The New York Herald Newspaper, March 19, 1846, Page 3

~ with contradictions, or commentanes on his posi~ in American affaires, must be relin- nations beyond the Atlantic. Their on all these questions, embracing re gon—peace or war wil to monarchical i LATEST INTELLIGENCE BY THE MAILS, Highly Important from Washington. Remarkable Position of the Ozegon Question —Peace or War. Wasuinetox, March 17, 1846. _interventions in our of this country at the next nize their party for the in opposition | affairs, before the | election, and on rt presidency. They will, also, embrace Califor- | nia, and whatever else can be procured from th The Debate on the Oregon question has now brok : next teached such a position as to create a belief among the moat intelligent, that there will be no notice— =. negotiation—no compromise—in fact, that the ‘ole will be an abortion, and that the question, with | all its contingencies, will now be ra out of the a (aevrtae tel rete hands of Congress, and precipitated before the peo- | su ple at the ensuing elections. It 1s also;believed that | negotiation—and at the sai G | as will astonish all the other 1 eae cate Oregons uestion ngs will dem ay the the tariff, and all other measures proposed by the | Texas ioe Such as may have survived the administration, are ina fair way to reach a similar | of oe The ae —4 ere eerie destiny. Such being the case, growing out of pre- | themselves on 49. This will be sufficient ground ‘sent appearances, the contingencies of peace or war, | — pesca Cat nengtd This new party ina shorter or longer period, are just as uncertain or | they did on the lee var ny Cane the, hiak sat probable as ever. a t t arguing and contend: | Agrinnt American rights pad haat Fi Mr. Calhoun made a speech yesterday. Itis re- | There is nothing which this new party dread markable in its developements—in its views—in its | i snag, tht the Sith government. would taka adalins. The | alarm, and return Mr. Polk his own offer. Pro- recommendations ve never seen sucha crowd | vided Mr. Polk will not accept, they are strong Tush forth to the Senate to hear any speaker, on any | enough, and possess nerve to organize a party Oceasion, as en yesterday rushed towards the capi- | thoughout the country; and are determined to tol to hear Mr. Calhoun. The ladies, Contrary to all rule, crowded on the very floor of the Senate, min- gling with the members and ministers, to hear what | have the whole of Oregon, war or no war. _ Another reason that may induce Mr. Polk to | side with this new party, and to terminate all ne- 9 | galintion, is the be! ro that Ue Fey etre e “great Calhoun” had to say. This | fom eS eee bBo Mya ‘ speech, I | friends have any secret hanketing for re-election— must say, 18a remarkable one. The first remarka- | andI have no doubt he has, trom Legge ‘dle speech in the debate was pronounced by Mr. | heard respecting the distributions of office, that Haywood. He presented in the richest and raciest | should Mr. Polk be nominated a second time by manner, the divisi 4 " ~. | his party, he will not absolutely refuse to try it » the divisions and distractions of parties in | again—in fact, whole course of his policy the Senate, on this Oregon question. The speskers tends to indicate that such motive controis him. who followed Mr. Haywood, contented themselves | From this new party, by a singular train of events, all the old politicians, aspiring to thé Presi- | dency, are excluded by their own volition. tions. The next speech of any note was undoubt- | oe te of Mr. Calhoun. That is a speech, singu- iand characteristic, and somewhat similar in A ; design. The divisions and distractions of | give to Mr. Polk the victory over all cligues in the ; Party, | democracy. They say Mr. Polk m ther b rs cee by IMir. Haywood in a sarcastic manner, | Jackson ee a Tone ‘Tyler, according hes is: ona X ye’. by Mr. Calhoun with all th ity | choice. | E ‘ of a philo caer, The doubt and , Gasctiaraiy- ot | Such is the best view I can give of the present : | co id entangl iti i things he re, have thrown equal doubt and uncertain- | Oregon fanned ea ire poplar fe so that this new turn in political movements may '¥ ove se the position of Mr. Calhoun—so that he | sire for change. The new party—or 64 40 men— | | appear ia ave the greatest and , peri of ‘o existing circumstances, and may change yet | Lies Seta Te Chine tat ek emer ee ce . ees and poli lead more. In fact, Mr. Calhoun’s speech, eloquent and soon Py hoe, “This org saantioa Or ihe new master profound as it 1s, has succeeded in making “‘dark- | May influence even the President to join them. In Seer 4s to have changed his first ground, according . 4 | that case, they will reach greatness beyond redemp- | news more visible” on the Oregon question. The | tion or repudiation, and Sueir indiachoe upon a only parallel to this debate, and the conflicting inte- | other questions before Congress will be very great, rests, views and bearings which have developed | 80 that it 1 possible, on looking around, to come to themselves, can only be fouund in the first book of ag Oe ** Paradise Lost,” when the distinguished Sena- | which will pre d precipitate 4 torsof those splendid regions below, deliberated deciiera ling 10 inway th J wil country, but decide nothing. In this way they will whether they would goto war with Heaven or not. bring on, sooner or later, a collision with England, | England— | e | dently expected—in anticipati alt thi men are all confident of possessing this feeli ee sre 8 lock te indie fa oamenb iy Mr. Polk, not- | of the < ge °in relation to and the several : ps whatever be the | ed. a a issue of parties in Congress—is w:th them. Iam | me Hs are people from Baltimore, from Rich- in Congress will soon | con; houses, «nd will take | few rties, | General Cass isthe only one who belongs to them | that ever stood in the position of a candidate before; | | | TWENTY-SINTH CONGRESS. In Senate, i : Wasuincton, March 16, 1846. | In anticipation of a great speech from Carolinian to-day, in which something new, some- thing decisive of the ultimate action and conclusion of the Oregon controversy was generally and confi- at as to assemble inthe e Senate, five hours in advance By nine, every niche was occupied, entrances to the chamber blockad- speech. lelphia, trom a near and from afar, gated to to hear Mr. Calhoun. There were a undreds only capable of being accommodated, and at least three thousand absentees, from the want of room; for were the leries of the Senate com- petent to the accommodation of five thousand per- sons, they would have been filled to-day. We hope this present Congress will not adjourn without some arrangements for the extension of the “area of freedom” to the people. It 18 out of all reason that the Senate of the United States should be cramped up in such a small out of the way corner. a Day cloudy, windy and lowering, but with the ra- jiance of those approving eyes, we are to ney [ALF-PAST . M.—A general chattering, like that of a flock of starlings of some tive hundred thousand strong, heard in the deep woods half a mile off, not avoice nor a word distinctly audible from the confusion of voices around us, behind us and before us, and above us, and below us. Some | twenty-odd Senators present. Twrive O’CLock M.—The Secretary read a let- ter from the Vice President, George M. Dallas, ap- pointing Mr. Sevier President of the Senate ad inte- rim; Mr. Dallas supposed to be in Philadelphia tor the time pein Prayer by the Rev. Mr. Milburn. gree of Thursday Leal ip etitions were presente: lessrs. Speight, Breese, Chalmers, Cameron, Ji omaecn; ot Maryland See and Dix (Indian treaties) Archer and ass. _ Mr. Yuceg submitted a resolution of inquiry, call- ing y ie the president fot information of the expen- ses of the government forta series of years past, in all their multifarious details. Lieg over. » _ Mr. Dayton’s resolution calling upon the Execu- | tive to say to the Senate whether or not in his opi- nion the state of our international relations calls tor @ preparation for war, was taken up. _ Mr. Spgicut asked of the Senator that the resolu- tion might be turther postponed till to-morrow. Mr. Dayton eaid, that with the understanding that the resolutionsshould be considered to tmorrow, he should concur in the postponement. The resolu- tion had already been put off several times. “DAILY TIMES” VERSUS THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.—REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF INVESTIGATION. _ Col. Bentox, from the select committee of inyes- tigation, appointed on Thursday last, to inquire into certain charges of the Daily Times, of this city, of the Sth, 9th, 10th and 11th instant, against the inte- fy, of the Senate of the United States, asked leave to report. Pursuant to their appointment, the committee had promptly proceeded to the investiga- tion of the charges of corruption uttered against the J. did not doubt that it was difficult at times to hear was, the reporter of the Dail: Tine derstood the speech of aaa Tien irom Nosth Ca- rolina, (Mr. Haywood.) In that paper, is reported to have made a speech tration or of any other paciffic could be effected.” Mr. J. said had he | gallery he did not know but he mi | derstood the i (Laughter.) ys Mr. Benign, said he had heard with great regret, ight also have un- committee, (Mr. Dickinson, onaion, the authors of this libel against ol the United States, were the victims of imposition. He would ask the hi i \* meee te fk, paoranie Senator if he had un were more the victims of imposition than anythii else. They had been exceeding ly taul; ay had | done wrong—they had pethape lard toot tance upon the mere rumors of the day, not satisfy himeelf they were wilfully malicious Mr. Brnnien expressed his unaffected surprise that any member of this body, and especially a member | of this Senate, should here intimate that these libel- | lers of the Senate were the victims of imposition.— | were called upon to state the sources of their alle- gations, and theyhad been contradicted by each and every witness they had called to their support. They had uttered an unfounded calumny, periectly baseless, and now they cannot plead themselves victims of an imposition. The report of the com- mittee shows that these individuals had no authgri- ty derived trom other persons, and no authority of eir own. Thus they stand before the world, not as victims of an impo: the Senate of the United States. Mr. Dickinson said he would ‘not permit the Se- nator to make an issue aye @ point that he.had not made. The Senate, while controlled by a sense of justice, can afford to be just. He concurred entire- ly in the report of the Committee, but doubted the expediency or necessity of discharging the report- ers. But while he did eo, he should not resist the peseage ofthe resolution to discharge them. No nator of his official age had suffered more from the misrepresentations of the 1ewspapers than Mr. D. There was scarcely a day in which he did not Teceive some anonymous communication of some sort, done—as he supposed, in thelanguage of the shop-keepers—done to order, and tor which there was a price paid to the individual so employed. To this he did not object. But he doubted the efficien- cy ot a resolution to expel reporters for misrepre- sentations of the whole Senate, unless there were | included those who oo aes on and assailed the individual members of the body. This, of course, could not be done. For correct reports of | the proceedings, it was desirable that the Senate | | should have a corps of its own upon the floor below. He thought that in the establishment of the ca- | lumny upon the party arraigned, the Senate had a sufficient vindication. | Colonel Benron,said, that as it wasnow 1 o’clock | the time for resuming the regular order, he should | move now the printing of the usual number of the Trepart and testimony ; and that on to-morrow he the remarks of Senators upon the floor. Certain it | If 80, by whom were they imposed upon? They | had not un- | without the sligh Sepator to be in favor of arbitration. a he woul and more so, that the Senator wasa member of the | ton were used as a moral weapon, did the P: i- ) that in his (Mr. D's,) | dent intend t it f of intimidation % 1 fo Sensis | itase end to use it for purposes Mr. Dicktvson replied that he had said that in | that this convention of joint occupanc connection with other matters, (laughter) that they | ginning, was Wwrong—that ilies who jormed it made ition, but as calumniators of | they looked at such men as Monroe, and possibly with al Europe. Senate. T igati Weare ine wring | na ‘o this investigation they had confined | should move for an extra number. As to the reso- President as his bond—that he held therein the most explicit language in the expression of his opinions, | test prevarication. He (the Presi- dent) had told them in the most explicit manner, to (the Times) | assert the right of the United States to the whole of the 4th of March,the Senator trom North Carolina | territory, ak tonal by an appeal “ia favor of arbi- having done this, he thought he could look to no ment that ulterior motives on the part of the President—it een in the | would be throwing an agpersion upon him go to do. to arms; and But in the aspect which ihe question had now assum- ask, was this done for moral etlect? it done in order to effect a compromise, by using it asa moral weapon? And if this declara- it would be idle to employ such a stratagem of diplomacy towards Great Britain—suca a resort would be perfectly useless in relation to that govern- ment. The Senator trom Missouri had considered , from the be- great mistake in 1818 and’27, and bartered our rights by the terms of the compact. He wholly dissented | uch impor- | from this view of its character and results, and took | » but he could | an opposite view. He coincided inthe wisdom of | those who procured the provisions ot this agreement and the temporary Sf ype this convention. They would have decided against the necessity of asserting our rights by arms, or acquiescence in abandoning our rights to the territory, if it had been possible at that time to establish our title at 49. We | all know that it was at several times attempted and failed. This convention was at once a substitute for war, and used as a meens of propitiating our rights; and though honorable Senators might be op- | posed to its terms, he considered that the men of | that day had acted wisely in effecting this ar- rangement. Looking upon the time and the date, it would be wrong in us, at this day, to pronounce harshly upon the acts of our predecessors. When | and Rush, and Clay, it would be hard to look to their names, and to such names as Jackson and others, down to 1843, and to impugn their motives, and to array them for a want of patriotism. It would be hard to pro- nounce on those men, who acquiesced in | this compact from time to time. He did not now refer to another prominent individ- ual who also had some connexion with the ques- tion. This was the state of opinion, the position which the three parties occupied, when the subject of the notice was brought betore them in the early part of the session—that our rights must be aban- doned, or maintained by an appeal to arms. Since | then, a mighty change had taken place in public | opinion—a great change here and in the community | abroad ; and the pronunciation of that change was | clearly and alrea t, in favor of “ compromise.” In | this body, he could ‘say that a great portion of the | Senate, a very large majority,” were clearly in favor | ot. “compremise,” honorable compromise. But | this was not all: the British government itself had | given the strongest demonstrations that it was deci- | sively disposed to and substantially in favor of com- promise. No man of intelligence could read the remarks of Sir Robert Peel, in answer to Lord John Russell, without saying that England was prepared to accept a compromise, or act on any propositions substantially the same, or upon the same basis, as | that which had been declined. The declaration | was made, and the object was sincere—it was done with a view to tell the representative of the British | government here, that it was intended to give em- turn, and the influx of populition would change the position of things ;"thiat popeasiice was on the in- crease, and Lapa ean e said, he would chng to the convention, whichwas the only way to decide the the question, and on that ground they would have the territory by settlement. He kuew that their emi- grants could secure the territory by marching to it, and that every year they could e rate by thou- sands. Great Britain could not reach it but by wa- ter, which would cost her a voyage of some 20,000 miles. She had many 8 nearer to her Oregon—many nearer and more eligible for her emigrants to settle in; even New Zealand was nearer to her than Oregon. He had said, let us ad- here to the convention and the question would thus be decided. There were many unpediments against Great Britain. As to the charge of apathy which de- lay it was said, attributed to him, he knew that acting hastily could only operate against us, when, as it was contemplated the United States would by and by ina quiet manner occupy the whole. H- saw it was one thing for them to give the notice and another thing for Great Britain to give it, which was reserved by treaty. But there was another convention whic! Great Britain claimed under, and this we did not recognize at all—the Nootka Sound Convention— which they (Great Britain) asserted could not be set aside. In'this state of things, he, (Mr. C.) thought itought to be our policy to give what facility we could to extend our laws to Oregon, so that our citi- zens would be protected—to extend them teritorial- ly—not to fetter the trade of the country by high du- ties. With such encouragement our people would go there—and this was the critical point. The bill of 1843, which was before the Senate, provided for extending our mghts by acting prematurely. It would bring about a point in issue that would lead towar. He then thought it safe to rest om xegotia- tion Mr. C., after reviewing the course of the bill of 1813, went on to say, they stood now where they were then. He felt no responsibility now in the po- sition in which he stood. It fell upon hisfriends upon the right (the democratic party proper.) He stood, however, for com promise,against war. If war, how- ever, was forced upon them, he would be the last man that would flinch from doing hie duty. He wasaverse | to war on this question for general reasons—he was averse toit, because he considered peace as a posi- | tive foods and war as a positive evil. He would cling to peace go lot as peace could | he clung to; and would only go to war so | far as it was consistent with the safety and | honor of the Union. He was opposed to war because the exigency did not exist to demand it.— War was a prerogative meant for the maintenance of our rights; but there were great and powerful Teasons not to go to war on the present question.— If they went to war, they should go tor Oregon, “all or none.” He would ask, what would be the effect of this contest with a mighty and powerful nation, with every advantage agains: us? So long as Great Britain had power on the waters, she could maintain the contest. If we had war upon the Oregon question, it would soon cease to be a | war upon Oregon. It would be a struggle for em- Tope between twe great and powerful nations, who possessed great resources. e next object of de- claring war would be to protect our people in Oregon. Our people would be duly pro- tected by our laws. The compromise on 49 would carry out the objects of extending emigration. He was opposed to war and in favor of compromise on still higher grounds. He believed that the most The same state of confusion appears to exist iti ory / <, » | and critical position. Nothing will stop the ele- in both Chambers—the same * darkness vi- | ments now in motion, but a Panny Gitemeat of sible, ‘throws its devious light around. sarcasm from the one side, and philosophy | from the other, revenge from a third and piety from | a fourth, seem to characterize the various speeches | Scientific Classification of the Senate, according to | of the various members. The debate is still going | on, and we shall probably have some more original | speeches before the question is{taken. Probably | the question will not now be taken before the be- | ginning or ending of the ensuing week. What the result may be no one can tell. Mr. Calhoun avows | that he has already modifled and changed his opi- | nions on the “notice,” and may change them’ on | the arrival of the next steamer. Whatever the re- | sult may be,when the vote is taken, it is likely there may be some, serious disagreement between the Senate and the House. Many here are changing | their opimionsas to the policy of the notice, who | firmly voted for it. Allagree, however, and believe in the policy of extending some kind of laws over | the Territory of Oregon, beyond the Rocky Moun- | tains; but what these are to be, heaven only knows, | and it is doubtful if heaven takes the trouble to | make the calculation. | One of the most important elements in the solu- | tion of this extraordinary state of thing, is the ne- gotiation With England—its existence and position tothis day. Rumors have been circulated that our government has sent dispatches to Mr. McLane, our Minister at London, directing him to make } inquiry of Lord Aberdeen’ as to the proba- | bility of his government directing him to re- | sume negotiation on that point alluded to in | the last speech of Sir Robert Peel, in which | he regretted that Mr. Pakenham refused the offer of 49, so cas it might pea at basis Ad eomprompe. is Conjecture was to speech Mr. Calhoun, in the hope that it may Te- | open pegoustion; on the: other hand, 1s No | probability that the Britich government will re-open | negotiations—indeed, the seem to be ‘hat they will do no such thing. It is not possible tor | our government, under present circumstances, nor | is it consistent with the disposition of Mr. Polk, to renew the offer for negotiation which was Tejected | last summer; neither do believe that the Brak | overnment will m: any proposition q Polk would teel inclined to The best opi- nion, therefore, is, that negotiation has entirely ter- minated tor the present, and that there is no [ikeli- hood of any thing being done until C shall have acted, and given a grave decision‘on the vari- ous questions at iesue, when it is believed that the country will take it up at the popular elections. confidence e; by Mesars. Haywood and Cal- houn, and others ot the compromise section, respect- | ing the favorable termination of this negotiation, has | rested entirely on the disposition ot the British gov- erament to treat. It this does net exist, their confi- dence ie entirely groundless, and 1t throws them back on 49 with the whigs; or on 54 40 with the | ‘ultra-democrats. the whole, I do not see the slightest ground ted to convince the mind that’ there igre hope of negotiation between the two governments, terminating ina in the present crisis of the country, which vould’ be accepted 5 eent int the Senate. ‘Whea i Hagetivtee be we the confused state of things connected with the va- | 8 rious parties in ‘and the measures propos- | ed by them, and also the position of the t > | Granade the cashiel ofan eae ae the | controversy entirely . I am convinced | that these chances are certainly diminishing every | day, anid that the whole subject) with all i ieeuce | and important consequences, will be precipitated on | Sewer 4m spite of every effort to Keep it either inthe of the Executive or of Congress. Indeed, | Mr. yesterday, expressed hisgreatest fears | that thra ( question may become an important elerjent in the next elegtion for the Presidency. I ‘am not sure but these tears are predictions, and that | the apprehension expressed by these leading men will oo the same effect upon the couairy that | they have upon a portion of themselves. uch is the extraordinary confusion in which all | are thrown already, in this Congress, by the importance of the Oregon controversy ; yet, out of this confusion Iam convinced that there isa new party scant. anima it circumstances favor the | Pa pon jaguate the whole sort ha conception, an juce consequences between | ‘thu id, and throughout the civic | his heemay' and , v lized world, the end or issue of which no man can tell orpredict. The 54 40, or ultra Oregon men; re- main in a fixed vn hed Apher bye ions and } eligues uses ant parties, are uncer- tam what todo. The ey the ultra Oregon ‘men is to throw tl ves boldly upon the Ameri- | can right to the whole of the territory, against all ne- ation, Their object isto fill up by emigration, increase of population, by occupation iu any | ‘wayit can be done, of the whole territory. Westcott, Allen, Case, Hannegan, ¢ = are the leaders of this new parry, this “young lemocracy,” in the Senate, and Judge Douglass, ~ and others, in the House. They have already had | one or two consultations, or caucuses, and there was a committee appointed to assemble at another intormal meeting,Saturday next,in which this whole | affair will be brought forward. At the last conéulta- | tion, held last Saturday, 1 understand about forty or | fifty from both Houses were present, and that after a long deliberation as to what policy they should pursue, it was mooted it they should go tor the no- tee. ey are determined to meet again on Satur- day. bg party believe that the British Go- vernment ll not negotiate on 49°, and that Mr. te de Polk can’t negotiate for less; and, therefore,they are | safe on that i , also, are straining every nerve to procure aid Ce ap the country, so as | to influence the President's mind mad. ass Bim so | take up their position. They may be for the notice, | or No notice, aecording to circumstances; but they | are against all negotiation—and wish to extend our laws over Oregon and to establish post-roads and military “posts through the Souti-pass. pen 5 with this, they have a notion of a revolution which will take 1» 80 as to Change the present aspects of the Chinese trade, and ma- king the Oregon Territory the highway between the | great West and Europe. To accompish is, they | Mean: to press it, almost to the risk ot war. are determined to show their front to the govern- ments of Europe, and to make them certain that all | party has had two caucuses all of an | company. | ladies, and with such zeal that the requisite funds have The | the Oregon Space by a treaty—and that is very, | very doubtful ‘Wasuineton, March 16, 1846. Buffon. Senate, on the Oregon question. There are at least | eight divisions in the Senate. The number of that body is, without the two Texas Senators, 54, and with them 56, of which 29 is a majority—29 cannot be got for any one measure proposed. 1, There is the}54 40 notice anti-British-inevi- table-fight-war-hawk-star - spangled-banner- spread- eagle party, in which may be numbered Messrs. Cass, Allen, Hannegan, Breese, Atcheson, Semple, Poca ee Cameron and Ashley. Presi- dent Polk belongs to this party. It is doubtful if it does not go against notice yet. As soon asthe Pre- sident understands that he is in favor of 49, he will go, against the notice himself as a good 54 40 man. 2. There is the 49 notice N.S. E. W. party, which belongs Messrs. Benton, Haywood, Ba, Dix, Sevier, ;Atherton, Niles, ‘Sturgeon, Fairtiel Turney,and two or three others. President Polk be- stands that he is in favor of 54 4', he will go against the notice asa 49 man. see Ae 3. There is the 49 “ masterly-inactivity”-modi fied notice-anti-war. negotiating-free-trade-compro- mise-anti-tariff Calhoun party, to which 18 attached Messrs. Calhoun, Yulee, Lewis, Colquitt, McDuffie, Chalmers, and Speight, and one or two others.— President Polk don’t belong to this party. 4. There is the long-qneer-“tenet”-54 40-no- Notice-no-fight-no - nego: iaiion~yu'|-defence-naval- eg odd tag go party, of which Mr. Westcott, ot Florida, is the leader, and, at present, the sole member. This party is for stealing Oregonin a quiet, peaceable, decent way, by a system of mas- terly activity in transportation—making it a sort of Botany Ba} body, for Uncle Sam’s military, naval, judicial and civil loafers from the States, by the use of the American multiplication table. This ready, and passed, we learn divers resolutions. We give them as we have learned them:— " 1. Resolved, We will claim all Oregon. 2. Resolved, We will have it. i 8. Resolved, This is a land of freedom and liber- ties. 4. Resolved, We go for free trade in commerce, in lands, &c. " ‘i 5. Resolved, When we intend to fight Queen Vic- toria, the best is to give no notice. twa} 6. Resolved, We go for 20 steamers, to be station- | ed at Pensacola. ee 7. Resolved, We fg for one million, to be spent at Key West and the ‘ortugas. 8. Resolved, We dont go for Polk’s re-election, or Buchanan’s succession. . President Polk don’t eaceny fe) this party, Buchanan either. Jt is said Butler, of Kentucky, is the candidate of this party for the next presidency. This makes up the democratic side of the Senate. Now for the whigs. : 6. There is the “blistered tongue” , of which the vot hae chief. He is notin ayor ot be- in it by lemocrats, saying or doing any thieg on the side of Great Britain os He remember last war. A burnt child dreads the fire. A fox hose tail has been cut off in a trap—see Webster's spelling-pook. Some six or eight whigs will follow | him as soon as they find out how he goes. He don’t himeelf yet. 6. Now there is the ultra whig tariff party, who want to keep up the tariff, and will go for war if nothing else will do. Evans, Simmons, the two Claytons, Huntingdon,and some four or five others, it is said, belong to this party, and will go forthe no- tice and war Spropriauoneyaad even war, to aid the maautacturers. There are some 8 or 10 whigsin this pile. fi 7. There are then a small batch of Or whigs —Corwin, Jarnagin,Crittenden, Woodbridge, More- head and some one or two others—who will go for prudent proper measures to secure the country to us. They are the salt of the Senate. 8. There is still another class—Archer, Mangum, Johnson, of Louisiana, Johnson, of Maryland, Barrow, Berrien, and some two or three others, that go against Polk and mind the tide,to help whig- gery along, and try to get a whi Lac in 1848, ‘e should not be surprised if Colquit(s resol tion was defeated, it Crittenden’s resolution was deleated, if the House resolutions are defeated, if Allen’s resolutions are defeated, and all are laid on the table till about 4th of July. Mr. Webster may make the motion and another war speech. If so, it will be worthy himself and the occasion, and the fd will report it in full. INCH. From Havana.—By the brig Empresario, Capt. Collins, we have received our {ull files of Havana pers to the 28th ult., inclusive. Quite the most in- “nate procure tm Waroe'o id opt a The business was teken in hand by: the been secured. wy Kegon 7 Santa Anna continues to cares of State in his congenial pur- fighting. He is reported to have touched the Habaveros to 4 lively tuoe, boasting a strain of blood among hie chickens which is almost invincil ‘While he thus amuses Hie ly. with attractions @: the Generel from his fa The latest dates Ve were to the Oth ult, brought by the Spanish sloop Flor Llanes. The French wer steamer Tonnerre was recently at Santiagu de Cuba, having on board the French Coustl at Hayti. The Consul went ashore to attend balls and con- certs, The stay of the Tonnerre was uncertain.—N. 0. Pie., March 10. Mextco—Interesting.—News from Vera Cruz down to the 23d ultimo, was received last night at the Dopartment of State. Almonte had the cflice of minister of war, and Tornel has been appointed his su cessor, Lucas Alamen, the editor of the new royalist journal at Mexico, (the Tiempo,) had been com- led by public ben is agen of from the city, his life in dinger, his paper had been pronouuced the rey: party had taken open a eapage ya Mexican have ome much better inclined towards the United States. Upon the whole, our affairs with Mexico were assum- ing & more hopeful sxpoct.—FVashington Union, Merch 16, | t@ the position of the reporters in the galleries, Mr. | message, nor Mr. | | | | to by, | | longs to this . Itis doubttul ifitdoes not { ayumee notios yee As soon as the President mates | } | themselves, without arraigning the prisoner with a view of consulting his punishment. They had called, in the outset, Mesers. Robinson and Dow, ot the Daily Times, who, upon their own testimo- ny, or the evidence of other persons, had promised to establish the truth of their allegations. The committee had, accordingly,requested the editors to state in writing what they expected to prove. This was done, and the charges of the editors were re- A firet rate Wall streetjcalculator would be sorely | 1uced to three specifications—to wit: perplexed to ascertain how the result will be in the | lst—That at caucus, or consultation, at the dinner- table of the British Minister, seve! embers of the Se- nate were present ; and that there was a corrupt con- versation and collusion on their part with the British Minister, in reference to the Oregon question. 2d—That there was a caucus of the whigs, on the Fri- a ding the meeting at the British Minister’s ; and | that at that caucus it was agreed to have a vote taken | upon the Oregon question in the Senate, which vote | os go out by the British steamer (them about leav- | |—That noses had been counted, and the vote ascer- | tained, at said caucus, and a promise given to the British Minister of their fidelity. ‘ 5 Ta rey tothe dinner at the British Minister's, the editor of the Times had called in as witnesses, Mr. Samuel E. Turner, of Cleveland, and Col. Sa- muel Medary, ot Ohio, who stated before the com- | mittee, that they kne@ nothing of any dinner held were also implicated, who had severally sent in editor’s statements. The committee, therefore de- nounced this specification as a falseand contempti- ble libel. Respecting the caucus of the in the Senate, the whole story was unfounded and untrue. ‘There was no private meeting of the w! and certain democrats of the Senate, on the day charged, at which the British Minister was present, nor at an’ other day. A few days before the day of the al- leged caucus, there was a meeting of the whigs of the Senate, at which it was resolved to pursue a course diregtly the reverse of thatycharged in the | Times newepaper ; for it was determined thereia to | Move a Sarthe of the subject for two weeks ; | and the Senator from New Jersey, (Mr. Dayton,) on a subsequent day had, accordingly, moved the Sd eri This second specification of the imes editor was, therefore, an absurd fabri- cation. In respect of the third charge, that noses were counted, the vote ascertained, and the fidelity of the majority so ascertained pledged to the Britisa Mi- nister at his table, the whole story was infamous | and contemptible, despicable, false, and vulgar. Mr. J. M. Clayton had been cited by the editor as a witness to this charge, and his testimony was, that he was utterly amazed at being summoned to eeevs — allegations so utterly false and un- founded. tain weste:n papers, and among them, (as we un- derstood,the St. Lowis licam,)in which had ap- pear in advance of the offensive editorials in the Daily Times, similar charges to those of the latter named T, had refused to sign his own deposi- tion, e editor of the Times had no personal knowledge whatever of the truth of the charges he had uttered against the Senate. The report of the committee concludes with a re- solution, that the editor, proprietors, and reporters ot the Daily Times, be henceforth excluded from the (reporters) gallery of the Senate. Col. Brrron, after the reading, left the secretary’s table, at which he read the report, and id over to his own seat, and thereupon moved port, Noa Ma the testimony before the committee, printed. [Voices—** How many copies?’ ‘How many?” 5 ir. JOHNSON it it Were pro ‘to post- pone the adoption of the report, or to adopt it now? Several Senatore—“Now!” “Now!” “ Mr. Turney, as one of the committee, heartil: concurred in the report. He had never met wit such unfounded calumnies before, as the charges against the Senate by the newspaper in question. [pon every charge, so far from there being the slightest shadow of an affirmative, a negative had been proved. y ‘ Mr. Dickinson said, that ocoupying the position which he had, which he did, and which he intended to occupy on the Oregon question, he could not be ex to participate in the sympathies existing in any quarter, which looked to a “compromise” upon this question. It was his duty, however, to say, as one of the committee, that there was not one single word of evidence brought forward to sustain the chatges of the Times, which affected the satarity of the Senate, or of any Senator, in the slightest degree. i But, still, he thought that the resolution for the ex- pulsion of the reporters of the Times from the galle- Tes was not eepecially required to the vindication of the Senate. It wasatime of great excitement; and the editor and the proprietor of the news, ry who had certainly behaved like gentlemen belors the committee, were led improperly, hastily and rashly, and without evidence to the charges the: had made. But he thought nothing would Le gaited by an attempt thus to restrict the largest liberty ot the public press. Whohad not suffered by its misrepre- eeentations? He was in favor ot organizinga of reporters for the Senate, and of giving thon © place on the floor below. The present position of the re- ters in the ry was such that they could not ear distinctly, nor report accurately. Betides, there were those among the reporters who were guilty of wilful mi sentations. He (Mr. Dick- inson) had been wiltully misrepresented, and his perverted remarks had been interlarded with every sort of correeei ge ppevemearsty. But all this he re- garded as idle wind. [{{t Mr. Dickinson here re- ferred to the Herald reporter, we challenge him toa committee of investigation ] The press should be left to correct its own abuses, for indue season its | very excesses would restore it to its own legitimate | and healthful channel. He would piace no restric- tion upon the patie press, but would leave it to the ordeal of public opinion. In regard to this specific —_ he pone the editor bt ba great geo | the victim of imposition. . D. expressed great that the examination had resulted to the complete vindication of every member of the Se- nate. Mr. Jarnaary, (chairman) said that having been, himself summoned as a witness, the duty of prepar- ing the report of the committee had fallen upon the ator from win, Johnson, of Md., and in reference to the houn, cba Pieea cet Doe Jr eith he of ol them, (ldughber) ar-ashonx the cetetccone Co at the British Minister’s. A number of Senators | sworn statements, utterly contradictory with the | Mr. G. M.T. Davis, of Illinois, a reporter for cer- | it the re- | Senator f uri. To remove any surprise at this proceeding, he would state that upon the main cl the editor had referred to Mesers. | Mangum, Archer, Barrow, Berrien, Jarnagin, Cor- | lution, it was intended to expel those men from the gallery provided for the reporters. _ | _ The report was agreed to, including the resolu- | tions for the expulsion from the reporter’s compart- | ment of the gallery, over the chair, of the editor, | Proprietor, and reporters of the Datly Times. |" Mr. J.M. Crayton was understood to. say that | | one of the witnesses (Mr. Davis) was still in the | custody of the Sergeant-at-Arma, and suggested the propriety of ordering hia release. | Mr. Srgiaur moved to take up the special order. Colonel Benton said the witness was not in cus- | | tody. He had merely been summioned to attend, | foe a investigation being closed, he was dis- charged. | Mr. Crayton then withdrew his proposed mo- tion for the discharge of said witness. On motion, the Senate then resumed from Thurs- day last, the special order of the day, being the ori- | ginal resolution from the Committee on Foreign lations, providing for the twelve months notice forthe dissolution of the joint occupancy of the Oregon territory, together with the House resolu- tions for the same object, and the several amend- ments, modifications or substitutes, from time to time proposed in the Senate. ‘THE TWELVEMONTHS’ NOTICE. Mr. Catuoun peg antiiied to the floor, rose and said :—The question that came up under order was, whether notice should be given to-Great Britain, that the convention for joint occupancy of the Ore- gon Territory, between her and us, should termi- mate at the end of the year. To that question he should. direct his remarks, and should also limit | them. He, also, should say nothing upon our ttle to Oregon, having been connected with the negotia- tion in reference to that subject, and from a consi- deration of the propriety of passing over the subject matter, having immediate reference to title. He would also abstain from making any remark of a personal nature—from assigning any motive ot feel- ing on the part of any individual; but would ex- press himself freely, candidly, and also to the sub- ect which he intended to introduce in his remarks. ‘ith these prefatory remarks, he would proceed to the consideration of the question of notice There | was one point in which all must agree, and that was, that a great chaoge had taken place upon this ques- tion, as regarded the important issue of peace or | War, since its introductign in the early part.of the Beasion. At that time it wasa great question, in- | volving the important issue as to whether peace should be preserved with Great Britain or not.— | Now, however, the question was one of minor im- | portance, and the notice may be decided either way, | without any decisive effect upon the issues of peace or war. So U her> has been the change, that the question in Message, in regard to the notice, was no longer applicable to the position it assumed in the early part of the session. The unqualified | positions of several Senators in the early part of the | session were natural, from the recommendation of of the President, founded Spee the supposition that | NO compromise could be effected, in consequence of the issue of the negotiations. This willbe admitted | on all sides. Indeed, the message declared that no compromise could be effected. On that point the | | {usting the question on the forty-ninth parallel | had been withdrawn. Upon the same conviction, | he (the President,) recommended the Passage of the notice in a manner asserting our rights to the whole territory, and assuming the conclusion that there would be no compromise; so that the notice should be passed, we shall have reached | a point when the question would be solemnly sub- | mitted, whether we shall abandon our rights, or | maintain them at the hazard of war? Throughout the whole of the m e, there was nothing about | compromise ; and yet he admitted that the ground n which the President based his opinion, to the | effect that there was no hope of compromise, reated } mainly upon the fact, that the British minister had Tejected our proposition of the 49th di . He | mitted further,[that next, there was | that if the British minister had made an offer, at the | game time, on the part of the British government, | that the message did’not give the slightest notice in relation to it, or that any hayes ice could be ef- fected. Such was the view which he (Mr. C.) was | obliged to take;‘arfl in this view, if he may be al- | lowed to ex it, all the Senators upon that floor, | who go tor the whole of Oregon, concurred. They take the same view in relation to the notice that he had taken—those who go for all Oregon—those who assert that the title was “‘ clear and unquestionable;” and because they believe it, they consider it better to assert our claims by an appeal to arms, then to de- sertthem. Placed upon such grounds as this, it could not be considered by any entertaining such opinions, that compromise would be the result of the notice ; and such he could say was, as far as he could judge, the view taken by the country at large— such was the view taken by the press; and what was a better evidence of interpretation? Such were the views as regarded the business men, so that the met every where had produced the most deci- ded eff » not only upofl stocks and all business relations ; but from anticipafions of war, insuran- ces were efiected upon vessels as they came in. Such, also, were the views of a portion of the Se- nate with whom he acted ; they would support the Rotice, because they considered it would not result inacompromise. But they would pardon him, if he did not agree with them, in supposing there was no hope of compromise. He (Mr. -) believed that fgaorabie.s compromise could Sfigreed 60 bd fe Peace of the two countries cou! preserved. He did not think that our title wasclear and unques- tionable to the whole territory. He believed that the title of both nations was imperfect and doubtful; and believing that, he necessarily believed they had reasonable nds fos “compromise.” He did not believe that two intelligent nations, like Eng- land and the United States, should, in thie age, and on such a pretext, go to war; ana taking this view, he had ihe notice. ‘ the notice, besides, on the ground that it would put Great Britain in & position 80 as to oblige her to es- tablich her claims Ey cohoaisation. He the Notice, because, if it were lett to the natural course of time, it would throw the onus from our side upon the British, and would silence those who would as- | | eert that they, (the United States,) were the aggres- | | sive party. Wath some further remarks upon the evident. position of the President, as set forth in his | message, Mr. C. said that there was a portion of | the Senate who did not state oe gromaay, upon | which ag A pals their opinions. President, however, shoved mise, or a paci justment. State, in his official correapondence, same declarati i Secretary of makes the as the (as un- ' , dersood)— ppeal absu | standing, im) ible for him (Mr. C.) to over- that the Senate hed nov bowa pet) gn tule the solemn declarations put forth in the He regarded a8 800N as | believed there was a hope of compro- | elie’ The § phasis to his declaration. He hoped that the gov- | successful war would not, in ten years, enable us to ernment had not overlooked Mr. Pakenham, in | drive England from Oregon, and_ should it last for consequence of these declarations. He (Mr. C.) | ten years, it would be the most disastrous war that considered it was a step on the part of the Brit overnment to re-open the negotiation. He trusted | at propositions had already been made and sent | across the Atlantic. As he took it, he no longer | considered it a question or alternative of war ;—it | was now resolving itself simply into a question of | time. Kegarding it as a question of time, he hoped, | then, there would be no delay—because, in a great | uestion like this, where such mighty consequences | depend upon it, there should be no delay. Once let them but settle Oregon, and every thing would pro- | ome Once settle Oregon, and then they could settle eir difficulties with Mexico. So longas they left the Oregon question open, Mexico would calculate on | the chances of aid from Great Britain in her diffieul- | ties with the United States. Leave them that | chance, and he was of opinion that Mexico would | look to avail herseit of it ; but settle the Oregon | controversy, and then Mexico would be reduced to | peaceable terms; and he. trusted that, when that | day should come, we should deal with Mexico in | all generosity. He had explained the mighty | changes which had taken place on this question, in reference to peace or war. It wer e time to act, according to the Message, as having no hope of cpaieeaies ; but the parece of the question was al- tere ; wehad now every hope of compromise. There was no great amount of difference as to the style of the notice, or how it should be settled. It was cut | down to a point at which they could dispose of the | question without any notice whatever. He would | now come to another point—as to what was he | bearing of this great question. The opinion of the | Executive may be, that he should act one way, | when confident of a compromise ; but by giving the notice, and asserting our title, he would be au- thorized by that to adopt a different course. Now, it at that time he said nothing about compromise, the circumstances of the time were in his favor; but if, after having said so, the Executive now, under the present favorable aspects to a peaceable adjustment, declined compromise, he (Mr Calhoun) | could not envy him his feelings, or his position ; | but he had no such fear. The change had taken place, and yet the extreme friends of Oregon might think it would be inconsistent in them now to adopt a different course on this point, which is not ex- pressed in the Message. This question of con- sistency was a grave one. Some considered it consisted in continuing in the same party—others that it consisted in always acting the same way or upon the same line of policy, without any re; circumstances. The professions, witn the policy of public men, he considered were somewhat analo- gous. What would they think of the physician who would in his first attendance upon a patient pre- scribe calomel and emetics, and should continue al- ways to prescribe them, whatever the symptoms of the disease 1 Such consistency was not required of the President, since the complexion of the question had entirely changed; and those friends of his in the Senate who went for the whole of Oregon in the commencement of the debate on the notice, the point being pressed upon them, would at least hesitate to | | President himself said, that the offers for ad- | refuse a compromise, and he would feel no surprise if the gentlemen who felt themselves so constrain- ed in the beginning, would go further by and by. His friends, he would call them, and he wag glad so to call them. He thought there was some doubt now, as to whether our claim to all of Oregon, was co * clear and unquestionable” asat first supposed.— Though some gentlemen‘may thisk it to be so, and and their convictions were honest, still he thought that en Rk due to what had taken place on the subject. Was not something due to the change which had taken place in the majority of their politi- cal friends, who are now of opinion, that the title is not so clear? If nothing was due to them, was aothing due to those who entertained the question of compromise upon objections to the desiructive and ruinous policy of an appeal to arms? He ap- led to them, whether, upon 80 grave aquestion they would divide this question ? le to them whether they would push th opin- | ions to such an extreme as would le their party? He trusted not. As to the other portion of the party, with whom he ranked himself, he knew their opinions had undergone no change. Nothing could have induced him in the commence- ment to vote for the notice, but he may be induced | now to modify it. This brought him to the ques- tion, as to whether they ought to give the notice or not. Upon that question, he could see but two pos- sible reasons why the notice should be given. One was, that it would facilitate the settlement of the question and quiet the agitation that was certain to result by running the controversy into the next Presidential election, or from allowing the question to remain open. The effect of a 5] ly and peacea- ble anjustment, would leave all quiet, and settle the question. The other reason was this:—On exami- nation, he considered that Great Britain would not make her final move until Congress should have acted on the matter. Still Mr. C. was of opinion, that the notice at present ought to be post- poned. He could not vote for an unqualified Notice, because there {seemed some doubts existed in the minds of the country and of the world at large, whether we — to adhere to the geliey in the outset promulgated by the government. le could under no circumstances give a vote other- wise, or that would give a hope that this question was to be settled inany other way than by compro- mise, He could et give bile vote ir the pe coming from the House. It did not meet his vie of the case. Whatever they did, they ought to do openly and honorably. That resolution did not pro- vide such a diseretion as to enable the Executive to act. It the question was to be settled by compro- mise, let them do it. It appeared to him, that if the notice arse vas at all, it ought to “Sy fet rovided by the Senator from Georgia, ec) il irom raaaing into the Presidential canvass. i such @ notice eh be. he felt inclined to vote tor it. He was in favor of settling the question without any appeal to arms, and this would give them to understand why he was an advocate of com- promise. It was due to himself to state, that he had taken his position on both these points, under the Papen mpm ead cote found bignsell jaced, ut felt under no degree of responsibility. simply mF the best he eoulu, where m4 hed himself. He was doing the same as he had done in 1843, and stood in tl question was beginning to assume a danger- ous aspect. He had m examined this q tes He appeale ion in two instances. In this su- | sequent view of che question, it was, notwith- | vention of 1827. ‘To do nothing | the message of the | tion in all its aspects, and came to the same | conclusion to which he did now. e ret ) el to choose and adhere to. He vane se sek hal i He knew that if he refused wi Bate vo bod ta 10 the Western coast, the har- | tions. A war of empire will bow same place when the | He saw there | tion are veet was past. He knew that it would come to their }ance. He who ever was commenced,and he did not mean to speak of bloodshed. There were no two powers that could do each other more injury by war, or greater good by peace, than Great Britain and the United States. he Joss to induetry by war—but what could make up the loss? It would not be a war alone with England, it would be a Mexican war—it would be an Indian war—so that around the whole sea coast and the frontiers, this war would rage. We would, too, have to go to war against an army of Mexican soldiers, under the command of British officers, and we had seen what the seapoys could | effect under British discipline. Seven large ar- mies would be required to maintain this con- test with Great Britain—one one alongthe Mexican gulf—one on the Atlantic seaboard, in the South—one upon the Atlantic, in the North-east—one upon the Canadian frontier— one along the line of the great Lakes—one along the Western frontiers, the whole of which would re- quire an aggregate force of not than 200,000 men to be constantly in the field. Mr. Gallatin, in his late letters, had estimated the expense of this war at etx- ty-five or seventy millions a year ; but Mr. Calhoun. thought he would be within the mark, if he setdowa the cost at $100,000,000, and that this would bea smali estimate. We. will suppose then that fifty millions of thissum, is annually raised by the Gov- ernment—the other fifty mullions will have to be raised by loans and mortgages. In ten years this would give us five hundred millions of a national debt. Let us now consider the losses by loans mortgages. All Europe is unfortunately against us in the way ofcredit. I: would be difficult to ES at And in Mexico— cure loans of money upon the continent, than thirty, forty or filty per cent interest. fifty per cent interest to the principal, and we should have at the end of ten years, a national debt of $750,- 000, We shall be plunged into the r sys- tem, deeper than in the war of the volu- tion. We shall have mortgages upon propert; of $750,000,000, in favor of those who have not one drop of blood in defence of the country ; \ but who ‘shall have squeezed out of the people poet | dollar they could raise. Such contest, and | results, will obliterate the line between the States | and the general government. The power of the eneral government will absorb all wers of e States. We shall hear no more of State sove- reignty nor State rights. It will give an impulse to measures, doctrines, and agencies, wholly inconsis- tent with our form of government. It will end in | the certain establishment of a military despotism. Three or four military Generals will contend for the dictatorship. It will become a contest between the rival claints of the General who conquered Canada | or.the Generel who conquered Mexico, or the gene- | ral who successfully repelled the enemy on the sea- board in the East or in the South; it will be a etrug- | gling with the sword for the rule of a great empire. fs it for you, gentlemen [turning towards Mr. - negap], who stand here as the representative of de- mocracy, par excellence—is it tor you, the enemies of banks, and of every species of inflated paper currency—is it for you, the enemies of all measures enlarging the powers of the federal government, to adopt the alternative which will certainly bring about such disastrous results? But I go further. There are yet higher considerations of patriotism, which influence us ‘an appeal to arms. I am 0} to it as a fri of im- vement, and of Progress, at this time. In no Period of the history the world have the arts of peace so widely prospered and extended, as | since the peace w a to the battle of been troughtiato the service of mam, tar beyond the een brought into the service d the extent to which they gwere known before. Civili- zation has extended wide her ample dominions. Bat chemistry and ca are butonly the agen- cies so widely and usefully ed. The ele- =e < one ey are to “qtg on am has been perfected. an agent juman intercourse it has reduced the distance one-half | across the sea, and three-times by land. Within this tning has been brought into the service of man, as the agent of communication between the remotest extremes, transmitting intelligence, | will not say as quick as the lightning, for it is by light- ning itself. And with the extension of these lines, from one extremity of the earth to the other, we shall hold communication between the ends of the earth in a single instant of time. These are the means in our hands, and this 1s a spirit of progress which can only be arrested by war. It is manifest, that it there is no war, this work of progress must go on. We have already arrived ata higher civiliza- tion than the world has ever before known. Iam ry , then, to a war with C 8 with us in one of Ss ae of car- ‘ing on this it work: agency which is evi- Jeatly exerted through the commerce of both merce, in which one or both must sufler; and whe- ther one or both, it must the measures now going on to bind us more closely in the bonds of peace. But more than thie—more than all these— and for considerations far high the conti- peste Ufegrdireey otal de e day ts ani ve. d hen ‘war shall be no more. And commerce is the t agency to be yed in its consummation. am opposed to war, and in favor of peace, because ce is preferable. With other mations, pressed in powerful States around them, war is often una- voidable. But this is not our policy. We ocoupy an isolated continent, with our jurisdiction through some twenty-three d of latapaces witha soil unequalled in i period the |i Fem Oi ended dommion ol jiswidely exten ty them fertile fielde—to drain itsewampe, and {Stonvert them into frastful Cyr aa and its pon | pediment.o 1 fe feople, which should be ‘more asefully employed ; an. impediment upon “ ion, whose mission it isto “multiply and replen- eee earth.” Peace now, will ish “masterly inacti' ie cer en highest iom, looking vigilantly at causes and their results—touch- ing thera fel AO te highest impor that lie in the wa: 3 ari ‘at tunoral