Austria—he who runs may read that the doom of standing armies as an strument for the maintenance of despotism, sealed. [Everywhere the tunctions of the stand- ing army are being usurped by a national guard ; in Paris alone this counts 190,000 men, and it 18 but yesterday gone a week since 200,000 work- men demanded from the Provisional Govern- ment the withdrawal of the troops from Paris. At Berlin, at Vienna, the soldiery of the line fired upon the people, and from both places have been ignominiously dismissed. Every where those two great realities, the people and the army, have come into collision, and the former has been left victorious But to make the victo- ry a Insting one, standing armies must be dis banded; how else can there be security for popu- lor institutions? Even before the outbreak at Berlin. the cry had been raised of ** No standing army.” Will that ery be lowered, now th the party which raised it isin power? In Austria the army has ever been the pliant tool of despo- tism; willit not be broken aud thrown aside with the authority that wielded it? Already in France the disbanding of the army is becoming a theme for discussion among speculative men. Perhaps itis in that country that the question w_ ll first be settled, and the old conflict between mind and matter be terminated, in that French National Assembly, of which the main elements it is already seen, are to be men of the pen and men of the sword ! Were we too sanguine, then, in saying that ont of this European revolution is to spring @ European peace; each nation, with a democratic government, without a standing army, and no jurther cause for quarrel, peacefully laboring and enjoying t? Through much inevitable confusicn, that seems to be the goal towards which Europe js marching. A most blessed consummation ! in which, us was oe det from of old, the world’s destinies shouid no longer be in the sof mere brute force—no longer be wieldea any aristocracy, sav: that of wisdom, noble- 8, goodness. [From the Liverpool Journal, March 25 } Hs The French republic is every day becoming less popular in this country. Journalists pursu- ing their apparent, not their real, interests, are administering to an increesing prejudice, and whut the Times hesitated to impench, the Chro- nicle, in leaders attributed to the Hon. Mr Smythe, M P, openly condemns, The provia cial papers, which have no ideas of their own, + cho the metropolitan press, and the genera! dis like loses none of its force by the conduct of the French workmen in reference to ourcountrymen various!y employed in Paris and the provinces Again, the financial state of France bodes no good Difficulties of a physical nature could be surmounted by encrgy—resolu'ion would enforce jnatice; but debts cannot be paid without money The evils resulting fron this state of things are all attributed to the provisional government; and, guided by many precedents, the cpinion gains round that anarchy is inevitable, aad that France will have again to seek repose in a dic- tator or a citizen king. ys The provisienal government have not in all things acted with immaculate wisdom; but they have, nevertheless, not deserved al the censure cast upon them by those who survey their con- duct from a false point of view. We should re- collect the circumstances which cajled them to office, and which continued to surround them; and, estimated in reterence to their difficulties, surprising how much they have accomplish- ed—how tew real faults they have commiited Their first duty was to restore order und preserve it—their next, to give strength to their temporary administration. They echieved the firet by concessions to the work people, and for their mode of doing it they are much blamed. The principles ot M. Louis Blanc are sufficient- ly faulty ; but the provisional government did wisely in providing the hungry with food or work. It was what our own government did last year in Ireland, ss essential to order; what is done every day in England, and what 1s due everywhere to policy and humanity. The diffi- culties are great already in Paris; they would be greatly increased if thousands of starving laborers crowded the streets of the metropolis. There is no charge of partiality made aguicst the provisional government; but, at the same tune, they have done wrong in using the influ- ence of their office for electioneering purposes: end the sin is not dimimshed hy the suspicion that the same thing has often been done nearer home, and very openly too. The financial crisis is none of their work—according toa high autho- rye Rothschild, it is not even the work of the re- volution, for the commercial embarrasements be- longed to a period antecedent to Feb. the 24th fhe mode of meeting the monetary difhculty may not have been the best, but their efforts have been great; and what other mode would have been better? Would M_Guizot have done any- thing more judicious? The mercantile instinct is beyond the control of government; tor al- though we have a popular ministry—a country abounding in rich, wise and patriotic men—yet we, too, have had @ panic, aad a tolerably smart one Considering the emergency, the provisional government nave been, oa the whole, discreet and moderate. They have committed faults, for they are human; but so tar they have gained the respect of other States, and seem to enjoy the confidence of France. To ignorance and preju- dice they have been obliged to make conces- sions,—it is often the duty of government to do 80; but they have done all they could well do to make atonement for the wrong popularly inflict- ed. The people themselves now see the folly of ejecting foreign workmen—particularly English artisans; for the injustice and inhospitality alarmed the wealthy strangers, who also left them, and in losing them the tradesmen and mechanics lost their best customers: it 1a not only possible, but wet probable, that the present men wiil be speedily ejected from office ; there may even be auother émuete,—one or more convulsions—which heaven avert—but the republic is eternal. The time tor dictatorship 1s past, aud a monarchy is impossible, tor France cannot furnish the elements of a court. The or- nameuts of royulty are wanted; there are ne aristocracy, no hereditary titles. Bonaparte as- serted ‘that the destruction of the aristocracy had proved fatal to all subsequent efforts for es- tablishing a constituional monarchy in France. The revolution had attempted the solution ot a problem, as impossible as the direction of bal- loons. An aristocracy is the true support o! the throne ; its moderator, its lever, its tulcrum. The State without it is a vessel without a rudder; a balloon in the air.” (From the Liverpool Mall, Maroh 25. The revolution in Paris is advancing towards contiscation, ruin, misery, and bloodshed, with more rapid strides than we anticipated. The fruit and the result of this lawless triumph, ot brute force, and bluckguardism, over property and social order—over justice, law, investments, the rights of foreignere, and the saving of the foreigners, and the savings of the laboring elasses — entered, at the earliest moment, into our calcu- lations, and with positive certainty. But we ad- mit that we have been deceived by the velocity ofthe movement. So much sooner, therefore, will the bloodshed begin aad the tragedy end. The National! Guards of Paris, composed of the shopkeepers and petty tradesmen et Paris, whose wives do the work of buying and selling, while their military snobs of husbands smoke, gamble, and stroll in the sunshine, were the instruments by which the monarchy was cyerthrown, anda republic proclaimed. ‘Chis scine municipal guard these valiant shopkeepers—are themselves the first victims of their own aggressive and revolu- tionary acis. Place them cullectively in review, and they do not, upon strict investigation, appear to possees more brains than nature nas conferred upon rabbits. They first expelled trom Paris their best customers—the Euglish. Their na- tive customers they assailed in theircredit and estates. This was anotner blind aad insane blow at their own interests as dealers, retailers, and tradesmen. Having immolated national credit at the shrine of patriotism or profligacy, ideal liberty or robbery, (the terms are syuonymous,) they found themeeives in the position of sense- less and unpitied beggars. Ia this their hour ot imaginary splendor, glorying in the calamity they had caused, rejoicing in the gaudy atirac- tions of the repubiicaa institutioas they had founded, they were suddenly assailed by a new class of competitors for renown. ‘These were the sunordinate journeymen—the artificers, and laborers, and porters, and cabmen, beggars, pickpockets, and thieves, of the most debauched city in all Europe. These black- guerds, in the superlative Mea a rove en masse against the first revolutionary body, the national, of rather, to make their position more tntelligi- ble to an Englishman, the municipal soldiery. The rabble have consequently overpowered, de- cimated, and virtually annihilated the National Guarda! . tale tae This 18 just punishment. There is in this sud- den transition an interpositioa of that divine power which makes man mad for reasons far be- yond our comprehens The snopkeeping and trading classes of Paris are now in the hands of the mob—of the lawless—ihe desperate—the gwilty—the spawn of the prisoas—ihe mad, the vile, the infamous, the lowest, the dirtiest, aud moraliy the most repulsive, execrable, and most abhorrent of the canaille of Paris. . In this, and we may say it, we hope, with due reverence, that we see a finger pointing to the everlasting letters of the law—he who does in- justice shall perish, * and all the people shall say Amen!” We shall not trouble our readers by calling their atrention to facts, with which they must ali be familiar. What has happened in France will be tully recorded in our pages. But there is this to be considered, viz , the dissensions in the pro- visional cabinet itself, which is composed ot seven members only. By whom they were ap- pointed to exercise the offices ot @ provisional government is of no consequence. We shall only say, with dutiful respect to them, which is the courtesy which her Mejesty’s.Prime Minis- ter awards to them, that they ur- usurpers, self- appointed, the representatives of an organized fraternity of thieves, and that tney are no more the representatives of France, than a certain number of unwashed grindera at Birmingham, inciuding the three tailors of Tooley street, are une peopie of England. (From the London Sun, March 24 | The true character of the great revolutionary movement now affecting the whole of continen- tul Europe is eufficiently attested by one very significant fact. Ia every kingdom in which that movement has asyet made itscif visible, the first demand insisted on by the people, the first boon conceded by the government, has invariably been the liberty of the press France it is hardly ne- cessary to enumerate—Frauce, where the editor of anewspaper has become one of the chief members of the provisional government. [n Prussia, the King, anxious to forestall the popu- Jar demands, and rightly surmising what de- mand was Itkely to be the first and the most eagerly sought for, voluntarily established the freedom of the prees throughout his dominions In Austria—in Austria!—the first paragraph, of the Einperor’s recently published proclamation declares that “liberty of the press is allowed ia the torm under which it exists 1n those countries which have hitherto enjoyed it.” In Bohemia and oth: r kingdoms, proclamations to the same -ff-et have been issued; in Sixony a similar one has been decided on. In fact, as we have already vaid, wherever the great liberal movement bas manifested itself, there the freedom of the press has n almost immediately gseenr- ed This fact is, to our thinking, a svffi cient evidence of the spirit which has inspired and swayed tbe present European revolution — the portentous but prerfie revolution of 1848. It ‘aan evidence that the people are not only ree solved on obtaining their rights, but that they have learned to appreciate what their rights really are, They no longer endeavor to prove andexercia» their power by resorting to vio- ‘ence and bloodshed, neither are they covetous of the empty pageantry and pride attending our own immediate interference an State attairs. They have happily learned the folly of such de- sires by the harsh teachings of experience. Now zrown wiser, they only seek to obtain lees im- posing, but not less important benefi's. They demand, aud with an earnestness which admits of no refusal, a conce: n of their just privi- leges and prerogatives—a free constitution and a iiveral form of goverament; but more espe- clally they demand that privilege which ensures the possession of all the rest—the privilege of being honestly represented by a press unfettered by auy censorship. Were we inclined to doubt the efficacy and excellence of such a mode of representing popular opinion, our doudts would op» speedily dissipated on witnessing the eager- ness With which every nation awakening to a consciousness of its nationality has insieted upon obtaining it, and those doubts would be further. more dispelled on remarking how resolutely aad rbstieately every despotic and unjust govern- ment hes hitherto rel i used such a concession. [tie natural that sech a government should so refuse, for such a concession would be the signa- lure of its own death-warrant, at least as a de- spotie and unjust government. And it is equally aatural that steed nation resolved to assert 113 in- dependence should insist upon obtaining that con- cession, for the establishing the freedom of the press is its manumission from the slavery under | which it had hitherto groaned, and the magna- charta of the liberty it desires to enjoy hereaf- ter. But in the present day it is not necessary to tilate on the importance of a free prees; in this country, atleast, it has long been duly recog: sized and universally acknowledged—it has be- come as essential to us as oar national existence itis now hardly possible to conceive the state of society in England befere newspapers exist- ed, or even duriog the long peried in which they remained intheir infancy. How could so ciety now exist without a daily chronicle of the world’s affairs? But, more capecially, how could political measures be equitably carried on—how could the welfare of the community be promo- ted, and our national liberties secured—if there were no m-ans of exposing the wents and wishes of the poor,and no means of keeping a check upon the doings of the powerful? It is hardly possible for us now to realize euch a sup- position. Itis hardly possible for us now, in turning over the paues of Parliamentary intelli- gence which fillthe daily papers, to be able to understand euch a state of effairs as that of which Horace Walpole, if we mistake not, tells us, when notes of speeches in Parliament were taken down in seeret, and published a conside- cable time afterwards 1a a mutilated form and without the real names of the epeakers. Of the political morality of that period, wheu un- restrained by a supervising press, that same Horace Walpole furnishes us with a correct specimen, when, in making a comparison be- tween his father, Sir Robert Walpole, and a Ministerial predecessor, he observes, 12 allusion totheir practice of purchasing support, ‘ that while his predecessor only dipped his finger ia corraption, Sir Robert plunged upto the whole elbow!’ But, as we have already said, itis wholly unnecessary now to demonstrate the vast and inestimable influence exercised by a free oress. Oar object is rather to cail attention to the convincing proof of the liberal, the mode- rate, the practical nature of the revolution in Germany afforded by the aimultaneous eatablish- nent ot liberty of the press in Vienna and Ber- iin, and the greater part of the minor kingdoms ind States. Itisin Germany, more egpecially, abeve all other nations, that the press should be invested with peculiar power and privileges.— Che poet Campbell, in his very earnest and eni- mated ‘Ode to the Germans,” in which he ime- gines ‘the spirit of Britannia,” inciting her sis- ter Allemania, “ to burst the tyrant’s chain,” de- clares that “flallow’d thrice the band Of our kindred hearts shail be, ‘When your land shall be the land Of the free—of the free!” more especially observes as additional incite- ment to the assertion of Allemanian liberty:— “ The preas’s magio letters— That blessing ye brought forta— Behold! it live in fotters, On the soil that gave it birth !? Haypily, that indignant reproach is no longer true. The land of Gattembuirg may now jusily exult in its most glorious invention—the press: tree from the restrictions which have hitherto disgraced it, in its own fatherland. _[From the London News, March 24 ] Austria and Prussia nied the aspect of two very different kinds monarchy, each of which, headed by very eminent statesmen, was proud and confident of the duration and security of its system: the imperial and royal politicians of Germany pointing with self-complacent su periority, during these late years, to the embzr- vassmeants that beset Spanish, French, and even English constitationsl governments. As to the Austrian empire and régime, it was, in fact, one of the sixteenth century ; not very anlike what the experience of Charles V. might rave founded—a fasciculus of cuuntries bouno epee by the slender cord of having descend- -d by right of inheritance to the house of Lor- caine. In those countries all the institutions of class freedom and independence, invented by the niddle ages, aod deveiopsd tn municipal Nberty oad feudal rights, had been destroyed, and destroyed ss a transition to that fuller and more equebie state of free- dom of which all partake. But Auscria stopped this de- velopement in transitu, andyby iia religions bigotry ond aflitary power, held back the pendulum and the hands of time for full three conturies. Prince Metternich wae Cordinal Granvelle, without tho red hat. He had no idea ci a government other theu thet of a despotic nead of a family; and he govetned it like # school, where the fear of the rod is varied @ad rolieved by the amusement of the holiday. Whilst Prinoo Mettercich thus mpheld intact and sa- cred his mostet specimen of the ‘wisdom of ancestors,” the great north-rnrival of Austria proveeded to develope sdespottsmo illustrade, an enlightened despotiom, ga- thering to it sad enlisciog in its sorvice ail th» talent hat the achsols could develope, and all the force that e groat military system oould combine, In this system the king of Prussia had a blind and devoted faith, Uther monarchs have defended woat they eatenm their dignity and hereditary rights, Tho king of Prusein, ou the sontrary, had learned to dread and to contemn ths oou- stituiional 6yscem,as workod in England and fa France; and he deemed himself called upon to found and to pre- serve arystem far more solid, and superior,in which amidst all the semblance of tree institutions, the royal power should preserve the great jnitintive aud bigh in- ellectunl iofiaence. These political views of the mo- narch were strengthened by his religious ones, which wore devout, and even fanatic. Ha» took a high pricetly view of the duties of government, and thought bi if mirsioned by bis hiogly offices to provids raligious tenes ‘as well as political om for hia subj scts This bran-new cast iron edifice of Frederick William, has been blown down by the 6 populer hurricane which levelled the old walls of the burg of Vienna. An- tiqaity has not preserved the one, nor prepeuse sxgacity the other. The obscurantism letterntoh did not shut out light Instinct has suggested what the censor andthe soti-educationist denied. And, strange to say, the all- education of Prussia produced the sawe eff. the ne- education of Austria. The people of both bave learned to wili—to will emphatically and irresistibly, And the Viouness epicur as Well as the Borlin avademiclsn, heve shown th ves not behiad the French in the id hardihood of heaping paving etones, defying and teatingto surods the mouarchy y, which supported itssif upon payonote Mid yesterday, tho “rovoreiguty of the people” ceforth the common law of Europe, through wint- forms or functionaries, royal or elective, that so- reignty mty be carried on. Whersver there are great aglometations of men, aad wherever there is communi ty of opinion between classes; there resides power. Tho of power, congsting in wealth, in koowledgs, Tights, in loyal armies, or in passive obe- wept away, when we seo the population of ering tearcely 300000 souls, overcoming aa Prussian, unlimiced in numbers, in «quip- 0 nd unflinching ia lvyalty devotion, dome it thiek such doctrines dangerous; but unfor:unately they are not doctrines, but tacts. As facts, they cannot | be concealed or denied. And it in by allowing them, and | providing in consequence, ihat their danger can bo beat neutrolised. Danger with us does due worl wg ase a Atberaliem eotua' ‘ A . | Tespect to Germany, wo fevr that it is vot so near the haven of settled frqedom and established righis ag might be hoped. Had the King cf Prnssia, on the first day, not Only made every full concession, but in making these concessions forbade any farther collision between people and roldiera; had he ruehel in psrson into the public equaro, and impored by his respsoted presence bothon soltiers and psople—snd this he might have done frederick William would have the sovoreign of many, and the house of Austria shut out to form o now and a Sslavoalan omplro. But the ambitious pro- elamation of German unity, and bidding for German su- prewaoy, put forwart so adroitly in the royal patent of the 18:h, has been almost washed away in the blocd of ‘oat mde | night. [t was eptlt, perhaps, fortuitously. But still it depopulerizes the Prussian monarch, puts him in a falas porition with the patriots of his country, and un Germanizes him, {tis w singular and fa'sl coincidenos—the simulta- neous discredit avd depopularization of all royal races and all caudidates for empire throughout th» disturbed countries of Eurors, The three dyaasties of Franee are alixe without prerantadle claims In {taly there is not a soveroiga without * despotic and even liberticide taint. The Boucbous are everywhere contemptible in private oharacter, asin public capacity, The descendant of the housesof [lapsburz and Lorraine isa Cretia. The Ba- varlan King is spat upoo, and deservedly. The War- temberger a nonentity, ths Duke of Baden a trembling hypoornie, Tho Hesses are governed by retro; Hanover by madman. ‘The King of Prussi as enoaped the stigma cast on royalreces. Tho frst els- ment of covservatis:;n, the kingly, has perished, or at leant received @ deady blow in Europe—another oatas- trophe which we may congratulatethis country upon having escaped. (From the Londen Standard, March 24 i We have been favored with the following bint by » correspondent: — “To rux Evrror or THe Stanpanp. “Sin,—You will do well to state, in your widely ex- tended nawepaper, whatever authentic intelligenos you caw-collect respecting the number of English workmen Xpelisd from peed together with the supposed value of wages of which they have been defrauded It shall bbs my care to spread the statement (by placard) amongst the populous diatriete, and give the people a cerrect no- (ium of French fraternity Youre, “A Constant Reaper or THR STANDARD FOR Many Yraus Pasr, “ Mancn 23, 1848,” We sre, for obvious reasons, nt present,unable to com- ply with our correspondent’s suggestion, but we shall use ali ditigenoe to obtain an approximation at least to the aoswer to his inquiries. Meanwhile, we believe we may sey with oertaluty thst the number of our expelled couatrymen is very great, and that the sums of which tney have been robbed by the twofold operation of re- taloing their wages and closing the savings banks, amounts to @ good many theusands pounds. ‘Lhe most striking characteristic indeed of the late movement in France is pecuniary dishonesty, a violation of the moral rule more likely te perpetuate itecif even thaa the crueities which dirgracod the first Frenoh revo- lution, and which, moreover, as in the case of that horrid convulsion, is almost certain to lead in the end tocruelty the most savege. ‘A character for strict lategrity in money transactions, which is the basis of credit in the oase of an individual, is, if possible, more indispensable to the credit of ana- to», Woe aco by ths newspapers that Mr Rothsobild, of Pa- romieed the ‘aid of his nephew, Mr. Rothechild, vis, hi ot London, to support the credit of the provisional go- vernment, and it is ulso modestiy hinted that the Bank of England hus @ handsome opportunity of fraternizing by a loan to the Bank of Franoe. The provisional government must give some better evi- deneo of respect for ths distinctiovs of mewm et tuum, befora the Bauk of England will place its resources at the meroy of that government. We have ecen the rob- bery of tho English laborers,and the robbery of the depositors generally in the savings banks ot France; but these ere not the most flgrant cases. 0 wi of France—is not even accused of one. His majes- y always acted by the advice and through the responsible mtaisters, ia scrict terms of ihe cha if wrong bas been done, (which we for ourselves chess reaponsible ministers, and_these ony, are t por objects of animedversion } nay. when n hint of impeac! bt them, the king at once removed them from office. Upon what jast ground, ten, paaish his majesty by confiscutton of all his private property ? Louis the Six- teenth hud a trial, though # scandalously unjust ons; Charles the Tenth w: ot deprived of his private pro perty; why then is Louis Philippe to be deprived ot his propsity without triol? it may be that the Fresch peo ple disliked his eystom of government, even though that ayatem of government gave to France a degree of pro: sperity altogether unprecedented. It in very likely that the French did dislike tho system of the ki ‘but that is mo yoann fos zing upon his majesty’s effects, as if hh) wore a ctimival coavicted of a great crime. France has beon for sixty years meking experimente in oll the several forms of government, (Prince Talley- rand had sworn to fifteen constitutions,) and in the opin ion of some persons (though not in ours) she has the right te prosecute these experiments ad infinitum; but what we deny, and what we believe, no one will affirm fa, that sho has a right to thy ils of whomsoever caprice er fortans mey place at the head of any of her govern- ments. We have spokea of the case of Charics the ‘Tenth, who did really incor o forfeiture by breaking his contrast with the peopls, aod who verche was left in uamolested enjoyment of his private prop: the cass of Napoleon fs still stronger. France eomething both fa lives and comme: money, but neither the French peop'e, nor the alli the resterad Bourbons,ever dreamed of touching bis private property. Tho care of ths contlecation of the private property of Louta Pailippe is without precedent; but we lament to say it does not stand alone. Not only has the kieg been reduced, as temporary, we fear too truly, asserts, ton state of destitution, all his hava baon redaosd to the same uabappy condition. The Qaren, againes whom no breath of charge has ever bsen attered, has been deprived of her smple dowry, to which no Frenchman ever contributed one farthing; and of all her personal proporty, even to her wardrobe. The dowry of the Duchess of Mont- oensler, every philling of it Spanish money, has also been acined upon. The dowry of the Princess de Joinville (foreign money still) has been in like manuer eeques- trated, though tha Prince was engaged in servics at the distance of Africa when the events, which are made the oretext for this wholesale seizure, occurred Is this in- vasion of the private property of @ now merely private family cousistent with French honor? We know that it is @ long way to windward of our notions of English honerty. Tho wise councillors, who now direct the aMuirs of France, are about to take into the hands of the goverpment ths cotton and sii maenufiotores, Perhaps they ore right. If a uation is drivea to tho alternative, it is probably better to have ministerial cotton spinners than cotton spinning ministers and etatesmen. Such experiments do not disgrace tho charecter nor neces sarily burt the credit of a country, thovg they may not serve its trade. The seizure upon felse pretences of the <oods of other propie stands upon a whoily diffarent footing They who are guilty of such violent injustico forfeit obaracter and credit, aod we know that there is but ome other resource open to those who have neither money, chi ter, nor credit, and where the course of such persons must end. Lot not M. Lamartine, who is said to be rish, hope that confiscation began with the royal family’ will end with the royal family. Once establish the principle that political offe & ars ura to be punished by a forfeiture of property, and polftical oftonces will be discovered in proportion to the cravings of the community. In the rude times of and, it was remarked thst whero our old Saxon rule, father tothe bough, the non to the plough” pre- vatied, felonies were of rare occurrence, but that where lord had tha benefit of escheat of his execated land, telovies were erably frequent So itis Case of nations gen Confiscation sows an of artifolal crim eo M Lamardae acd er liberal proprietors in France will fiad it. We hove Intely been preparing an estimate of the amount of confiseations in Francs between 1789 aod 1799; the amount alteady edffo: nds ourssives, tut we doubt not that when we present it, with the vouchers, as We pro- poze to do it will as mash confoucd our readors (From the London Hersid, March 24.) Though the French Revolution ef July, 1990, pro- fonndty agitated somo of the minor States of Germany, such a6 Baden, Eleotoral Hesee, Saxony, Wirtemberg. tho free cities, the Rhenane provinces of Prussia, the do- minions of the Dake of Nasrau, and somo other Atates, yet It produced no very visible impression —unlees of dis- relish and dislike —at Vienna, at Berlin, and ot Munich At Dresden —at Leipsic—at Cologao -at Fraukfort—at Hemburg - et Lubook—there wore in 1831, a1 bee, come relight disiurbances; but the nt threo days of Paris iound no imaltators in the capitals of aither Austria, Prassis, or Bavaria The inhabitants of Austris and Bavaria enjoyed at that epoch the greatest oasible prosperity; and though the subjects of Prussia, like her goil. were poor and highly taxed. yet mush was pardoned to the government of the Inte King for the edmireble manner in which his States were governed. ‘The government of Prussia , es now, admira- bly, though not porhaps so interfering!y and machantcal- iyatmintored Tho measuro introduced by Harden Burgh, in 1810, ereoting the peasantry into free proprie tors, introduced anew order or class of men, and infused new blood into the social ssstom Tio abolition of nu- nerous custom: yo publicity intredaced into the public expeuditure. © destruction of trade mono- polios —the institation of a natloaal system of education, d the new organization in 1927 of the Saxon provinces, all tended to make the late King of Prussia popular, ec hissway not merely supportable, bat able to bis eubjacta. The burghers rose tn waaith espectability, fo importance ; and thoa;h the States parliaments had growa into disare, all the people hopod and trusted thus a day would sooa come when a true representation would be eccordedto them The lato Kivg, however, departed thos lifs withou ed promises in this regard, ot the seign of his eucceseor wero pi rity and 248] to perfeot a oommerc!al league com: y hie father, and whica it wea hoped would ul- ive to the Prassian miosarchy @ prepodersut ave in the German Confederation. Large results, commercial and political, were expect- ¢d from a sehemeat which both Prussian monarchs — father #6 well as son vored under trying discour- og-ments with uniform aad uutiring perseverance. But though the trad+ +o) weaith of Prussia have ia couse- quoucs increased, by reason of the Prussion League yet ye may be more thae doubted whether political con- sequences are such af (he sovereiga osmtemplated or could have foresvem. Hopes and aspirations arose that (ne movement was Intended to be politics! as well ag Groai,and thet the monarch ithe! not merely \o in. ove) hie revonus and power, bit to create @ pollt or unity in Germany, and to place himself at the head of i "Au educated ax reflecting people considered thas 2 er best way to achieve this object was to relves a greater measure of popular liberty, and with their might they called out for a constitution of States for a Diet—in a word, for a German House of Com mons, or representative assembly. In the last spring this was, after a fashion, accorded, but in so restricted | end narrow w spirit that the great body of the Prussian | nation has been seriously dirsatinfied, and effort! i ever since been making by the best moa In Pru: awaken the monarch to a senso of the niggardly conces- sion which bal emanated from him, These efforts wero vain; and notwitl nding the general justico, intelli- gence, sad admirable aimiainistration of the Prussian government—not withsten ling that merit, not family ia- terest, is tho grand recommendation in ber army, in her diplomacy, in her courts ot jus'ice—stillthe great masse of this loyal and thiaking people were arieved that their sovereizn did no: aocord to them a free prrss a really national representation, publicity in their courts of jus: tive, trial by jury, aud @ right of public meeting and petition. iad the king been well advised im the last outamn he would undowbtedly have com- plied with these not extravagant demands; but unfortuna‘ely there wsre two doctors in his Cabinet or Council of State-—the Doctors Eiohtiorn and Savigny —an i as it is the privilege of the doctoral race all the world over to be arrogant, dogmatical, surly, wrong: headed, priggish, and positive, these profverors, like M. Gaisot ia rave, resisted all just concession. Tne re- sult in Berlin, as in France, is, that there heve been in- surrection and bloodshed—that the ministry (inclading. of course, the doctorr) has been dismissed, und that the king has been obliged, noiens volens, to concede that which might have gracefully come from him seven or eight monthsago, Whoeu the last accounts Irft Borlin, four days ago, Eichhorn, Savigay, Bodelswingh, Stoht berg. Uhden, and the other iliustrious (if they were at al pronouncable) colebrities, were foroed to withdraw; and Arnheim, Schwerin, and Auerswulde—ail meu ac: ceptable to the people—wero sppointe| in thetr stead. This, however, was not accomplished without a lowering of the royal authority, and a trailing of the royal name, subseribed to a long and Juchrymatory letter, Unter.der , and in 'y other publio thoroughfare, by every burgher of B. Henceforth let us hope, that kings, whether of France or Prussia, will avoid the Crag aa raoo—will avoid pedants, protesso chooso their ministers, not from th nya, but from wise and gacious w to govern their fell re oulm, reflective, and tras vi, industrious, and well-dis- heir princes. But th also resolute and determined, and the time hes now come ‘when it is no longer sefe to trifle with them. The king of Prussia, we would fain believe, understands this now; and as his new ministry is the offspring of tho popular will, it were ridiculous to supposa tnat their haying un- derstood it previously to theic sovereign, bai not been the condition and necessity, so to speak, of their minis- terial exiatence. It is in such a juncture of the history of Prussia—such a critical moment of her fate—that a morning paper— distinguished for consistency to no principle or party, and for a rashness and ignorance which would long since havo ruined a younger public organ—has chosen to pro- claim the revolutionary doctrine, that Prussia claim the primacy, if not the supremacy ia Germany. that, as the most powerfnl and energetic sovercign in Germany, the Prussian cine © preees’. to sesame the headship of the German body. If we could concider this ebullition anything but the rhapsody and rhodomontade of young men in their teens in intellect, permitted, fc come unwise purpore, to write lesding articles in mi leading journals, we should gravely and seriously rebuke such leading balderdash. As a monarohicsl avd coa- tervative journal, but yet a journal of rational progress, it xpress our belief that the Kiog of rs will earnestly disavow and in- antly disapprove of such wickod, mischievous, and ‘oversive docrines as those inconsidorately put fo Though ém-utes and conflicts have taken na and Berlin, very dis acity of former Austrian and yet suoh émeutes cannot bind or conclude the German Diet constituted by the treaty of Vieuni whieh Austria and Prussia are loading msmbet fortunately neither in the power of Austria nor Prussia, ao long ae the treaty of Vienna subsists, to ran a race of rivalry; for predominance, or to seek to oppress and overpower the minor Staten. Still leas is it in the power of Prussia, now that the great empiro of Austria bae broken from bondag: d buret ber leading-strings, to seek to overshudow @ power greater in extent, in popu- lation, and in material resources. Ifa new arrangement of Germany is to be attempted, the work of the Congress of Vienna oan only be upsst by the will of all the high contracting pacties, at the unanimous call, request, and adbesion cf the whole Gerwan race set Austria above Prussia, or l'russia above Austria, is beyoud the powor of the ablest newspaper writer in Great Britain — a fortiort above ths power of the graen and limber é:tterateur who has been allowed in so rash and revolu- tionary a epirit to addresn himself to a grave, serious, sad important question of public law, of which he is os ignorant as the child unborn, [From ths London Chronicle, March 24.] A Latin poet says, in languago too familiar for quota- tion, that there is nothing 40 pleasent as to wateh other people struggling with misfortunes from which we our. selves are {cee. Whatever the mora! quality of the gra- titteation alluded to,-it cannot be denied that w 05 9) it at present ing high degree. Isolated, morally as well as well as physiosily, from cur contivental neighbors, we sit upon fra, dry ground, snd look idly at the raz’ waters beneath us, philosophising, speculating, vatiol- nating about them— how the storm arose, how it might have been avoided, what will be the oud of it. Was the revival of the Goran ire not the dream we thought it? or sball have # German republic instead? Is thero substance enough in the boad which unites the Austrian Lrg ¢ to hold them together through the crisis, or will it break like tow? Shall wo cee a new Lombard Confederation beyond the Alps; ry, Bohemia, Gallicia, drifting away like the blocks of an ice-fleld cracked by a thaw; the elements of nationali- ties, bucied but not extinct, arranging themaclves into new formations? Shall we seo a new Sclavonia arising in the basin of ths Danube—to merge, perhaps, in a pro- to grappl: ground? Any or all of these we may some of them in a few days. But we r erbaps by a gli t tho past, than by trying to pierce the dusk of the future. For geferations past the Austrian government has been exg*ged in an uncet to rule jects paternally, against the Of the conditions most ersential to th engin ofa monarchical govern- conditions upon which, as we are beginning to permanent existence of any form of government ‘we m an efficient and eco- em, a watchfal, thongh not he condition and wants of tho lower clas.es,and ths encouragement, permirsively at least, of the free developement and healthy sctionof pub- lic opinioa—Austria prided If upon the second, bat paid little regard to the first; the last and most impor- ct, but discountenanced and soverity of fear. Sho dug was laying down & syste: perhaps, in Europe ; her peasantry, wherever the German element predominated among the rural population, were comparatively com- fortabie and contented ; there was schooling for every- body, and very good schooling too, it went (un- Iuoktly it did not go very far); there couragement, in a clumsy way, for manuiactur do. But government did every thiug, and reen and felt everywhere ; looked over everybody ’s shoulder, rammaged everybody's papera, catechised tne boys in every school, ast in uniform ut the lectures of every pro- fessor, and iaterfered betwoen every cert and his master, always taking tue serf’s side, It peopled Lombardy with German officials ; in Bobemis it waged s war of exter: mioation ogainst the national tongue ; in Hungary, it caballed anu fotrigued, packed the Diot with funetior ries, and made puppets of the municipal corporations. ut pour le peuple,rien par le peuple wos ths most vene- rable tormuls of its political faith; iis discontented sub- Joote atributed to it a woree motto— I! faut ofer tout afin de donner quelquechose. It was not thet the imperial go- vernment itsel( was disposed to bo harsa or op .reasive —far from it. Prince Metternich used to sry, ond doubtlers believed, that Austrian central sation was the mildest ia the world; giving #8 his reason, that, ia the details of provincial administration, the province, with him, always occupied the first place, and the empire the arcond; wheress in other centralised countries, France for instanee, it was just tho reverse. ‘Toe root of tho ovil lay in the atrugule to perpetuate, through » ma- clinery created by Joseph the S.cond for far different purposes, aschomo of government repugasnt to the ac- tual etate and tendencies of society. For whilst Austria looked atondfastly in one direction, the tide of events was setting os steadily in another. Throughout West- ern Europe we were Isarning the lesson, that those who are fit for polttical power will make themselves masters of it, sooner or later, by fair means or foul; aod that as the oppabiiity for its’ exercise becomes more widloly dif- t inks deeper Sad deeper into the strata of whieh aogiety is composed, the machinery of govern- mont must adapt iteelf to the new forces successively brong)t into play, or they will shiver it to atoms, None knew thie better than the Germans; nowbere wre the theory of politios more deoply studied. In other States cf the Confederation, grave doctors, stepping straight {rom the professor’s chair to cho hustings, figured a6 popular candidates and leading meinbers of oppos'- tion. The poaderous weapoos of German research wore ussd to point a pamphlet or load a political rquib, Controvel —paitoiogical, theological, and metaphysi political taco, and ¢nded sometimes in the proscution—more thau once in the banishmens — of ons of other of the coutending parties. The nucle of excitement wore Baten and Wurtemberg in the West, Koaigsverg in the North, end Presburg, whore constitu- ional government was, iu theory at least, no noveity, ia yo an impules to the is, worklog througa LM mot aunidilate higher and higher yke of the Austrian frontier, thresteniny, thoarh not disturbiog, the artificial level the st-g- nant pool within, A second shock was wantiag to let in the flood, snd shat shock has 00 Tho syetem would not bend —it has broken. | | | temmanship. Trae rtetsomenship t t the deluge coms, if come it wm j for our children be the subsiding waters, the olive branch of peace’ Ia such 6 opivit, monly aod fearless, but cool wnd forecasting. we | would fata Lope that the crisis may be met ia Aussie | her provinces. As regards the lereditey | ecounta tent to voudrm eur antic!) edily be roatered; | esdurg or Prog. ve. ary, as wellas those or 6». hemie, will be best served by adhering | chose labors ot Hereu | thete ooufioring tendes tothe union with | of local explosions... I a, we enteriain no doubt; the danger Iten im that Au feeble and dividelrtate of public opivion which it hee b the mistaken aim of the imperiel goverament to perpetuate. [From the Londen Times, March 23 ] The Kiog of Prussia hos responded toths call of thy German people, and to the pressure of this rast emar- gency, by measures aud declarations of the most vig? Tous, explicit, aad momentous chiracter No» sovaer had the intelligence of the deposition of Peinae Mathar- nish reached Berlin, than King Feoderio Wittam IV. | granped, eo to speak, a9 it was falling, at ths anthority of the leading German power, and on the fllowiag day the remarkable patont or proclama ion whish we priated yesterday and repeat elsewhere, was published to the country. The riots which ovoutrad si multansously in Borliu, apparently feom mere wischievous excitement, and the unfortuaante coilivion which took place bstwawn ths soldiers and th» mob, are indywd incidents which damp the satisfaction with which those dactarations of the Prussian crown have every where basn rooslved -- But wo trust that no apprehensioas of a serious insur- reotion agaivet royalty in Prussia nae d bs on-ertained ; and never certainly did that people aad Germany at large stand ia gronter ueed of @ prince of mach infla- ence, boldness, and patriotiem, in order to carry tha great enterp: ot the regeneration of their country to peaceful and bappy termination. The royal oreclamation aanounces that ths convoca- tion of the Estates of russia, which hed been Oxed for the 27th of April, will now be advanced to the 2d of April—ten days frem tho present time; and to the deli borations of that body the measures of reform in Prussie touchirg the liberty of the press and other matters, will of course be submiited But the weightier objects of this prosiamation, are.thoss which concarn the avow- ed purpose of effecting, with the consent of the other members of the confederation, the total regeveration of the whole Germanic body. ‘io a certain extent it had no doubt been heped that in tho proposed Congress of { Deeaden the conssnt of Austria would bo obtained to somo such messures of # national and liberal character. But it is evident, and indeed it is exprasly now: ledzed, that the ministerial revolution in Vien: has amiexingly faollitated the work whioh was in prep ration at Berlin Accordingl; Prussian government addre Germany, ia the tone of a power have « euparior or a rival In the federal councils of the country. Peursia pledges herself unreservedly to de- mand and to obtain from the contederats sovereigus ail the great conditions of national unity, which havo long been contended for by the leaders of the liberal party. Germany is to cease to bea federal leowus (Staaten dund) and to became a federel State (Bundes-stact ) Her affairs are to be governed by the deliberations of » Parliament, chosen in part from the constitutions! bodies which will exist in ell the separate States of Ger- many; and the proceeding powers of this Diet «f the Empire are to bs of @ strictly constitutional char- raoter. A supreme court of tsderal judicatura is to be attached to this fundamental power of Germany. The military and floaocial powers of the ceatral authority will be greatly incresged, and “common lag has sirend; een adopted for the nation, by sea aod by Innd. Ail restrictions are to bo removed from the communications of intelligence, of trade, and of locomotion amongst the whole German people. The press throughout Ger- many {sto be frao. Ous universal Zollveroin is to ex- tend Its laws from the shores of the Baitic.to those of the Adriatic ; an uniform system of money, welghta, post office, &e , is to be establisted; and, to sum up the whole spirit of this memorable proclamation in one word, the king of Prussia proposes to take the in reconstl- tuting the national unity of the German psople. To atrengthon the nulienal character of his own subjects rritories not now belonging to the present confe- deration, he offers to unite the le of his dominions (inclading therefore Prussia Proper and Posen) with the territories of the Germanic body—a change which would raiso the Prossian share of the whol pulation «f Ger- mfny to sixteen millions. In that cass the extent of tha Prussian dominious in the Germanic body would equal, and perhaps exceed, that of the States of Austria, wnioh at present belong t+ it. But this fact hardly needed to. Justify the species of primacy, if not of supremacy, which the Court of Berlin seems disposed to assume im the af- faire of Germany These things are sald, these promises are given, fa the very explicit terms of the royal proclamation, One thing alone remains unexpressed, yet that Ja the key- stone of the arch, nod the evident condition of such a constitution, Tho king of Prussia canuot intend to create a federal republic, whoes powers are to rule supreme over his own indep=ndent monarchy; »e aust, there- fore, infer that hs himself, ay the wost powerfal und en- ergetic sovereign in Germany, is prepsred to assume, with the eor nd upon the lead- jug conditions expressed in this proclamation, the head- suip of the Germanic body. ‘Che demand for such an unioa under one common federal power, is so universal in Germany et this time, thet if the king of Prussia hed stood aloof, or Austria had resisted, it was higbly probable that the minor States of southern Getmany would bave quitted the prerent con- federation to form a federal union of thelr own. The greater parity of strength among these lesser sove- reigns rendered such a combination comparatively easy amongst them; bet, on the other hand, a German nation from which Prussia, and perbaps the northern principali- ties, would be excluded, nust have proved a feeble end anomslous power. The great question, therefore, which now presents itself for solution {9,!by what moans the national impulse of Germany is to triumph over kcal and provincial independence; over the rights of nurver- ous reigning houses; and over many important bg poor jaterests. ‘Chere is no such thing as a republic of prin- ces; and the eeseutial form of monsi confeder- ation is monarchy. We must, therefore, regard the king of Peussia’s mani- festo as the declaratioa of a policy in which the most prominent part devolves upou himself. Not, indeed, that we acouse him of undus or selfish ambition; on the con- trary, we appreciate the chivalrous generosity of his character, Bnt it is impossible not to perceive that the wonderful events of the present dey have brought to apparent maturity the policy which Prussia has pursued ever since she ceased to be » mere electorate, and that the moment is come, if ever, for the king of Prussia to claim the championship of the whole nation. Very pro- hably the union which is projected could be effected a by no other means; very prodably, even with this powerful infil ce, it will have to surmount considerable obstacles. ‘The members of the exist- ing confederation are independent sovereign states, and the league which unites them is a treaty volu: tarily entered into by every member of it. That act cannot rightfally be altered by force onjby authority: Cy the consent of ail parties is the only just and équitable basis on which new arrangements can be framed. That consent implies, at the present time, not only the diplo- matic adhesion of the several cabinets, but the uoani- mous tequiescence of the people; and probably the peo- ple will have the larger share in the transaction. Thi however,*re essential by the internal concernsjof the man people, which they have ample power and wisdo! tosetile for themselves As far a6 the great pablio pol cy of Europe and the continental mtereste of this coun- try are concerned, the indepsndence union of Ger- many, under whatever form it may be effected, cannot but prove as benofiotal as it is import ‘There lies the huge and impansablo barrier against the inroads of both Rassia and France; aed there | the race of men ot fair competition, at variance with [From the London Times, Maroh 22 We had foreseen from the first outbreak o/ the late French reyolation, that no other country in Europe would be more violently affected by that great commo- tion than the Austrian empire, tor i re there so many elements of change 3s) in nons had 60 few enlightened measures beo: to avert the catastrophe. Happy would it for Prince Metternich, aud perhaps for the empire, if he had resigned s month ago, the power whieh it was imporsible for him to retain; but itever dangers might threaten the provinces of the empire, he reiied ‘va the torpor of the capital to protect from all danger his own person and tha imperial court. Vienna was believed to be the exact counterpart of Paris, tor as all revolutionary fosce radiates feom the capital of France, fo all the revolutionary tendencies of the imperial pro- vinoes were hitherto lulled upon the frontiers of Lower Auetris, and annihilated at the gates of Vienna. In this conviction, however, as in many otber fallucies of their oraft, ld {statesmen aod old Arch Dukes were mueh deosive’ ‘Lower Austria took the infection; and the day on whicu, by an extraordinary concessioa to the apirit of the eg, the ancient estates of (hut province were to enjoy the privilege of presentiog a huwble and joyal address to the cruperor, the peopie of Visnva su- perseded them, an.| in o few hours their resslution sesled the doom of a wtaistorial despotism of 40 years. ‘There appear to bo two distinct courses which events imsy now tako in the Austrian dominions. If at a mo- mext a statesmen, or a knot of stateemen, were to spring up, and ifeny of the younger members cf the imperie! family who sheuld ‘possess the requisite coufi tence firmness and power, wore to assume the minsgement of sffaite, the condition of the Austrian ewpire is by no manus desperate. The resources of the country, which have beon crushed and demmed up, are inexhausttbie che character of the psople Im the Germen provinces is not tarbuient; tho ariszocratic element is very pow- orful, and, urless the arietceracy are wholly plinded und incapable, they will percrive that their own safety a4 Well on that of the Stace, depends ou their astively espousing the cause of rational reform. Thist some such men, capable of guiding the versel of the Stats through these storms, oo exist in Austr, we believe; Dut it is imporeibte to f-roses what chance thera is of their botpg celled to the exorcise of supreme power. Yet nothiog can avert tote! ruig. ‘he emperor is. ea Is well knowa, quite incapable of any decisiva or con- Sand reigned under his hame, are cart aside vy this iumuait, ‘The beir-presumptive, rok of the orchouke Francis Charles, is alad ; pertinps the archdude Stephon is the ovly member of the imperial family who could 1ope for the coufitencs of the pation ; bus he is Pals- ingof Hungary, and hea more thon enough to de ther Ag forthe aoture of tho reforms which ere nsgently required, they are immense and universal; they tuvilv: he wbolition of an entice system of administration, w ric of public fwactionaries who: ra mpiro. Jf euy mae ean accompli a Austria may be saved, or the Iements of wetrong and pro-perous government, not togenerating {nto popular hiernse, are not waotivg. Bat thisis the more fai view of the case, whica Wa scaresly hope to see realized, prebadle el ive 18 of & more al rming it is by no means w like! cellog (Mm by o oadition oF « e, th fol! of the or ntra otee contcire: to nea'ialis will be fo lowed Dy a center rewtnes ond fe edom o he expulrion of » the ontes 0) the wou revolativaary charaoter. in the prevent state of national provineos, aud in (be éleotr ost atmorplere sil oF ° nuliority, waiell bes