The New York Herald Newspaper, April 12, 1846, Page 2

ARRIVAL YORK HERALD. | pril 14, 1846, or THE whine EXPR QUEEN OF THE WEST, CAPTAIN WOODHOUSE. ‘The steamer Unicorn has not yet arrived. She is now in her twenty-fourth day at sea. It appears to | be the opinion of those last im England, that she sailed on the 19:h ult. Lf not anticipated bya packet | ship, she will bring nine days later intelligence. Defeat of the Whigs In Connecticut and here—The Causes, | It 1s a fact well known and admitted by | the politicians of the two great parties into | whieh this country is divided, ‘that the whigs | throughout the Union are decidedly in a majority, and can, under favorable auspices, succeed in get- tingthe control of the national government, and likewise of most of the State governments. The question then naturally arises, how 13 1t that they so rarely succeed, and allow a party that is admitted to be in the minority to get control of the affairs of she country, and succeed in retaining it. We have frequently answered this question in the columns of this journal, and pointed out, in the clearest manner, the causes that have brought about this anomalous state ef things. The principal, or indeed, the only one, is the con- duct and mismanagement of the whig leaders and whig editors, throughout the country. If ever a party was cursed and ruined by the fol- | ly and imprudence of its leaders and editors, none | was ever so completely ruined as the whig party in | this country has been. There never hasbeen una- | nimity or concert of action among them. They ANOTHER REDUCTION CONTEMPLATED IN have kept their party in a continued state of fermen- | tation, by their bickerings and animosities; and in- THE CORN LAWS, stead of devoting their time and talents to the ad- | ROR ON igs Tay vancement of the interests of their party, they have | The Probable Free Admission of Indian Corn. been eternally discussing extraneous subjects, with | aferocity and malignity that have reflected dis- | i i} = HIGHLY IMPORTANT FROM EUROPE. THE REVOLUTION IN POLAND. THE WHOLE COUNTRY IN ARMS. THE OREGON QUESTION IN ENGLAND. The Semi-Official View of the British Government. Activity and Improvement in the Corn grace upon themselves, and brought ruin and defeat Markets, upon their party. The whig party, with the exception of one brief month, have not had possession of the general go- vernment since the year 1828. In 1840 a whig Pre- | sident was elected, but not by the whig party. Gen. Harrison went into office by general acclamation, 7 which was brought about by the corruption of the Piet A ee nee eee tba ast Jackson and Van Buren cynasties, and the state of Capt. Woodhouse, arrived early yesterday morn, the country at the time. But were hetrueting to the | ing, from Liverpool, with advices to the 10th ult., efforts of his party—to the exertions of the think- | inclusive. ersand editors of his party—he never would have She brings news later than we have received by sat in the Presidential chair. After the whirlwind which carried Gen’l Harri- | the skip Adirondack, -although:the A. sailed from son before it, had subsided, and the equanimity of | Cork, on the 18th ult., one day after the Wm. J. the people had been restored, the year 1844 rolled on, | Romer, and arrived here one day before her. and Beary Clay was nominated by the whigs for | The intelligence is important. the E rosideti¢y:” Bar: Clay had personally more of} The insurrection has spread throughout Poland. | the elements of popularity, than any other man in Fit, oF 3 the country; the times, too, were favorable for his | The whole country’is lit up with one {revolutionary election, and up to within about three months of the | lame. | ‘ day of election, his suecesa was certain andbeyond | The cotton market had improved. doubt. But the same unfortunate influences which | The London Times of ihe 9th ult. contains a long had, in other days, deteated the whig party, were | atlicle on the Oregon Question. It 18 ort of again brought into operation. The same bickerings | demi-semi-official opinion of the British Govern- and discussions about extraneous matters, that char- | ment. acterized the whig press, were again indulged in,the | |The corn markets are active and improving. same personalities and billingsgate were employed, There are tobe great reductions in the Russian the same ruin and disaster were brought about, | tariff. and, of course, Mr. Clay was defeated. It is said that the French funds had declined. We have a more recent instance of this un-| The English government were active m sending fortunate conduct, in the election in Connecticut,— | out re-inforcements to India. This state has been for a number of years, one URC ote eae SS Pa- of the greatest strong holds of the whig party; | "8 yous, bordeaux, and other places in France, but in it, as well al this and iar bites on the principle of the English Anti-Corn-Law League. the whig editors and leaders have been in a state; The number of seamen required by the English of warfare with each other. They have kept up | Navy estimates, is 27,500, boys 2,000; marines afloat a diecussion concerning the merits and demerits 5,500; ashore 5,000 —total 40,000. of nil the fanciful isms of which this day and | _ Jt issaid that the artillery, turned with such fatal generation are so prolific. They have seized hold effect sgainst the British troops an} India, was pur. ; | chased in Ub ee about five years ago, by General of all these faaciful doctrines, pulled each other | to pieces in their discussions, created divisions | Ventura, for the late Rajah Runjeet Singh. A reduction equivalent to 23 3d Ps, ton, has been in the ranks of their followers, until the whig | made in the charges for stowage of British shipe,at party is disintegrated, and split into innumer- | Erber deeati hi ti ed into bi able cligues, factions and parcels, that can’t be | tween Naples, ‘Seeédan, Norwiyread Satine, united, and offer easy victory to the democrats. The Dublin Boeting Packet a this th'a tone We see the same results, produced by the eame | meeting ot the membersof the ’S2 club, Mr. Barrett, causes, in Connecticut, as well as in other,places, | proprietor of the Pilot, (Mr. O’Connell’s organ,) and the probability is that at the next election in that | ee opored asa member of committee, and w State, the democratic party will have an easy and | —_F a complete trumph. -_ | queen otthe West Now ‘York, mokecante com, The present distracted condition of the party in | signed to Fielden, Brothers & Co., there were this this city and State, has been brought about by the | Week landed and weighed in thirty seven and a ame means. There is no question that if the whigs ae hours, hd ee weighing 1,400 tons. of this city had been united, in readiness for the en- | fect avalon reelpranitieiant rea: entered: ae suing charter election, they would be returned bya | between Russia and Sardinia. All differential greater majority than was ever given to any party. | duties upon both sides are done away with. The wilful and unprecedented corruption that has| We have received advices from Paris to the 6th marked the party at present in power, has disgust- | ult., inclusive. Mi | the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies, the ed the honest portion of the community; and a mark- pet th ‘J ft : : puties, ed determination existed to drive them from office. | os NED es De cess But at the me of election, we see the whigs dis- | demanded for the Yonne, the Marne, and the Sar- jointed and separated, with separate candidates for | offices, and their strength frittered away, 80 as to | the, respectively, were agreed to. In our extraordinary express of Saturday we ensure the election of their opponents, and another | year of profligacy and corruption. anticipated the news from South America, which It is lamentable that the whigs will confide their | interests to such men as they do. Surely they have | had the effect of depressing the funds in the Paris which reached Mar- had bitter experience, and ought fo know bett-r. Bourse. The steamer Charle: e, h the 2nd inst., brings news from Algeria to the 28th instant. ‘The truth of the matter is, as long as the whig party | allow themselves to be used and misled by their seilles on the evening of 1 The cavalry, 600 strong, under the orders of Gen- leading men, they need not expect to succeed. NAVAL PREPARATIONS IN ENGLAND. STATE OF THE MARKETS. &e., &e., de. * | ville. | Bhlidah had been strengthened by the arrival of 200 Justice Taytor.—The conduct of this gentleman y oon ee iipe. since his nomination by the whig and native parties, pgfan ede obcpeberhae iene Marg Toree hundred infanti irail- for the office of Mayor, 1s a riddle that we can’t | leurs Teft Bowe om api Ae ey aleeeinele ia unravel. At the time he was nominated by the na- | de Chambriere, for the camp at Bathna. tives, he wrote a public and a private letter. Inthe | _Navat Preraxations—The extraordinary ac- former he declined being their candidate, because | tivity which prevails in all the dock yards, in oyer- his private business would net admit of being sacri- | hauling and bringing forward frigates of the heaviest : ¥ class, is very ominous these ci ficed. He stated privately that he was about to | vessels which Will be: tequired 4h San wits engage in the coal business,which would require all | America. In addition to the 44 and 50 gun fngates his time; in fact, that he could not afford to be “ready in commission, the following vessels of the Mayor. same class are either Preparing for commission or Now the same obstacles that prevented him ac- | undergoing careful examination, namely—the cepting the nomination of the natives, are as strong | Gloucester, a line-of-battle ship razeed to a frigate; the Raleigli, 50 wiles 3 the Southampton, 50; the to prevent him accepting the nomination of the whigs. | om, Piers thee apg gg ne Aan Indeed, we understand that he has not formally ac- | 50; the Java, 50; and the Alfred, 50. There are cepted the nomination yet. pred atsea the following vessels of this class :— The G pus, 50; the Eagle, 50; the Melampr If this be the case, what a farce it was to call a " f ee 4 vies: | 44; the Vindictive, 50; the Wi : ‘! meeting confirming the whig nominations. It cer- | non, 50; the Endymion, 4a; the Z residact, 66; tb tainly could not have been any thing but a trap—a | Winchester, 50; and the America, 50. locotoco meeting in disguise—and all the speechify- | The n Question In England—Seml-OMi- ing and hurras, nothing but providing ammunition | Seti og the egiun eran ee ‘or the locos. | Prom the London Times, March 9.} In the way of concession and argument on the Oregon question, little now remains to be said or done by the British government. The strongest First Gun ror Orr@on.—By the report of the meeting of the democracy at Tammany Hall on | Friday last, published in the Herald of yesterday | desire has been repeatedly expressed on our side it appears thet a resolution was submitted to the | I eal aie one Lag a been - Py . | le eration, i \- losafven multitude, declaring the right of the United | fined to such narrow limita,’ that neliiinen batees. States to the Oregon territory, as faras the Russian | treme presumption, or rather a species of hostile line, and that the resolution was carried by accla | infatuation, on the part of the American democrats, mation, and in the most enthusiastic This json thar cr tga Cpe . manner. | further abatement of our rights. We are in actual is asign of thetimes that ought to receive the atten- | possession of rather more of the Oregon territory tion of the British and American governments. than we pane ever claimed as ver own, because, as Sle trellldted cots: A fong as the joint occupation lasts, the concurrent F P e time since, that, if this ques- rights of both parties extend over the whole coun- tion were not brought to a settlement one way or | try. We have at our disposal ample means of the other, within @ year, it never would be set- | defending our rights. We bad never, at any period tled. We predicted that the people, the almighty | i? the history of our country, less reason to recoil le Of Both ehte. op from a war, or to fear the result of a contest with people of both countries, would take it out of the | an - : - 'Y power, but more especially with the United hands of the diplomats,and settle it in their own way | States. Yet we, on our side, have strenuously and We repeat now what we then said. If the Oregon | sincerely labored to effect a compromise. We have qnestion be not brought to a point soon, by diploma- | ech to the sased resteer fi ti May med cy, the two governments will never settle it. What | can coveroment, ne tad ae bane tmatie ‘ol those would be the result, if the people of both countries | blunt arguments to which alone they now appear to took it in hand? The result would certainly be, be accessible 5 until at length we leara, with more that the two people would engage in a contest of | vloare ave content rg as mre “ye ~ A words, which would end ia force, and of course | lead, if they are ailowed to seemnene ia ito ane draw inthe governments of both countries. A long | Wasous a aad bloody war ; | ir zeal for maintenanee of peace, and our > other Paso: abies ensue, which would deluge | deference for a nation with which we beet be much f lood betore it was finished. in common, we have gone so far as to admit that ._ How important, then, it is to have this question, | the claim to the Oregon territory i this q yt tory is equal to our <“Bomparatively insignificant in one respect, but mo- | PW and to argue that a partilion is the tnirest 80- : » lution of the difficulty. The Ameri hi mentous in othe Ts, settled by the governments of | not to be satisfied until the convert this concession Resiead od the United States, at the earliest possi- | of a part into a surrender of the whole. ‘Their claim le moment. 18, to say the most ot it, no better than ourown, sin: they themselves do not dare to submit to the arbi- | tration of a third party, knowing that the public opinion of the world has already pronounced agai: it. Yetfrom this most imperfect and controverti- | ble claim they seek to extract twice as much as Mat vor Boston.—The steamer Narragansett will leave this morning at 9 o’clock, for Providence, and the Oregon leaves at 5 o’clock in the afternoon: | this intention be avowed by the cabinet of Wash- eral Yusuf, had encamped between Blidah and Join- | we contend for—n' raise their own preten’ 8 to absol ilet the, altogether annihilate the rights we h: racheally the question in dispute has never been brought | to a true issue, The two quantities have not been | reduced to a common denomination; they (differ in | | their very nature; and whilst our position not only | admits of acompromise, but suggests and requires | | it, their’s 18 utterly at variance with the first prin- | ciple of such an’arrangement. Mr. Buchanan’s | last note says too much, unless indeed "it says inad- serieaty what is the truth; for the arguments b: which he endeavours to show that the United | | States cannot submit theirclaim to arbitration, are equally cogent to prove that theiz claim will not ad- mit even of negotiation. Mr. Buchanan “appears to | forget that the Un'ted States have negotiated ; that | | he himself, by his last proposal, for tne fourth or | fitth time conceded?that point ; that the House of | Representatives, by their second resolution, have in fact sanctioned the principle of negotiation, which is, in other words, the principle of mutual conces- sion. When the American Secretary of State says he cannot do what the manifest interest and dignity of the two countries require, he must either mean that the Government to which he belongs will not do it, or that that Government is acting under the compulsion of the party, excited to madness on this question, which carried Mr. Polk’s election. The | practical question for us is to ascertain the ‘inten- tions of the American Government. If Mr. Polk his advisers are sincerely pacific, they cannot but succeed: there is no obstacle, no impediment, no difficulty in the way, except thore which they | have themselves created. To bring about a war with us under such circumstances, they must be | the worst statesmen in the world it they do not | seek it; or the most rash and unprincipled, if they deliberately intend it The time 1s, however, come | when we are forced to judge of their real motives | by their conduct; and, as they have not encouraged | | further argument, it may not be premature to in- | quire into the amount of their tarces. | We are informed by tue prodigious volume of | American statistics recently prepared for both | Houses of Parliament by the diligence of Mr. Mac- | gregor, that the standing army of the United States consists of one regiment ot craprcns one romney of riflemen, four companies of artillery, and eight regiments of infantry. ‘The whole number of troops now in the service is 9,317, exclusive of 781 com- missioned officers. An act of Congress of 1842 re- | duced the rank and file of the army 8,920 men this reduction is now proceeding, and when it is completed the standing army will consist of 7,590 | non-commissioned officers, musicians,artificers,and | privates. It is true, that it this corpsshould appear rather small for the defence of the United States, and the invasion of a region situated 2,000 miles | | off, on the other side of the American continent. | the militia force of the United States might by, | its numbers at least, have excited the envy oi | Xerxes or Bonaparte. The Army Register for | 1843, contains the appalling annouucement that this | multitudinous host is commanded by 627 generals, | | 2,670 general staff officers, 13,813 field officers, | 44,938 company officers, being in ail 62,205 officers; nor are these numbers at all excessive, when we | learn that the forces under their command consist of 1,885,645 men! For the purposes of defence against a foreign invasion we have no doubt that | these American citizens would exert themselves ereditably. A considerable number of the younger | men may even volunteer to take a part in offensive | operations. But we have no, hesitation in saying; | that to bring anefficient army of even 30,000 men into the field, prepared to march beyond their own | frontiers, is the most arduous task which has ever devolved upon the Federal Government of the United States, and with its eer power and re- sources we believe it to be absolutely impracticable. The navy of the United States consists of 11 ships of the line, two of which are afloat, three are receiv. ing ships, and six on the stocks, or under repairs. The 14 first class frigates of 44 guns, are the best part of the fleet; of these four are on the stocks and three in ordinary. ‘The two 36-gun fri e old. The small vessels are, 17 snes of war, rigs, 9 schooners, and 6 steamers. ‘The navy list contains 67 captains, 94 commanders, 324 lieutenants, and 138 passed midshipmen, 416 midshipwen, and 31 | masters. No estimate can be formed of the real strength of the crews of the American navy, because it is well known that a considerable portion of this fleet is manned by British seamen, who are attract. | ed by the high pay of the American navy in time ot | peace. But that very circumstance shows the ex- | treme difficulty of manning an American fleet in war, and especially in a war with England. Their ships are, in fact, worked to a great extent by En- glish mercenaries, a large proportion of whom would Boyne a return to their own colors on the outbreak of hostilities. rag ot We content ourselves with this simple enumera- tion of the forces of the United States by land and by eea, which we hope is correct. We know not what course Mr. Polk may intend to pursue after the gation ot the treatyfor joint oe- cupation has been duly given ; and we shall await with more curiosity mn alarm the enterprises which may be projected for the purpose ol expelling | British subjects from a district where we happen to command the coast and the interior, the Indians | and the forts. The world is perbecity aware that England is notthe attacking party, that we are | content to leave matters in Oregon es they now are. If the Americans mean any thing, they mean to dis- | possess us of what we hold. At the same time, if | notice for the abro; ingon, or if it be disclosed by votes of money and warlike preparations which imply a fixed deter- mination to engage in this absurd and flegitious contest, no state is bound to wait to be attacked. Mr. Polk has already instructed the American Mi- nister in London to ask for an explanation of the activity in our dockyards. His own conscience | might have given it to hi is own language has | put us upon the defensive ; and although the termir nation of the convention of 1827 by notice is no | casus belli, yet the disposition indicated by that no- | tice, and the means which may be taken to car: that disposi:ion into effect, may hereafter furnish | ample ground of suspicion, of remonstrance, an finally of hostilities. A bold and manly course on the part of the British government will probably not be without a good effect in the United States; and it will undoubtedly command the unapimous sup- | port of the people of England. (From the London Examiner, March 7.) The Americans seem determined to be original— with moral, pol'tical, and international laws. all and | exclusively their own. Their standard of right, of | | logic, and of honour, are quite new; quite different from anything of the kind received or admitted by | anterior, and of course inferior races of men. Our | diplomatists seem sadly puzzled how to meet or | deal with arguments so novel, which at bottom are neither more nor lees than an appeal to war, and a reckless, though sophistical provocation of it. After failing, for « ‘dor third time, in | negotiation, our cuvoy, Mr. Pakenham, pro- | posed to refer tue partition of the territory | to arbitration—t» any arbitration—that of a sovereign, that o any body of jurists, or eminent men ‘The answer of the American is a curious specimen of evasion. Mr. Buchanan says he could nevei refer the question to arbitration. He might, | indeed, refer the question of title, provided the de- cision of that title ended in nothing, or was in favor of America. But to put itin the power of any fe reign arbiter to take away a territory from the Unit- ed States, that was impossible. In fact, the only principle on which the American miniger would negotiate upon, or submit to arbitration, was the old and well-known one of “I win, you lose.” Ac- cording to Mr. Buchanan’s rule, the United States | can never submit to | sent moment. And there seems to be amon; ac i t it considale st by no means a bar to the Te- ESS PACKET SHIP enjoyed formorethanhalf a century. Thus, in fact, | newal of negotiations, When the lower House of Representatives have said this, Senate cannot courteous ; and thus pears the fear that any measure of the legislature might lead to an iM mediate interruption of our re- lations. But the difficulties of negotiation still re- main, and unfortunately they remain in the hands of Mr. Polk, who may with much reason be sus- ‘ted of a wish to precipitate and provoke war,and @ great measure, un’ country- It he told us exactly willing ee ‘ag his, men into it. | we could take counsel, and make every effort to sa- | tisfy him. ver, because of its being the great road of ir 3 and egreas to Central Americafrom the Pacific—if his wish was not only to monopolize this, but also to grasp the best part in Fuca’s Straits—here, too, we might know, atleast, how far we could go to meet him, But whilst English diplomatists play down their cards, and are frank in their proposals, Mr. Polk covers his face and purpose with one de- fiant mask of demanding the whole of Oregon to the 54th degree ; and we have not yet arrived at the certitude of even a good conjecture as to what will satisfyhim. As tothe American le, there isa majority against war, and a considerable rtion is favorable to amicable. relations with us. it there isa minority, formidable from its ene! and its influence over the igovant, which, decided- ly desire a quarrel with us; and Mr. Polk, if not szanile of this party, makes use of it, and identifies himeelf with it, in order to foree the more reluc- tant and wavering majority to support him in bolder risks and more dangerous pretensions. Mr. Polk then ventures forth, like a civilian field-marshal, probably in search of no more than a diplomatic victory over the Britishers. He may, however, venture too far, and convert a diplomatic into a mi- litary struggle. Never, certainly, were the fortunes and the peace of two.greag countries go perilled by If his sine qua non was the Columbia | what strikes us to be more political coxcombry than either patriotism or generous ambition. (rom Bell's Life in London, March $ 1 The last advices from the United States bring us the most unquestionable proof of the bad state of feeling whicn influences their Government. Mr. Polk, a perfect nonentity so far as a reputation for statesm: ip Was concerned, was thrust into office by a party determined to carry out 4 war policy, and being in office he still acta as the tool of the party which gave him a political existence. He may fancy this to be a duty of gratitude to those who made him President. But he forgets that he | owes a higher duty, a more solemn obligation to his country and to his God. His utter unfitness for office is proved by the fact that he seems wholly i; norant or eee of the responsibilities whic! tend it. He looks not to the inte: of the millio over whom he has a temporary sway—his care is directed to the wishes of the faction that by adroit- ness hoisted him into the Presidential office. To the behests of a faction he sacrifices his country and wantonly offends the laws of humanity, Let it not be deemed that this faction is banded together by motives of apure and disinterested kind. The love of place and power is gs great in the United States as it ever has been in any of the oldest and most corrupt governments ot Europ>—much greater than we believe it to be in England or France at the ee. the party of Mr. Polk less of tbe spirit of a gentleman to check and restrain, to reduce within proper bounds, this inordinate love of place. The tenure of office by the Polk party is deemed possible of much extension, if the chances of war are adroitly taken advantage oi—and the income from the sale ot the lands of Oregon would supply an ample fund with which to feed and gratify official desires. The mild and temperate behavior, the gentlemanly forbearance and courtesy of the British government are there- fore disregarded and misinterpreted—and English reluctance to soma in war is insolently assumed to be the proof of English weakness or fear. This isnot the construction we put on the acts and speochies of the United States Ministers. With e omission of the word “ insolently,” the descrip- tion we have given of the conduct of the American Ministers might also be taken as their own. have again and again declared that if the United States claim is resolutely pressed, England must and will give way—that the whole claim must and will be conceded, because England will not go to war. Ifthis supposition was true, it would be little to the honor of the United States government to act upon it. It would be insulting and wrong ing a nation, merely because that nation was too weak to {ache the insult and avenge the wrong, or because,for some reasons of principle or prudence it chose to forbear doing so. Let the United States people be warned in ti . The desire of the Eng- ish Government for peace is that which most hon- ors it. England is mach too powerful to fear war or its results, but Englishmen shun it as an evil, which not without a great necessity, ought to be in- flicted on mankind. So far as the Oregon territory is alone concerned, great as our concessions have been, they might have been much greater had we | been met in a different spirit. But an honorable Man insists on strict right when intimidation is at- tempted and insult offered. Like the traveller in the fable, he may be overcome by the potent geniality of the sun, and bos f readily and willingly yield to its in- fluence, but will firmly gird his cl around him, and resolutely stand up against ning storm. The United government does not seem to be learned in such wisdom. It had better takea lesson. will more fitly discharge its duties and more truly represent the people over whom it happens topreside. We do not believe that the peo ple of the States desire a war with E id. Their comforts would be sacrificed, and their best inte- rests most seriously injured by it. Those of the Polk faction would alone receive benefit. By the rules of the Constitution, the people are now unable to control the Legislature, and the active and dating {action having poseess- ed itself of power, determines by the mad the certain people not accustomed to such an exercise. Lord Aberdeen’s answer to the demands for expla- nation as to the increase of our military and naval forces may touch a moderation hitherto not dis- played by Mr. Polk or his party, and mey save that party from imitating the course of the Sikhs, who were resolved upon war, though policy, as well as justice, forbade their engaging in it. . {From the Liverpool Times, March 10.] It will be seen that the American House of Re- preeentatives has authorised President Polk to give notice to the British government that the govern- ment of the United States will consider the treaty for the joint occupation of the Oregon territory at an end, at the expiration of a twelve months’ notice.— This is in itselt nothing more than was expected, bur Iie sarprise has been created by the largeness of the Eooett by which this unfriendly, if not hos- tile, vote has been carried, and the support given to it by go members of the conservative or whig Rn, The latter circumstance proves that th like the democrats, are more anxious to maintain a contemptible popularity with a rash and unthinking clase of voters, than to preserve peace, or to save their country and the world from the evils of war. After such a majority in the popular House, it is hardly probable that the Senate will reject the mo- tion of Mr. Allen, for effecting the same object. To | giyili do so would require a greater degree of moral cou- rage and of superiority to party interests, ihan we can venture to expect from the leaders of the ic party, in that assembly. As party politicians, b dent Polk and Mr. Buchanan, the Foreian Secret2ty, | | | i} | | | use of it to justify the proverb about the riding of | }, | | } | should no that they, in the co: } have played their cards with remarkable ski!l.— | Whatever the Senate may do, the f at least can boast of having bearded the Engli government, arbitration a question of terri- | and of having maintained the right of America to | | | tory. Where land is concerned, the Americans re- | every inch ot the Oregon territory without flinching, | serve exclusive to themselves the office of deciding on their own right, as wellas that of their antago- | nist’s. Why confine this principle to territory? If | it be rational and sound, it equally applies to all | rights and interests as wellas to land. It we sub- | | mitto it in ove way, we must accept it in all.— | The result woutd be to place the people of the United | | States 1n an exceptional position, to place them be- | Ha the pale of civ'lization, and quite above’ he | eggarly elements of religion and morality... Dit. | ferences we must have with such a wide spread and | powerful and bordering ration. But differences can never be settled with the present governing party in America, unless by our submission to their wishes, for re ing is out of the question. With a country | where political conscience and reasoning are of this | kind, war, we fear, is inevitable, sooner or later; if | not for the Oregon, for some such question. In the society of a mere bully a man is never safe. How can our relations with America be ever secure when her lan, n ic are of this kind, and whilst the feelings which dictate both are so undisguisedly | insolent as almost to reach the burlesque? The great difficulty in thie question is, and has been, | not to discover why the American or the English right is, but simply to make out what the Ame- Ticans want. We English are anxious to satisfy them, and give up all we can with honor. But Ameriean pretensions have always so regular- ly and impudently advanced as our aie » that our statesmen be; to think, with much reason, that all ie Americans seek (we allude, of course, to the mad and dom- nant portion of them) is war. Some years past they were contented to give the free navigation ef the Columbia in common, and to take the degree. Now they repudiate this, and, as they say, “ Go for all the Oregon.” The danger to peace on this side cf the Atlantic has certainly been caused by this slipperiness of American statesmen. If Mr. Polk was bent apon producing war, he could have taken no other path and adopted no better means. wd | undisguised, unreasonable war he had not @ m: | ty to support him in deslsing salt prosecuting ; but | he has manwuvred and provoked, and set every en- | gine at work to create and work up 4 majority in t Congress to insist on the whole of Oregon, which | is ievitably war. House of sental have done his bid: in the matter of ordaining that notice to the convention with us given. The whig votes were qvenly divided at the same time that they have placed Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Benton, and their other democratic rivals, in the position of either sacrificing their claims to po- pularity by opposing their measures, or their claims to consistency and common sense, ' rting them. Looking at the interests of the United States and at the peace of the world, this is contemptible enough, but nevertheless it improves Mr. Polk's chance at the next Presidential election, and Mr. Buchanan’s at the election | Dg, and this evidently considered “the main chance” by those gentlemen. Although the fiving of this notice would have been an unfriendly act under any cir- cumstances, it might have produced no great mis- chiet if its effect had been merely to fer the de- cision of the question into the hands of persons dis- posed to settle it on reasonable grounds. Instead of this, however, it gives full powers to men by their past declarations against every pra te epee tery and toa eats. sanctions any follies which they may cot 4 ture. The "tne who have caren ered the Whole matter into the hands of thove yop ae rought it to its present alarming > gees who ‘are themselves willing to push the question to extremities, or men who do not ral to resist those who are dis- posed to do so—end thus weakness the violence of some and of others both tend to - same ye some persons are of opinion at the ‘seotiad roopietiony in which further negotia- tions are al |, takes the venom out of the first. The slightest consideration, however, will show that this second résolution gives the American no powers of negotiating which it joes not now possess, whilst the first gives it powers of forcing on a war which have never been beg: i> sacha hod American Executive. is trae lent can again open nego- ath but after the indirect sanction which is has now received from the House of Re. ays ad and which it seems likely to receive the Senate, it is not likely that he will do so, and still less that he will propose conditions to Brit iment even as favorable as those which it has 80 often rejected. a zi further negociatien: therefore no concession, whilst the authorizing the notice entitles the American Executive to take whatever course it may think it at the expiration of that term. it | | governments. The proposal of a joint submission | energetic than judicious. In an: | at the expiration of the contem: lower House ‘the notice should be freee ty enor Pol il ar May next ; and the American government, during the interval between the giving and the expiring of the notice, should either decline to renew negociations on any terms, or offer yams ae Deine overecnent cannot accept ; then the wi regon - tory will become partand parcel of the United States, at ler April or May, 1847. Now we leave it to any one to cide what isthe courve which is likely to be taken by President Polk, when the expiration of the notice has removed the only obstacle which now exists to the carrying out of the views. Who can doubt thata | vernment which has recommended the forming of a | Posts fromthe United States to tha men to protect emigrante the granting allotments of , will go to country, with a view to defend the | claims of the United States, will exercise its right | ot ownership in the Oregon territory, at the expira- tion of the notice, in a manner which wall immedi- ately lead to war between the two countries? To us we acknowledge it appears to be a mere delusion to expect any thing else. The sole choice left to the Britwsh government, if the Senate should concur with the Ho resentatives, will be between sub- iano tae e pape d poy Sas to worse terms | than those it has already re, ppicede gebnsesion, at the end of twelve months, to all the claims of the | United States—or armed resistance. We tear, then, | that there 18 now little hope that the peace between the two countries will be preserved. * * * | * ** (What course the British government will take, now that arbitration has been refused, and that ation has failed, remains to be seen. It | will probably wait until the American Government | gives it formal notice of its intention to seize on the whole of the Oregon territory. That notice being given will produce an ultsmatum, in which the | claims of land will again be asverted, and some | fair methed of setthng the question of iad will be shitn popes sandy, maar cree be sed, noth- ing remains but War [From the Liverpool Mercury, March 6] | | } | The friends of peace, humanity, and civilization | Pea M will have read with sorrow and indignation the | latest accounts from America, of which we give a | summary in another column. One more chance of a pacific settlement of the territorial dispute now existing between this country and the United States has been cast contemptuously aside, by the reckless pany that are now domg what is in them to dis- onor democratic institutions and principles, by ex- | bibituag them in practical alliance with what were once deemed the characteristic vices of arbitrary of the Oregon question to arbitration, twice made by Mr. Pakenham on behalf of Great ‘Britain (27th December and 16ih January)—first, to the arbitra- tion of some friendly sovereign or stat>, and next to that of a mixed commission of jatists an civilians—has been twice rejected. RS The President, it is but too plain, does not rest on the point of right, but on something else. The full practical import and probable consequences of these proceedings, will better appear when we are 1n pos- session of the debates in Congress, immediately subsequent to the communication of the above in- telligence to that body. For the present, we can only say, that a government which, on such 8, Tejects the civilized, humane, and Christian mode of sane an international dispute, and refuses to “assume” the possibility of a doubt or limitation attaching to claims that have been the subject of diplomatic litigation from the earliest recollection of the oldest living statesman in either country,renders itselt answerable, before God and man, for wha! ever may follow. Of course, in the meanwhile, un- til we receive tidings of .a very different complexion from the last, there is nothing for Great Britain to do but to act on the principle announced by Lord Aberdeento Mr. M’Lane, that “ itis wise in peace to prepare for tie exigencies of war’—leaving the responsibility of all acts and measures wading to war, to rest on the shoulders of those who adopt them. We are not going to begin any war. Any disturbance of the status quo must be the doing of the government and the people of the United States. Wemay add, that we do not, by any means, re- gard the case as practically closed against a pacific settlement. The healing and peace-cementsn; re of free commercial intercourse between the two coun- tries yet remain to be tried ; and we are much mis- taken if the intelligence of the approaching repeal of our corn and provision laws do not prove e| cious in disposing the public mind of America to Tational and peaceful councils. Mr, Polk may, per- haps, by and by, make the unwelcome discovery, that his desperate plunges for popularity, and fora renewed term of Presidency, have been more . yc it is by no | the United States wil be prepared, ee oe : ed ‘Dna peahirg Notice, to take the step of forcible appropriation of a peaey a aE Band aie 8 tees 2 i | ly recognised, though unde! Tights of occu- | paney and poswonninne Perhaps, alter all, the whole | business is but a bold experiment in the art of bully- ing. The experiment will not answer. Eagland abominates No excessive fondness for “national honour’’—but England: would deem it rudent to surrender clear and unquestion- its to the threats of any power on earth. means clear that Since the above was written, there has been ano- ther arrival from America, via London, bringing in- telligence to the 12thultimo. From this, we that on the 9th, the following resolution was in the House ot pase Representatives by 2 majority of 168 to 54. According to the Executive, the object of this saving clause can only be accomplished by an entire surrender of all the questions in uispute on the part Great Britain, in tact, by a second edition of the Ashburton capitulation, making still more complete concessions to America. Now, although it may true that the territory in dispute is comparatively | valueless, and not worth the expense of the first six | months of war—to say nothing of the death and | loodshed attending 1t—atill, the encroachments ol the United States must be stopped somewhere. If A ANOS 2 REAR MNCL HS akties ne ast in the opinion of the American Executive,in | B Duchy o be | andare 4 ror Bigg Whenever the a: price of barley, made up and published in the manner required by law, ehell be for every quarter under 263. the duty shall be for 360. and under 276. 197s, apd under 28.. 28s. and under 293, . . eweveee cececac mwemen, eoaces ae Barley Meal : For every quantity of two hundred and seventeen and a epee a duty equal. in amount to the duty y- ery quantity of one hundred and e’ one aE eo fe rede np heben the payable on a quarter of oats. Rye Meal end Flour : For ever: six s, payable upo: and Bean Meal : For every quantity of two hundred and sev- prey pounds ; a duty equal in amount to duty payable ona quarter of peas or | ifthe produce of and imported from‘any British Wheat, barley, beers or Bigg, al ibe 6) IF, OF oats, and beans the luty oral ES for pa oni juarter, 10 ‘Wheat meal, bariey mesl, oat meal, ryé meal, pea seen, snk beat sash ihe duty shall be for ‘ Hod Vant froma and after dhe sald ist ot Febraary, toast there shall be paid the following duties, viz : wi bigg, oats, rye, and ee 5 c - 04 agreed to; pesolution tobe open ne to the hous: 2. Resolved ‘Thet in lieu of the duties of customs’ hargeablo on the articles under. mentioned, import- ba into the United Kingdom, the following duties shall be charged, viz :-— Buckwheat, the quarter........ Maize or Indian corn, the quarter, meal, the cwt. . Rice, thecwt. of and from ons Tough, and in the husk, the quarter. . of end from @ British possession, the 4 o 2. Question put and agreed to; resolution to ported to the house. 3. Resolved, That in lieu of the duties of customs now chargeable on the articles under-mentioned, imported into the United Kingdom, tho following duties shali be charged, viz: & tes or cornelians, manufactured, or set, for see Unt oT 0 beer of all sorts, the barre! paste of, for every £100 value. Amber, manufacturers it every £100 value Arrow root, the cwt: Arrow root, of and from Per CWt. sees eens The Polish Insurrection. The German papers which have to-day come to| hand, says the Journal des Debais, bring news from, seo w up to the 24th ult. Poland he e events passing in appear to have) assumed a serious chatacter, which 1s not disguised| by the principal organs either of the Prussian or Aus pan. government. city of Cracow, the capital o/| land under itsformer kings, the descendants of the Jagelions, had, aocaliena te tbdes journals, for four jays been the seat of anew government, oy self the “Provisional Government of. the Polish Na- tion.” It was on 224 ult., the day on which the Austria troops and the evac! the town, that the new has constituted and installed iteelf ir the old mansion known by the name of Krystot: and with which the Poles of the N are connected. joseph resid ed in it 1709, during the Polish campaign agains ‘Austria. The new ‘government, immediately upo its wstalment, published a manifesto to the Polial red in “ow it dwells upon the offerings of th: upon th to rise en maz throughout the wi © we cco = @ a> cco & ie hole of ancient Poland. On tn 28d itissued a decree forbidding, under pain c death, all the attempts against private and. publ property, and declaring, at the same time, that any persons who should establish po:itical clubs, or at Sociations, without being authorised by the govert ment to doso, should be declared as traitors t their country. The following are tne a above alluded to, viz :— ““ MANIFESTO “ ‘To the Polish nation—Poles, e , the hour of insurrectic bevdanby The whole of mutilated Poland rises 08 youth are whose counsels sustained The clergy are deprived of all res) {Bee who haves yesolved to live or die oer Not in this arrogant and unjust epeqre Tespect- | destroyed or immured in are in regon, the next demand may be for nha | ing so'atevery instant. gtoane of the millions foundland. the British West Indies, the Channel | our brothers perished the knont or inst Islands, ay, or even for Ireland, in the spirit of the | terrenean cells have reaced our hearts, resolution recently submitted to by one of | foundly ‘We have been robbed of yd the representatives ot the people. We atill hope | endour, oe eles Patan that the giving of this notice may only serve to ‘opposed to the amelioration of our sooial expedite the negotiations and bring about an amica- Ferien ‘armed ble settlement, and that the bulk of the American people are too wise aud too honest to sympathize with their thrasonical President and his Ministers ; in the ile we are glad to see that the British Government has prepared, and is preparing, for the worst. In such case perfect preparation for war, and war upon the most effective scale, is the best possi- ble security for the preservation of peace. Such Preparation has been made by Great Britain, and if America, misled by the results of former contests, w court and compe! a war by perseverance arse upon Which her Executive has enter- ed, it will be the greatest and most awful mistake imo which any nation has ever fallen, and genera- | tions yet unborn may have to rue the consequences. Whatever these be, justice and reason are now clearly on the side of Great B itain, and America wi look in vain for sympathy or approval from any ized community is he faee of the globe. Tho Cloud in the West. {From the Dublin University Megazine ) A cloud is on the western sky, > bluststing high, Ob, let them look in bonds For their to where i bondsmen Sweep the wide Atlantic sea, And tear their chains away ; There take our stand, | And draw the brand, Asin the ancient day. Veil, starry banner, veil your pride, The blood-red cross before. Emblem of that by Jordan’s side, Man’‘s freedom price that bore. No land is «1 that owns a slave, Vain is it wealthy, crafty, brave ; Oar freedom for our stay, ‘We'll take our stand, And draw the brand, Asin the ancient day. Shout, dusky millions, throagh the world ! Ye scoutge-driven nations shout ! The flag of Liborty’s unfurl’d, And freedom’s sword is out ! ‘The slaver’s boastful thirst of gain Tends but to break his bondsman’s cha in; ‘And Britain’s on the way To take her stand, And draw the brand, Asin the ancient day. [From the Liverpool Times; March 10) The New Corn Law. d to in the ¢ 6:h ult.,.and is now payable on meal, or flour, there bruary, 1849, the fol- importation of corn, grain, shall bo paid until the Ist day of Fe! owing duties, viz :— | wlimported from any foreign country ooncur in the | “Whenever the average price of wheat, made up end | most urgent measure of | Our arms and give us victory ; but | that farther must not dishonor ourselves. Let'us not treat with tiam those who are to us; let us not 224 of this month, at 8 o'clock in the evening, § house of Krzystoloarni, and to all the authorities tuted by the government, as God may stand me in) This manifesto shall be published in ali the jo the government, and in the sheo! Fulpié ofall tho churches, eod stuck up tn al ulpits of all the c! peg Dated Cracow, Feb. 22, 1646, and signed?) jorzkowsky.” t “ pecaer. “The ferseement of the revolution being absol’ the whole of Laden responsible to th+ nati tried as a deserter a 8 court martial. a lence, however ited, extortion, espionage, de tion of the public money, or its oth with death "ivhoerer Sail, without the aa 5 ver wi rate a he centage Every asa rc cou G Rein its circle, establish as mi signal as may be necessary for placing in comm with the neighbouring communes. The be yen or poles bound with straw and cove! itch. Tho destrnction of a pillar, Che Rope eing lighted up, shall be punishable wi Rational colour ie whe ond parple, A oe e purple grout wi wi h zd tarand e tha Tt; fn Ta ight fost so and in ite @ crown ~ be the seat of all the tribunels end ties of the country.— Dated Cracow, signed Lonis Gorzkowsky, haries \ Jantyssowsk G. regor: and Alexenter fesbentnaahe § of which were signed betas it ki, on wealthiest and tao ow moe Pons soe of . ma resorte: Proviat verni qs