The New York Herald Newspaper, April 23, 1845, Page 1

Vol, X2., No, 111~Whole No, 4073. Adams & (tall Road. VERY IMPORTANT FROM EUROPE. ARRIVAL OF THE CALEDONIA AT BOSTON. SEVEN DAYS LATER. IMPORTANT Debate in Parliament on Oregon ! The Ultimatum of Great Britain, Probable War between England and America. CRISIS IN AFFAIRS, Firmness in the Cotton Market DECLINE IN CONSOLS. RIGHT OF SEARCH. AFFAIRS IN SWITZERLAND. Arrival of the Overland Mail, &. &. &e, The Caledonia, Captain Lott, arrived at Boston at 11 o’clock on Monday night. She sailed from Liverpool on the afternoon of the 5th instant. The intelligence received by her is of a charac- termore important than any that has reached us since the war of 1812. There has been an important debate in the Bri- tish Parliament on the Oregon, disclosing the view of England on that subject. It was deemedso important thet the opinion of the British Mimstry should be kaown in America,that the Caledonia was detained one day in order to bring out the debate on the question which took place in Par!iament on the 4th instant, and which We give in another co- lua. This debate exhibits the ultimatum of the Bri- tish Government on this question, and we may now expect a serious difficulty between England and Ameriga. We do not see what is to prevent it: America has assumed her position, and England has now taken hers. Neither, therefore, can re- ced: an inch. This state of things affected the money and cot- ton markets on the 5th inst. Cotton became firm and consols declined. Apart from this the news is unimportant. The railway fever continues unabated in Eng- land. The spring is extremely backward in Great Bri- tain—which is altogether more favorable for the fruit crop. The operation of the new tariff, especially as re- spects foreign free grown labor sugars, is becoming more general than was inthe first instance coptem- plated. The general produce markets are very firm, and a considerable amount of business is doing private- ly in wools, iadigos and cotton wools. Money continued plentiful. The execution of John Tawell, the Quaker, seems to have excited a prodigious interest. Nothing important from France. Switzerland continues in her Jesuitieal excite- ment. There were no later arrivals at England from the United States, between the departure of the West- ern and Caledonia. The Queen and Prince Albert go to Ireland in July. The packet ship Montezuma hence was off Tus- kar on the 6:h inst. The French Government intend to organise a line of Trans-Atlantic mail steamers immediately. The Minister of Marine has reported a law, pre- cisely like that of 1841, by which four steamers are to run between Cherbourg and New York. It was rerorted in Dablin, last week, that Mr. O'Connell, unable Jonger to withstand the pressure from the leaders of the Young Ireland party, will attempt, in the course of the ensuing summer, to reorganize monster meetings on the same scale as those which created so much apprehension in the year 1843. It appears that O’Connell has become perfectly rabid on the subject of the annexation of Texas. It is reported that he could not find words in the Eng. lish language to express his contempt for siave- holders, and for Americans generally. ParutaMentTary.---The House of Commons met, afier the Easter recess, on Monday night, when Lord John Russell gave notice that he woald bring under the notice of the House on Friday next, that portion of the American President’s Meesage which relates to the territory of the Ore- gon The evening was mainly occupied in dis- cursing the navy estimates, naval architecture, and Admiralty arrangements. The discussion gave rise to an interesting episode relative to the right of search, and what Lord Palmerston contended to be the voluntary surrender of that right by Eng- land to France, in which the noble member for Tiverton, Sir Robert Peel, and Lord John Russell took part. With this discussion, all interest in the night’s proceedings ceased. The oe of the grant to Maynooth was dis- cussed on Thureday last, and the feelings of hosti- lity which it has evoked was apparent at the com- mencement of the debate, when upwards of a hun. dred members rushed to the Speaker's table, armed with their petitions against it. The scene is de- scribed as having been very exciting, and however uvpatiiamentary it may souad—very fuony. Sir Robert Peel presented the case of the College in a very clear and quiet manner—firm and digaified, “but terribly in earnest,”—and it is evident that no opposition which he may encounter will Feyee him from carrying the measure in its fidelity. Meetings continue to be held againat any increase of the grant, and some excitement, which will pro- bably increase, is observable; but the ‘ organised ” will defy pants feeling out of doors, ever may be the penalty which they, asa party, will heve to pay hereafter for this act of ex- traneous liberality, there is no doubt of its speedily becoming the law of the land. If it will purchase the pence of Ireland, it will prove an excellent as well as economical boon. Anecpore or THR Royat, Nunsery.—The Morn- ing Post relates an anecdote of the Royal nursery. “It may not be generally kaown. that his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales is Duke of Rothe. say, as well as Dake of Cornwall; and which, it would appear from the following incident, which has recently occurred, was either unknown to or forgotten by his Royal father. One morning a card waspresented at Buckingham Palace to fis Koyal Highness Prince Albert, upon which was engraved ‘The Duke of Rothesay,” and an au- dience solicited. His Royal Highness seemed puz- zled, and repeated the name several timee, saying he did not recollect ever having heard of such a nobleman; but he consented to give the required audience, and ordered the Duke of Rothesay to be shown in; when he was agreeably surprised by the entrance of the heir apparent, attired in fall High- land costume, attended by her Majesty’s piper. ‘he above umusing incident was productive of conside- rable entertainment to the Royal circle.” Malta and the Colonial Office are at loggerheads relative to the value of the Sicilian dollar,and trom the statement put forth bythe islanaers,they seem to have been harshly dealt with inthe matter. A Bri- tusit metallic currency does not exist there, and, in its absence, the government steps in, and places an arbitrary value oa the money. The schism amongst the Catholics in Prussia seems to be on the increase. Great numbers have recently declared for what is called the New Ger- man Catholic Church, and the Government has authorized collections in support of it. Co’s, Express over Long Island Important Debate on Oregon. Tousr or Lorps, April 4th—Midnight.—Lord Clarendon, in the House of Lords, introduced the ‘subject of the Oregon territory, in order to elicit from the Goverument some information as to our relations with the United States upon this question, and the course it was intended to pursue in case Congress, acting upon the expressed opinion of the President, should proceed totake possegsion of the country, or to annex it to the United States. Ilis Lordship, after briefly noticing the conduct of America towards Texas, and the extraordinary terms in which Mr. Polk had declared the unequi- Vocal right of the United States to the whole ter- Titory, temperately reviewed the grounds on which the British claims are founded, and concluded by expressing hia anxious hope, that while whatever could be justly claimed should be readily conceded, the Government would not shrink from vindicating, if necessary, the nation’s honor, or upholding her interests t The Earl of Anerpxen—I think it is perfectly natural that in such a conjuncture as the present the noble lord may reasonably expect to receive such information trom her Majesty’s Government as they in the discharge of their duty, may feel it possible to give. I am far from objecting to the course of putting questions tothe Government upon any matter of public importance, and certainly not on-one of such paramount interest as this. My lords, if I followed my own inelination in this mat- tér, I should at once be disposed tolay on the tavle of the house every part of the negotiation which has taken place upon this subject trom the period of the treaty of Washington up to the present day. Tam sure that if Idid soI should not only receive from the candor of my noble friend opposite an opinion approving the course which has been pur- sued, but might fairly mines to the public at large, andevento the whole of Europe for its confirma- tion. A time may come when such a course may epee be necessary. At present it would clearly e unsttitable and impolitic. I could wish for an Opportunity to explain a little more at length the state of this question, as affects the interest and the claims of this country to the disputed territory. The noble lord has cursorily described the claims of this country and of the United States with suf- ficient accuracy, as far as he hasgone. They, however, would admit 2f a much more detailed examination, and, although I might now enter into that examination without injury to the public eer- vice, I feel thar I cou'd not do it without izconve- nience to your lordseips, and this also I tnink it hetter to deter toa future occasion. I shall, there fore, only address myself to the irquiry of my no- ble friend. Iwish to state that the negotiation which has taken place, and which is still pending upon this subject, was commenced immediately af- ter the signing of the treaty by my noble friend near me. Without, of course, explaining to your lordehips any of the steps that have been taken in the progress of that negotiation, I wish to draw our attention to the last act_of the late President efore his resignation frem office. The Senate’of the United States having addressed Mr. Tyler so long ago asthe month of December, requesting him to cometunicate with them and inform them as to the progrese of this negotiation, Mr. Tyler, in hie answer, which wasnot delivered until the 19th of February, states—‘‘In my opinion, as this negotia- tion is stili pending, the information sought for cannot be communicated without prejudice to the public service, but Ideem it proper to add, that considerable progress has been mede in the negotiation, which has been carricd on in a very amicable spirit between the two gov- ernments, and that there is reason to hope that it may be brought to a elrse within a short period. I have delayed answering the resolution of the Senate, under the expecta- tron expressed in my annual message, that the ne- gotiation would he terminated before the close of 1h preseat session, and that the information called for by that resolution might be communicated ” Tam bound to sey that I think the late President tool somewhat too favorable a view of the state of the negotiation when he made that answer to the Senate. Atthe same time, as an indication of a friendly feeling, and of a desire to bring it to an amicable termination, such a declaration of opinion must be highly satisfactory. My lords, in a fort- night after the delivery ot this answer to the ad- dress of the Seuate, the new President made the inaugural speech referred to by my noble friend. I wish to observe that this speech is not an address made to Gongress—it is a speech made to the pub- lic. The Congress not being sitting, no speech of the kind could be made by the President of the United States without drawing towards it the most serious attention. Nevertheless, it does not possers the importance of an cfficial document, nor can it be regarded as forming part of legislative pro- ceedings. I do not undervalue its importance ; but I must observe, that it has not quite the cha- acter of an address made to the Congress as the foundation of aay legisiative measure. I have el- ready mentioned that that declaration of the late President is the last act of which we have an’ knowledge as far as the negociation 1s concerned. The new Preeident had no ministry at the time he made his speech. His Administration was not formed, and no communication hed taken place between Her ane he Ministers and any Govern- ment of the United States since the resignation of the late President and of his Administration. We therefore stand precisely in the position in which we stood at the time of the answer of the late Pre- eident, with the exception of such a character as the relation may have received from the speech onounced upon his inauguration by the new Pre- dent. My lords, I wish also to state, that our position is precisely such as it has been tor the last eighteen years, with respect to our rights, and the treaty which was made in 1827, renewing or rather continuing the treaty of 1818, which was for ten ears. The treaty of 1827 continued that treaty tor an indefinite teeta but with the provision that either party might terminate it by a year’s notice. There is nothing whatever to prevent the Govern- ment of the United States or Her Majesty’s Go- vernment, if they thougat proper, from terminating that treaty of 1827 by giving a year’s notice for the purpose, which, however, the President has not said he meaus to give; but if he does meanit, he cannot effect his purpose without a vote of the Congress authorising him to do so ; the Congress will not meet unless specially called togetner until the month of December, and even then the treaty cannot expire without a Nha notice being given from the time at which the President receives the necessary authority to give euch notice. Your lordahips will see, therefore, that in poiatof time, the matter is not so urgent as might be supposed. Ineed not say, that her Majesty’s Government will continue to avail themselves of the intervening pe- riod which may exist in the hope of bringing the negotiating, which is still pending, to an amicable conclusion. The negotiation was founded upon the principle of an amicable adjustment by the mutual concession of extreme claim on both sides, and on that principle it will be continued. My noble friend has by no means expressed any censure of the mode of proceeding that her Majesty’s Go- vernment have adopted in this maiter; at the same time, I have seen in other places some in- timation, some apprehension of to great conces- sions of a totalabandonment of what 16 called “ihe high tone ;” although, [ am acenstomed almost daily to see myself characterized ns ouatilanimous, cowardly, mean, dastardly, trickling, base—(A laugh. )—f hope Taved not say that I view these ap- pellations with indi fierence; | view them, indeed, really with eatisfaction; because I know perfectly well what they mean and how they orght to be and are translated. [ feel perfectly satisfied that these vituperative terms are translated ao epplicadle to conduct consistent with justice, reason, modera- tion, and with common sense, and I therefore fee!, as I said belore, really not indifierent, but positive- ly satisfied, when I see euch onservations. (loud cheers.) Ll believe I may conscientiously say that no man ever filled the high situation which I have the honor uuworthily to hold,who felt more ardent- ly des rous than I do to preserve to the country the blessiags of peace, or who would be di d to make greater sacrifices to maintain it. My Lords, I consider war tobe the greatest folly, if not the great- est crime of which a country could be guilty, if lightly entered iato; and 1 agree with an honorable writer who said that if a proof were wanted of the deep and thoroug! corruption of human nature, we should find it in the fact that war itself was some- times lawful. (Cheers) It is the duty, and I am sure it is the inclination, of her Maj:sty’s Govern- ment to preserve peace; at the sime time there are limits which must notbe parsed; and | say that without attaching too much weight to questions of honor, for I think, fortunately for this country, that we need not be very sensitive on these matters—it is not for us, God knows, to seek the ‘bubble re- putation at the cannon’s mouth” or anywhere else; our power, our character and position are such asto enable us to look with indifference on that of which other countries might be perhaps more jealous—but our honor is substantially property that we can cer- tainly never neglect, and most assuredly we muy owe to ourselves and to our posterity to adopt a course contrary to all our desires—to all our incli- nations. My fords, from what I have said, your lordships Ei gare an earnest of the spirit of peace which shall pervace this matter, it leon. tinue to go {hy hate tide ae and T caaneg bring myse! to think that at this day any civilized Government would deaire to see any ‘other course pursued; and I hope, therefore, and fully believe that we shall have the happiness of seeing this im- portant question brought to a satisfactory and ami- cable couclusion—(Loud cheers.) Should it be otherwise, I can only say that we possess rights which, in our opinion, aré clear and unquestiona- ble, and, by the blessing of God, and with your support, those rights we are fully prepared to main- tain. The noble earl resumed his seat amidst loud and general applause. 3 House cy Commons, Arai 4, Mipniaut.—In the House of Commons Lord J. Russxt, on reading the order of the day for going into committee of supply, called the atten- tion of the House te that part of the messzge of the Presi- dent of the United States which reiated tothe territory of Oregon. It was not his intention, be said, to enter at all into the question of the foreign policy of her Majesty’s Government, or even of their policy cu this very subject of the Oregon, neither wes it his wish by any observa tions which he might then make to embarrass their pro- ceedings. But the insugural address of President Polk had taken this question out of the ordinary couree of di- plomatic arrangement, and required somé notice on the part of members of that House. That distinguished func- tionary had adopted a course entirely now, which, if it wera not met with something unnsual on’ their parts, would let questions of great national importance be de- cided herentter by popular addresses from the head of the Government, and by the poles action resulting there from, The President in his message had alluded to the annexation of Texas to tho United States, an allusion which he only noticed for the purpose of showing that the present policy uf the executive Government of the United States tended to territorial eggrandizement. In, his next senteace the President declared bis inten- tion to assert and maintain by allconstitutional means, the right of the Umited States to that portion of their territory which was situate beyond the Rocky Moun- tains. ‘Our title,” said he, “to the {country of Ore- gon is clear aud unquestionab'e, and already are our pecne Preparing to perfect that title by occupying it with their wives aad children.” In ‘consequence of this declaration, he (Lord J. Russell) felt com- pelled to call the attention ct the house the country to this question, in order that they vale see how far the President waa justified in saying that his title to the coun- try of the Oregon was clear and unquestionsble, and in declaring his intention to teke it mto hia possession with- out any regard to those treaties, which were generally the bonds of peace between imdependent nations. There were three modes by which a title might be acquired to a country like the Orcgon:—the first was by the ancient discovery ; the second by treaty ; and the third by di covery. ancient or modern, foilowed up by cccupation and settlement. He then entered into a statement of con- siderable length, for the purpose of showing that if the title to the Oregon rested on ancient discovery, Englaud could put in aclaim far superior to that of the United States; that if it rested en treaty, we had acloim thet was undeniable, whilst that of the United Statea had no ground whatever to stand on; and that if it rested on mo- dern discovers, the discovery of the Columbia, made, car. ried on, and @uthorized by reguler officers of the. Bri- tish Government, ond the’ subsequent settlement of the territory su rounding it by British subjects, gave us a title which the American Government c: uld not displace Capt Vancouvre had discovered the river Columbia; his heutenant had sailed 90 miles up its stream, and British fubjects from Canada had erected 18 forts on its banks, and had long cerried on a favorable trade there. He then gave a history of the negotiations between Great Britain and the United States respecting this country, and traced them from the commencement to the period when the ex- isting convention wes formed in 1827, between Mr. Rush on the one side, and Mr. Huskisson on the other. A new circumstance had new risenup. The President of the United States had madea peremptory cleim to all this territory, and had called upon the citizens of the United States to go forth with their wives and children to take possession of it. Now, Columbia was become of more im- portance each succeding year. The government ought, therefore, to insiet on a spe ution of this question ; for there was danger lest the citizens ef the United States should disturb British subjects in the enjoyment of their Tene on the Oregon, and should thus produce a col- jision between the two governments. He wes not pre- pared to say that Great Br: should abate any of her just pretensions, nor where we should draw the line be- tween the Americans and ourselves. He thought, how- ever, that we could not accede to a proposal less than that made by Mr. Canning in 1827, with any r 'd to ourown interests. He bad heurd it eoid that the value of this terri- tory wasa matter of indifference to us; but it was nota maiter of indifference to us whether we should yield any portion of our territory to what he must be permitted to call a blustering announcement. It was not # matter of indifference to of communication be- tween Columbi ,and our possessions in India and China on the other, should be surren¢ered to a forcign power. It was not a matterof indifference to us that the tone and character of England shou!d be lower- ed in any transection which we carried on with the Uni- ted States. Heshculd have abstained from entering into this question if it had been left diplometic question between the Earlof Aberdeenacd Mr. Buchanau, as the egents of the British and American Governments; but as it had been taken out of their hands, he could do wher the Minister of the Crown was precluded by his position from doing—he could state to the pecpie of England what were their rights. Havicg msde that stotement, he should eave the whole matter in the hands of the Go. vernment, and he had no doubt that they would con sult the interests of the ccuntry and the honor of the Crowa. Sir R. Pex could not be surprised, and should net feel regret, that the noble Lord had taken the course which he had pursued. He was of opinion that, whilst these matters were pending in negotiations betwecn the two Governments, it was peliticto abstain from exercising the right of discussion on subjects calculated to excite popular feeling, unless there were cogent reasons to the contrary. If the noble Lord had thonght it right to de- part from that course on this occasion, he ought not to be held responsible for the consequences; for it appeared that this question had been withdrawn from the cogni: zance of those to whom it{had been intrusted, and that a popular appeal had been made to the pastiors cf the peo: ple in the United States by those who ought to have dir- countenanced snchon appeal. The noble Lord had said, that a Minister of the Crown spoke on such a question as the present under @ responsibility to which he (Lord J, Russel!) was not liable. That was undoubtedly true, and he should therefore abstain from following the noble Lord through his statement, ns he could not do so with, out implying opinions from the expression of which he ought to abstain. He felt, however, that it was opea to him {> inform the house of the gene- ral state of our negotiations with the United States on this question. In the year 1918 the northern boundary of the possessions of the United States and of Great Britain, westward of the Recky Mountains, was defined. No agreement wos made as to the country be- yond the Rocky Moustains; but a convention signed be- tween the two Governments in 1913, which was to con- tinue for ten ycars, gave aright of joint occupation to the subjects ofeach country. In 1824, and again in 1826, Mr. Canning made several attempts to come to an amicable adjustment of our respective claims with the American Government. Those attempis entirely failed At the end of ten years the convention expired. A new conven- tion was framed in 1837, which continued in force for ten years the convention of 1818, with this proviro, that the convention of 1827 should not necessarily determine by the lapse of time, but should extend beyond the term of ten years, and should terminate after a yea’s notice from either party, when the rights of both should revive. Thet was the cenvention which now affected the territory of the Oregon.2 Mr. Pakenham, our Minister, bad been di- rected in 1842 to form an amicable arrangement of the claims of the two countries on equitable terms. He read a message of President Tyler, dated the 84 of December 1948, for the purpose of showing thet he had expressed an equal desire to come to an amicable arrangement Nay more, on the 19th of February, 1945, about a fort night before this inaugursl address was delivered by Prosident Polk, President Tyler, in reply to on eddress from the Senate of ths United Stetes asking for informa tion relstive to the nagotiations pending on this question with England, observed—"I havo only to say that, ea the negotiations are still pending, this information cennot be given. Considerable progress hasbeen mate in the ne gotintions, which have been carried on in an amicable spirit between the two conntries, and I hope that ft will bo speedily brought to an ami able termi- nation.” He (Sir Robert Peel) could confirm the languege of President Tyler respecting the amiable spirit in which the negotiations had been carried on; but he could not confirm his statement as to the progress ofthe negotiation to his hopes of an amicable termination, On the 6th of March, 1846, Mr. Polk made his inaugural address as President. Since that time we had received no communication from our minister, who had only been able to communicate the message, but had not hadtime to wake any comment on it. The Government of President Polk hed been very recently appointed, and no diplomatic commanication, as fer as hej was informed, had taken place with it. He thought it highly probable that Mr- Pakenham would have centinued with the present Go. vernment the negotiations which he hed commenced with the lest; but he had no information on the subject: He trusted that the negotiations would be renewed. At ro very distant period they would know the result of them, He did not despair of their favorable termination, but ifthe proposals of the British Government should be rejected, and no proposals were mate by the Government ofthe United States to which we could accede, he should Net object, on the part of the Government, to lay onthe table all the communications between the two Guvern- ments. He still hoped that an amicable and equitable ad- justment of the claims of the two countries might be made, He must, however, express his deop regret thet, & while the nagotiations were still pending, the President of the United States should,contrary to all usage, have re- ferred to other contingencies than a friendly termination ofthem. Such an allusion was not ‘likely to lead tosuch a: result as the friends to the real interests of both countries desired. He regretted not only the allusion, but also the tone and temper in which it was made. As the subject had been brought under discussion, he felt it to be his duty, on the part of the Government, to state, in language the most temperate, but at the samo time the most decisive, that they considered that we have a right to this territory of (Oregon, which is clear and unques- tionable ; that we desire an {amicable ‘adjustment of the differences between ourselves and the United States ; but that, having exhausted ‘every effort to obtain it, if our rights are invaded, we are resolved and prepared lo main- tain them. A tremendous burst of cheers from all parts of the house followed this apnunciation. In consequence of an int ion which Sir R. Peel gave at the termination of his speech, that it might be ex- pedient for the house not to express any further opinion at present on this subject, the subject dropped after a de. claration from Lord J. Russell that he would not cubmit any motion on this subject to the house until all the pa- pers connected with it were laid on the table by Her Ma Jesty’s Government. Lord Palmerston then, made a short explanation and defence of the observations which he had made on a for- mer évening respecting the Ashburton “ capitulation,” and replied to the speech made in behalf of it by Lord Ashburton in the House of Lords, Opinions of the Press, [From the London Times, April 5.) The American packet, the Caledonia, which has been detained till this morning, will carry out the distinct and emphatic declaration of the British Government on the subject of the Oregon territory, which was received last night with the strong and unanimous satisfaction of both Houses of Parlia- ment. When the interests and dignity of the country, aud the preservation of the dominions of the Crown, ure really at stake, there is no equiyo- cation in the language of the Government to foreign powers, and no semblance of weakness or hesita- tien io any political party. Lord Palmerston may abuse Lord Ashburton foracceding to the very same conditions which he had himself not only accepted but urged upon the Cabinet of Washington ; and Lord John Russell may boast that his last official act was to sanction the rejection of 2 proposal in a negociation which turns out to have been a mere provisional arrangement; but these attem to depreciate the satisfactory adjustment of a former dispute, which the whigs had been unable to settle in ten years of negotiation, are only proofs that the tricks of party have no effect whatever on the honest convictions of the country. We are justly proud that on the Oregon question, as well as on that of the North Eastern Boundary, the British Government has uniformly shown its moderation as well as its firmness on our side. [tisimpossible not to depiore, on the other hand, that ill-regulated, overbearing, and eggreseive spirit of the American democracy, which overlooks the real present inte- rest of the two nations in the Oregon territory— that, namely, of letting it alone for another half century at least, or deciding the matter by arbitra- tion, before any local national interests have sprang up there too powerful to be so disposed of. But, since the Americaus, and even the President of the United Statea, are determined that this question shall not be allowed to rest any longer—since they have rejected the proposal of an arbitration, and ostentatiously announce claims and measures ut- terly inconsistent with the system ot joint occupa- tion, or the equitable recognition of any concur- rent rights at all, itis fit that they be warned in the most explicit manner that their pretensions amount, if acted upon, to the clearest casus belli which has ever yet arisen between Great Britain and the American Union. In this case the strong ¢determi- nation and convictions which were expressed last night are not those of particular statesmen, or of the present Ministers, but of the British Parliament and of the country. If the question was to be de- termined by the arguments and ‘in such dis- cussions—that is to say, by a reference to geo- graphical facts, to discoveries, to history, to trea- ties, and_to occupation—the case on behalf cf the Britsh claim, as it was ably stated by Lord John Russell, is complete; and it is only in consequence of udimissions made with too much laxity on some former occasions—especialiy im the interpretation of the treaty of Gheat—that any conéurrent right can be admitted to exist in the United States to any portion of the territory Bat from the character of the recent foreign policy vt the Americans, and the extraordinary declara- uons of Mr. Polk, it is evident that no argumeut will produce any effect; and we can scarcely acti- cipate that a government so constituted and di- rected will even take a dispassionate or correct survey of the frighttul and inevitable consequen- ces of ita extravagant references of diplomatic ques- tions to popular clamor. According to all ordina- ry political calculations, and assuming that Mr. Polk’s inaugural address was the manifesto of a Government, and not mere declamatien for the hustings, the President already fiads himself and the Union placed in presence of two wars, for the avowed purpose of territorial aggrandizement, and in direct violation of the Cath fed adhe of America, from Gen. Washington to Mr. Webster. The one with Mexico is so imminent that we are awaiting withanxiety the next arrivals {rom that country; th other with Great Britain is more remote, but also more inevitable, if the menaces of the Americans are anything but mere vapouring and bluster. Un- der these circumstances, a statesman ot ordinary caution would direct the public attention, not only to the Fearon and objects which are likeiy to cause these wanton and wicked contests, but to the consequences which must attend them. The Uai- ted States Government is very apt to provoke quar- rels, but it is very ill prepared to carry them on. The same democratic folly which makes them ar- rogant inthe Cabinet, makes them habitually fee- ble in all that constitutes a nation’s strength in the field. In a military point of view the consequences ot a declaration of war by the Government of Mexico against the United States, would probably be contemptible and indecisive ; for neither of the belligerenta poesess an army at all proportioned to the vast extent of the operations necessary to ac complish a! practical result. Buz if the actual contest on land would probably degenerate into something little better than the partisan warfare of the States of South America, it is not less certain that the state of war between the two countries, and the exercise ot beiligerent rights, would be attended with most serious consequences, not only’ to them- seives but to neutralsall over the world. The system of letters of marque, which the Americans them- selves made no small use of in their last war with Great Britain, places the whole commerce of the U. States, undefended as it is by any considerable naval forces, at the mercy of the privateers and adventurers of all nations; and ina war entirely provoked by American rapacity aud violence, no usages which have ever been justified by the laws of nations, and by the example of the United States, could be regarded as unwarrantable. The Mexican territery commands both Oceans, and the position of the port of Acapulco on the Pacific would facilitate the most extensive operations against the whole Asiatic trade of the United States and their South Sea whale fisheries. Such a war would be inglorious, and repugnant to the interests of civilization ; but it would be werthy of the nefarious transections in which it had origi- nated, and if Mexico has been plundered of a pro- vince by her powerful neighbor, the practices of war would amply justify her in making reprisale wherever she can tind them. Letters of marque re flect no honor, and ere of no great advantege to a power which may be daly represented on the seas by itsown cruisers; butthey tend to remove the mari- time disparity which exists between two states like Mexico and the Union, and they are not an impro- per weapon in the hands of the weak for retaliation on the aggressions of the strong, It is extraordinary that the United States should have advanced eo near the brink of war as to have carried through the Senate a measure for annexing Texas, and failed by only two votes in a measure for ceizing?Oregon, without having taken any per- ceptible care to provide for the means of consum. mating such unparaletled acts, of defending them- selves from the consequences of them. Are they not aware that in proportion as they assume the illegal exercise of sovereign rights on the desert shores of the Pacific, they expose the populous coasts of the Atlantic to the broadsides and block ade of British fleets? Have they forgotten, in their anxiety to extend their ‘domestic institu- trona” to the whole continent of America, that in the event of war they will have to encounter the most novel of all dangers—that arising from the resenca of the standard of freedom among a popu- [ation of slaves? Oris their blindness and infatua- tion in propertion to the injustice and criminality of their designs, so th: in their eagerness to seize jadjacent territories, Se overlook the resources of their opponents their own weakness? The consequences of sucha war wiil prove incalculably disastrous. They would make brave men hesitate, even ina just cause; but the boldness of democracies despises alike the justice of the cause and the terrible evils of the probable result. We have no intention of bepravating the very serious difficulties with which the indiscreet language of Mr. Polk has already surrounded the ‘In his intercourse with foreigners he prides himself NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY MORNING, APRIL 23, 1845. on question, aud which render a speedy solu- Hon cf \: indispensable to the maintenance of pa- cific relations between the two nations. The lan- Suage of this country in such an emergency and in Prebence of such opponents, cannot be too tempe- Tate or too decided. That language hag beenused, and with eqal propnety and patriotism, by the leaders of each of our great parties. The rights of Great Britain are as clear and unquestionable as those which Mr. Poik has thought ft to make the subject of his inaugural addrees; and whatever he may. be prepared to do, this country is, as the Prime Minister of the Crown declared last night, amidst the hearty acclamations of Parliament, ‘resolved and prepared to miaintain them.” {From Wilmer & Smith’s Times, April 5.) In our paper by the “Great Western,” we men- tioned that the Oregon question was becoming one of great interest on this side of the water. Atten- tion has been fixed upon it in consequence of the bold and une cal tone that Mr. Folk aseumed in his Inaugural Address when speaking of the American claim. Perhaps the President’s diction on this point Was unnecessarily strong, tor he might have vindicated his views in more palatable phre- seolegy. About whatever savors, even remotelte of intimidation, John Buli is characteristically thin-skinned. There are ertain animals that may be led, but won’t be driven—Bull is one of them. upon his courtesy, and he expects the same courtesy in return. The new President’s peremptory style has stirred up his bile, and the House of Commons had hardly re-assembled after the Easter recess, when Lord John Russell rose and gave notice ot his intention of bringing the subject of Oregon be- fore the House. The mooted points have been analyzed in the press, and we direct the especial attention of our readers to an article on this subject from the London Times. The mostpowerful of all the daily press in its influence on the public mind, and possessing a control over public opinion which makes it the master, not the slave, of the Minister for the time being—this journal has put forth, in the articles to which we refer, some very belligerent notions on the subject of Oregon—promptea main- ly, it would appear, by the threat of oecupancy which the President holds out. The Times is not the official organ of the government ; it is too po- tent and independent to wear the livery of servitude; but there are occasions when the views of the Ca- binet do peep out through its pages inadvance of ita contemporaries. The Foreign Minister is a favo- rite with the Times, and probably Lord Aberdeen reciprocates the feeling by timely intimations of his policy. Be this as it may, the article has attracted a good deal of notice, and fixed additional atten- tion upon the subject, which has been further in- creased by the Government detaining the steamer to carry out the result of last night’s debate. ; The annexation of Texas has ceased to excite interest. People here regard the matter as settled, and view the connexion rather with indifference We with favor. Mr. O’Connell has deciared, in the ground on the well-known anti-slavery prejudices. But the subject will keep until next month, when the saints from all parts of the island flock to Exe- ter Hall. It willafford a fine theme for the exer- cise of their pious indignation. Punch, it will be seen, has been trying John Polk on a charge of stealing the dog Texas from the Mexican minister. It will puzzle the saints to treat the question in a more original and good-humored way ; but they will bark and growl at the dog Texas whenever the opportunity preeents itself. Another subjeci of transatlantic interest—the right of search has been jincidently discussed in the House of Commons. Lord Palmerston is extremely net- tled thatany change or modification should take 1 place, orbe even contemplated on this his scheme. He travelled out of the record to atiack the Government, and made the debate on the Na- vy estimates the vehicle of doing so. That Ca zot should demand the cancelling of the treaties of tnt that Peel ows him into fe man and d ter. 1831 and 1833, provokes his ire, should listen to the proposition, + hysteyicke, Lord Palmers’ an effective debater, bat he rified by the ghosts of “co: lations.” The “Asil 0” is one of his stereotyed pl he *'Guizot conces- sions” will hence ein hi of ine dictment aguinst The reply of Sir R. Peel was spunt se. He denied, it will be scew, ibe right of search was now suspended, bur he 4 to the conference be- tween the Nuke de Droge and Dr. Lushington as € ate in some arrangement the present arrangement.— y happy in his retort about the ponvention, but the combat of these two (ulamentary gladiators possesses so much for onr American readers, that we deem it ous to direct their attention it. [From the London Punch.} John Polke was put to the bar charged with rob- bing the Mexican minister of a favorite dog, named Texas, the cireomstances of the case Don Bernar- Ashburtion do Murohy stated to be these :—Some months since, John Polk sold his Exceliency the dog, (a very large animal, eo black and white, that used to run under his car- riage.) subsequently a fellow named Houston, acountry- men of Polk’s, who had been in hi absconded with the dog, and he Chevalier Bangen. longing to the prisoner, and from which he was heran- guing ond psalm-singivg to the company at the fair. Pouiceman, 1, said—Please your worship, there has been more picking of pockets round that ‘ere psalm-sing- ing wan, than ia any pert of the fair. ir. ABERDEEN—Silence, Policeman. What has that to do with the comple int ? The Mexican Minister continued, in a very agitated manner, ‘I instantly recognized my dog, and gave the modrel yonder in charge of a peliceman” Scoundrel !” the prisoner cried, (a very sanctimoni- ous looking fellow, who held the dog in his arws,)—““Am lin a Christian land, to hear myself calied by such names? Are we men? Are we brethren? Have we blessings and privileges, or have we not? 1 come of acountry the mont enlightened, the most religious, the most {reest, hon. estest, punctuallest, on this airth, I do.” Mr. Anznvers, (with a profound bow,)—You are an Americen, | suppose ? Porx—{ thank a gracious, mussy Tam! IT c2n appeal to every thing that is holy, and, laying my hend on my heart, declare Taman honest man. I scorn the accusa- tion that I stole the complainant's dog. ‘The dog is my bn ee by the laws of heaven, airth, right, nature, and possession. Don Branarvo Munrny, very much agitated, here cried out—How yours? I can swear to the animal. I bought him of you. Porx—-Youdid. It’s as true as I’ma free:born man. Dow Brkvanvo—A manjwho was an old servant of yours comes my service and steals the dog. Po.x—A blesseder truth you never told, Dow Bernarvo—And I find the animal now again in your possession. Pork (cuddling the dog)—Yes, my old dog—yes, my oF Texas, it did like to come back to its old master, it Dow Bernarvo (Ina fury)—I ask your worship, isn’t this too monstrous ? Mr. Ansrverx—Your Excellency will it me to observe that we have not yet heard Mr. Polk’s defence. In & British court, justice must be shown, and no favor. Po.x—I scorn a defence. The dog returned to me by a lor of natur—its wicked to fly agaist a lor of natur. If I sold the dog, and by the irresistible attraction of cohe- sion, and the eternal order of things, he comes back to me—am | to blame? It’s monstrovs, heinous, regler blas- phemy to say #0. Mr. Aberdeen appeared deeply struck by the latter ob- servation. Toux (continued.)—I didn’t stenl the animal.) Steal! Is man ot my charecterto becatied a thief? | annexed him—that’s all. Besides, what jurisdiction has this here court ? what authority has eny court on airth ina ques. tion purely American ? My bargain with on Nernardo Murphy took pi wut of this country—the dog came back to me thousands of miles away herefrom. Mr. Ansnoren—In that caso I really must dismiss the complaint. Allow me to state my opinion, Mr. Polk, thot the oF is yours ; | have no business to inquire into}qnes- tioas of annexation as you coil it, or of robbery as his Ex- cellency here (very rudely, | mrst think, bargain, I entreat rather that gentlem: should live together in harmony ; end. both a very good morning. Mr. Polk then left the office whistling to his dog, and making signs of contempt at Don Bernardo Murphy who slunk away inacab., He had not been gone an hour when Policeman X 21, came into the office end sai “Picase your worship, the Yankee annexed ship’s Canadian welking-stick in the pa Mr. Anenowen (sternly)—Mind your usiness, fel- low, Mr. Polk is perfectly welcome to the stick. Presently another member of the force, O’Regan name, entered and swore the incorrigible Polk had stolen his beaver hat, @ Mr. Asrxvern (good humoredly)—Well, well, I dare say the hat wasn’t worth tw 6 halfpenny : and it’s better to lose it than to equabble about it at law. O’Regan left the Cour: grumbling, and seid it warn" #0 in Temple’s time. {From Dublin Freeman’s Journal, Marc’. } The intelligence from the United S ates deepestinierest. Texas is annexed to the tive Union. The now Ex-Presdeot, Toh has had the honor and the é at « { be vinwact during the period of his acs iuste ion, a | to which the whole ererty ocd power cf av ernment had tor a cone te exelasively devaicd. ‘Th the Senate by a muortty bers at either erde » ing 27 to gainst the mea- sure, And shue, despite the threats of England, as despite her wishes and hag interests, Texas is to be annexe’, ord the doctrine of annexation is proba- bly te bx come the guiding principle of the United States? It is wue that this measure is not yet entities your 0 respectable ind I wish you your Wor- completed. No formal cession of the new Repul lic has been made onthe one side, and no legalized acceptance has been given on the other. parties are willing to enter into a com and «we can all j such circumstances, cluded. r already a portien of the United States. grees i3 resolved upon the subject. It has left to the discretion of the President the mediate means, He may remit to approbation of its legislature, the measures adopted at Washington, or he ma c 6 mit that country within the Union, by inv: Texan people to send representatives to Congress, which bas beund itself for their reception. gress has, moreover, voted $100,000 towards the style, ruses Repeal Association, his dislike to the measure, Excellency’s service, d jad that day seen it at Greenwich Fair, whither he hed gene in company with The animal was tied ;to a van, be- Price Two Cents; be But beth how readily, peere Aampact wild be con- We upon Te: lore, as miter cate The Con- uestion of im- Texas, for the roceed at once to ad- q the Con- completion of the preliminaries, and the new Pree sident, in his Inaugurai Message, which we give elsewhere, ** congratulates his country on the issue of the deliberations,” and pledges himself that, in his own emphatic language, “ he will consummate the will of the people by the re-annexation of Texas to the Union.” What will England say to this? We confess ourselves very favorably impressed by the good sense, calinness, impartiality, and ness which characterises the Message of the new President. We have read abler compo- sitions—we have admired in those documents more largeness of grasp. and dignity of but we never remember to have pe- d a state pepe more clear and intelligible— one in which there was more success 1m accom- plishing the calm explicitness and easy compreher- sibility of common sense. But if the tone of the Message is unpretending, the spirit of it is excel- lent. He gravely rebukes the ‘ Native” party which has raised aloft the torch of discord in that happy tand, reminding them that all citizens, whe- ther by birth or by adoption, are equal ; and w! he regrets that this broad principle of faw and yus- tice should have been forgotten, he cengratulates his conn tennaa that in no other nation of the world has truth the same facilities for encountering and subduing error, or the people more interest in hav- ing the laws obeyed. They who look to this Mes- sage for information as to the commercial policy of the United States during the neat four years, will find little to excite hope orcreate alarm. The Pre- sident will not destroy protection where protection is needed ; but he contends that free trade should be the principle, and protection the “ incident,” and that tariffs should be framed for purposes of revenue, not for the undue sustainment of particu- lar interests. ‘In discussing the conduct of the “repudiating” States, the’President encourages by his approval those that have resumed the pay- ment of their debts—he chides the tardiness of others, and expresses his convictions of the honest intentions of all. We have already quoted the President’s language upon the subject of * erat ean the occupation of Oregon he is fully as intelligible. While he pledg- es himeelf that he will effectuate, by all ‘* consti- tutional means” the legislation which authorises the annexation of Texas, he declares that im ‘‘no lesa a degree will he maintain the right of the United States to the territory beyond the Rocky Mountains.” Will England close her eyes to this development of a policy which will eventuate in herspeedy and ignominious expulsion irom the continent of America?) The President wou!d an- pear to have misgivings as to the stepe which En- gland may feel dispored to teke in euch @ grave conjuncture; and, lik udeut man, he secksto concilate other to the measures he has adopted. He pr ‘o the werld that the poli- cy of Americ apohey ci peace, and, ‘ there- fore, the extension of her territory is but the ex- ten of tbat peace.” But, appealing from the piacidity to the interest of foreigners, with keener eagacity he edda, that the possession of Texas with her fertile territory and healthful climate,wil ‘Sopea markets to the produce cf all nations.” Thus itis that he cautiously endeavors to neutral- ise foreign countries, while “the stripes and stars” are to float over the continent of America, from the St. Lawrence to Mexico! Already it may be snid that the Oregon as well_as Texas, is in the hands of the United States, What will England do? British Parliament, Tur Rient or Seancn.—Hovsr or Commons, Mancm 31.—The sulject of the Navy Estimates was brought be- fore the House, and a long discussion took placeon the condition of the British fleet. Various opinions were ad- vanced relative to ship building and steam navigation, as applied to the purposes of maritime conflict; but the chief interest of the debate Iny in the speech of Lord Pal- merston, anJ the reply of the First Minister ef the Crown, on the absorbing subject of the right of search, both of which we subjoin Lord Patmeaston—The present Government, I msy say, without exaggeration, turned out its predecessors and came into power on the pretenceof a desire to extin- guish the slave trade, “Do not admit Brazilian sugar,” said they, ‘for such an importation must give encou- ragement to the slavetrade.” Well, sir, what has hap- pened? The very first thing they did ofter they came into power was to acquiesce in the refusal of France to ratify the treaty for the suppression of the slave trade. (Hear, hear.) The next thing was, they left the United States out of their engagement to co-operate forthe pression of that trade. And now they are about (i ly they have done it) to cancel the treaty with France alto- gether. (Hear, hear.) Here is certainly an inconsisten- cy; when asked to encourage commerce, and gives scope to native industry, by a greater importetion of fer- eigneugar, then they told you that they were de perc sive you would thereby encourage the slave trade. . . * . . This was the treaty which was settled before we left office, which France signed, but refused to and is now to be cancelled with the consent of se vernment. That memorandum was transmitted to the re- spective Courts, and no answer was received till the Congress of Aix-la Chappelle, in September, 1618. I must here observe that many peréons are of opinion that the efforts of this country have only tended to render the treftic more cruel. hs . M “ But it is stated here in a despatch of Lord Aberdeen, that pending that menture, whatever it may be, the right of search is to be suspended ; end any child may see, if that right of search is suspended by the mutual consent of the two parties, it cannot be revived without the mutual con- sent of the two parties, and for all prac purposes it is entirely done away. (Hear, hear.) They have not the discretion to determine whether this or that measure shall be substituted forthe right of search ; they are re- uired to find some measure equivalent, or nearly so, and the government decide for them, that pending that meut—and for all time to come, though it is notso the rigit of secrch shall be placed inabeyance. And, to make ibe metter more humiliating to this country, the proposal to pent the right of search, though mannfectured by the French government, appears to be acondition arisiog from Engiond, and bas) aoe Pe government of England on that of Frence. (Hear.) Why, then, I say, itis painful for meto see any two men auch high calibre as those ted by the Freneh and English governments placed in a situation m which they are compelled to do work so little worthy of the character they have hitherto maintained ; and I th nk it adds to blame to be attached to the Government. 7 be I asked, last July, for returns, to show whether the number of slaves landed on the coasts of the continemt and islands of America had not increasad since we left office. My belief ie, that it has increased. The measures we adopted had reduced the number to a very small amount. Government sy that it was owing to the exertions of Gen. Valdez, and some sudden light which berst on the Brezilicn government, thet the increase of slaves was tending to endenger \ue tranquility of that country—it was owing to the spontancous efforts ef the governments of Cuba and Brazil. ~ e ? , . There was the Ashburton capitulation ; there were con- cessionsto Frence on the effaire of ; Surrenders here, surrenders there ; and M. Guizot—finding he had to do with men who, to use the expression employed by my honorable friend, the member for Finsbury, were made ef squeezable materials—seid next session, I have been tannted with backwardness, and I will negociate. The case is not qnite so hopeless as it was Isst year. I shall erhaps not expose myself to ouch a decided refusal.” He aia negotiate ; he fudged rightly of the men wtth whom he had to den! ; the negotiation, though protracted some- what longer than ho expected, has been successful, and this government, ont of complaisance to a foreign power, andto maintain in his posta foreign minister some six months longer than he might otherwise remain, to catch a few stray votes in the Chamber of Doputies, are going to sacrifice all these princi which this Parliament and netion have for ‘years hel red, and te cendemn the innecent and unoffending inhabitants of Africa to an increase of those attrocities which necessarily sccompany the slave-trade. (Cheers) Sir, I shail only svy, of they at course, it will be forall men to determine, tl leave them to chocers whether they are more justly chargeable with the me:t miverobic weakuers, oF the most hateful and detestable fyls: (Loud cheers ) Sir Romeat Paxs—Nodovbt it ba very easy, in the state of relati between the country and France, to find opporty war, it you wh it, but the minis- ters both o rate Thought juer- sre'lisiand in the Pacific ocean, thou. ay {com both, should involve them ine ®) would consent to keep a very large coast of Africa, corcially pont wit mation to make every effort for tl ey of trade, ond if no consideration on the score of expouse were sufferad to interfere with this cordial union, he belreved that that course might be more efficacious than the right of search as it now existed. Tt was the hope of devising some such means thet the commission had been constituted. With respect to other matters touched upon bythe nobly. Jed, ve, the see ry site (Lord Job Russell) ha vel i upon the subject, he (Sir R. Peel) thought it better to ab- stain from any reference a A a meee cunnecied awh it, until the noble lord e y, ~ ing erwer noble lord Lond ing ferward that notice. But when that, in making the which Paimcriton) said tin Lord Asburten ties the Govern: ment had ected inconsistently with the honor, and had sacrificed the interests of this country, to thet statemen