The New York Herald Newspaper, August 29, 1844, Page 1

Vol. X., No. 340—Whole No. 3840. NEW YORK, THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 29, 1844. Price Two Cents. ‘The Immense Mass Convention OF THE WHIGS OF TRE RIVER COUNTIES, AT ALBANY, ON TUESDAY. Mr. Webster's Great Speech! The great Mass Convention of the Whigs of the River Counties of this State, took place on Tuesday at Albany. ‘The morning was very fine and the de- legations came pouring in in great numbers from an early hour. The “Swallow,” “ New Jersey,” and “Knickerbocker” brought the Clay Clubs from this city, and a large number of zealous whigs of all ranks and conditions. It was originally’ ar- ranged that the procession should form at 10 o’clock, but unavoidable delaye occurred, and it was 1 o’clock before it reached the ground select- ed for the assemblage of the multitudes attracted by the great rallying cry of the whigs of the Empire State. This was a large field in the vicinity of the residence of Stephen Van Rensselear, E: bounded on one side by aroad leading y, and skirted on the South and West by tall fir-trees.. About the centre of the ground, and beneath the shade of three or fouraged trees, a substuntial platform had been erected, and in front of it, on the ground, a sort of capacious hog-pen had been prepared for the reception of the reporters, which was speedily filled up by a miscel. laneous crowd of loafers, who managed to annoy and inconvenience the “gentlemen of the press” as efficiently as if they had been paid tor attending to that business. {n this work of annoyance a very active part was taken by two or three individuals who pretended tobe connected with the prees.— These things we mention in order to show the very unpleasant circumstances in which reporters are generaily obliged to attend to their important du- ties on such occasions, and in the hope that in fu- ture some degree of suitable accommodation may be provided for them by those who are interested with the arrangements for the comfort of speakers and the press at public meetings in the open air. An immense number of the fair sex were pre- sent, and amongst them we noticed quite a liberal sprinkling of beautiful. faces, and plump, round forms, full of health and vigor—a refreshing sight to the eye of the wearied denizen of the deserted city. We must confess, however, that the array of the whig beauty on this occasion, did not quite come vp to that which we have observed at simi- lar gatherings of the unterrified democracy of this glorious State. Many of the ladies were indeed’ very fashionably attired, but they had not ingene- ralso much of that natural grace and fascination which characterize the fair mothers and daughters of the party called, par excellence, the “bone and si- new.” Still, after all, the Empire State, and the good whigs of the Empire State had reason to re- joice in the threnged lists of temale loveliness and virtue which graced the gathering of the mighty hest assembled under the banner of Clay and Frelinghuysen. When the long procession filed in to the gather- ing ground, and the various delegations, with their drums beating and their banners floating gently in the breeze, took up their statiuns, thescene was in- teresting and imposing in the extreme. There were probably v:ry nearly ten thousand persons on the ground. Our artist made a beautiful cketch of the scene, which will appear in the Weekly Herald of Saturday next. The meeting was organized shortly after one o’clock, by the appointment of Samvet Stsvens, Eaq., a8 Chairman. ‘The Cuataman after soliciting the observance of order and silence, proceeded to say—No country on the face of the whole globe, except this bleesed Jand of ours, has ever presented to the eye of man such a‘spectacle as:we witness here to-day—the as- semblage of a free people to deliberate upon the measures which will conduce to the best interests of afree country. It is the intense excitement—the deep interest which is felt,‘not only by the citizens of the State, but in every State of the Union which has thus aroused the people in the majesty of their strength—which has gathered together the thousands which are assembled here to-day—and, fellow citizens, on an occasion like this, before such an assembly as this, congregated for such a purpoee as this, I cannot better subserve the great interest of my country, than by presenting to you, one, to whoge intellect—to whose patriotism—to whose untiring exertions for the public weal, every heart and every mind pays homage. (Loud cheers ) I beg leave then, fellow citizens, to present to you, a man who, on all eccasions—at ull times—in all places—in the councils of the nation, and in the walks of private life, has been the unswerving, the able, the*eloquent advocate of civil liberty. (Cheers.) One, fellow citizens, whose every fa- culty has been devoted to those great measures upon which the continuance of this Union, the best interests of the great repu' lic, ihe prosperity and happiness of ihis people cepend. (Cheers.) Fellow-citizens—I beg leave to present to your acquaintance—to commend to your regard— Daniel Webster. (Cheers.) Not Daniel Web- ater of Massachusetts alone, but Daniel Webster of the United States of North America. (Great cheering, clapping of hands, and waving of Clay pocket handkerchiefs.) Mr. Wesnsrer then advanced to the front of the platform, his eye’somewhat clouded, but his face legs pale, and altogether looking in better health and spirits than when we last saw him at Trenton, He spoke as follows :— In the history of the States and of governments, as in the lives of individuals, spochearxe in which it is wise to pause—to review the pa attentively the present, and to contemplate probable futurity. We are, fellow-citizens, upon the eve of a general election, full of importance and interest, involving re which rise far above all consid- erations of the personal qualifications of candidates for office—questions of the greatest and nearest bearing apes past and existing interest, and likely to effect the prosperity of the country in all times tocome. In my judgment, therefore, it is high: r in such a state of things and on euch an oc- casion, that we bring the past into our imm presence, ine i le ind consider and examine it—that we ponder assiduously on existing interest and ex- isting duties, a that we exercise whatev- er of forecest or sagacity we in en- deavoring to discover what is or what may be yet before us. Oathe 8d day of March next, fifty-six years will have passed since we began our nation- al character and existence under the nt _con- stitution of the United States. In the lapee of that period we have gone throngh fourteen Presidential elections, and have elected cight-and-twenty sue. cessive Congresses of the United States. these fourteen Presidential elections twelve have been effected by the popular vote accordipg to the visions of the constitution, and two have place in popennce of another constitutional provi- sion of the House of Representatives, in Congress, in default of an election by the primary mode of voting as defined in the constitution. Ali these successive electi have been legal and regular. Every successiv jcumbent of the Presidential office hus been acknowledged in succession to be rightfully in possession of that office. All these elections have been conducted without vio- lence or disorder—without the interference of an armed force, and by the regular, peaceful, con- stitutional exercis? of the public will. In my estimation, gentlemen, these are facts of the high- est importance to us, and of great interest importance to the whole world and mankind ;— because they prove that a republican government over a great country, embracing iA variety of inte- Tests, connexions, associations pursuits, is’ yet cable—that it has vonsibie permaceuse--cnd that 1t may be continued to exercise ite functions. For, such a government has existed—has continued Ss itseli—has exercised its functions, as 1 have said, tor more than half century, during which period, fierce wars have afflicted the nations of Europe, aad revolutions without a parallel for convulsion aud violence, have shaken the dynasties of the elder world. It is true, therefore, that during such a period there has existed on a great scale, a popu- lar and republican government, its officers renewed by the choice of the people, and their accession to power has been as peaceful and regular as in any of the established monarchies or dynusties of the in the second place, our history ancient world. proves not only that such arepublican governmentis capable of continuance, and, us we Lope, of perpe- tuity, but that itis capable also ef exercising all the functions and all the powers necegsary for go- vernment, and of performing ull the duties which are requisite for the protection and the defence of the country, and the advancement of the prosperity of the people; and in the third place, our history shows that a goverument thus ' constituted, and spread over a vast portion of the earth’s surface, as administered by men and good men, and supported bya virtuous community, is, 1n its teacency, a*salutary governmenit—that its general propensity 19 to act for the good of the people, and that, therefore, as parental and guardian in its character—as exercising wise functions for the general weal, it attaches to itself the sentiment of general support and approbation; and, finally, gen- tlemen, our history proves that such a goveroment may exist with all necessary powers of govern- ment—with all the tendeacies to salutary adminis- tration—and exist at the same time with perfect safety to popular liberty and private right. Because in this respect, looking back to the half ceatu which we have pi ) We may somewhat pe ly challenge the world, including the most advanced and enlightened nations of Enrope, to show, that any where on the face of the earth, there has existed in the:convulsions of the last half century of which I speak, a greater security ot pri- vate right, of life and of property, and a greater se- curity for popular public liberty than hasbeen main- tained in these United States. Now, es [ have said, gentlemen, it by epee to me thatin reviewing the pm we may well congratulate ourselves that we have set his greatexample not only to our pos- terity, to whom we are to commit the preservation of these institutions, but to the whole civilized world—an example which the world has desired to see—an example which all the lovers of civil and religious liberty throughout the world, es- pecially in the present tendency to popular go- vernment, throughout the world, have anxiously sought to behold. You know that it hasbeen a current opinion amot those who have specula- ted on government that the republican form of goverament ;was ted only to the affairs of Fe eigen er distinguished English phi- losopher, writingsome sixty or seventy years ago, said that th ae been the general sesh of poke tical writers, but that the truth of that opinion was about to be brought to the test of experiment and that that great experiment was to be made in America. ff that distinguished Englieh writer bad lived to, this day—had lived to review with us the incidents’ and occurrences. of the last fifty years—if he. were here to-day to see with what order, quiet and intelligence great public questions are considered by the body of the people, he would have said, and it would have rejoiced him te be able to say, that that great experiment had succeeded in a remarkable measure. Now, gentlemen, there are two pro- positions which it is my purpose to submit to you, and in support of which to offer such remarks as I may be able to make, and you to hear, in this vast concourse of men. The first ia: that if this government, under which we shall have lived I ips years on the 8d of March next, has fully and fairly, to the satisfaction of all men, and the admiration of the world, fulfilled the objects in- tended by it, then it is our interest, as we value our own happiness or those who are to come after us, to support that constitution of government.— (Great applause.) And in the second piace: 1 say that if the success of this coneti- tution for the period I have mentioned, be fairly referable to the practise—to the adoption and prac- tice of any great system of measures which we can understand—which we have experienced, then, I say, that if we love that constitution, and mean to gefend it and transmit it to our children, then our dury is, a8 far as in us lies, to pursue that same system of public measures, and adhere to all and each and every one of these great principles. The quertion is—has the American constitution fulfilled the objects of its adoption and establishmeat? To an intelligent understanding of these questions, and to the reudering ofa satisfactory answer, Jet me first look back to the period of its adoption and ascertain whut were its objects—forthe achievement of whut great ends was it destined—for whet significant and especial purposes did our fathers adopy the con- stitution of ihe Federal Government? Now, gen- tlemen, however wt Let er it may be, it is ne- vertheles< important that | ehould remark also on this occasion upon the state of the country whilst the States were connected only by the loose bondsof the old confederacy. The revolutionary war on its ter- mination in the year 1783, made the thirteen States independent States, but itle(t them with a feeble connection. They were a contederacy for certain e nowe pipe objects. They had not a government lor certain objects. They had no common revenue. They had no common commerce. They had no common nationality. A man could call him self a citizen of New York—of Massachusetts, or of Georgia. But no man with any em- Phasis—certuinly no man with any particular jae such as we all now experience, could call imselt, any where on the face of the earth an Amunican—because there was no community—no bldg ler specitic idea attached to that term, now so glorious throughout the habitable world. (Cheers.) Thewar leit the States embarrassed with disordered trade—with a heavy debt—all the States overwhelmed with depreciated paper money —no unity. of action, or of character—in short, no perfect union amonget the people of the States ; und especially there existed varieties of commer- cial regulations in the intercourse of each State with its neighbor, and with foreign nations, that constituted not only variety, but contradiction, and all sorts of discord, have stated—a state of things which Mr. Madison, with his clear perception and patriotic regard for the best interests of Ame- rica hesitated not to call ‘¢a wonderful anarchy of trade.” Now this was the state of things in which the Constitution of the United States was con- ceived by the wise men of that day. They set about the accomplishment of that great purpose— no easy one certainly—the formation of a new bond of union between thirteen independent sove- reign statee—each jealous of liberty—each jealous of its own rights—each estimating highly its own rand local advantages. But wisdom and patrietism and an earnest devotion to the interests of the whole operated every where, and that work of almost supreme impottance wus at length ac- complished. Now, gentlemen, to look a little more particularly into this matter—to require something more definitely for the objects for which the Constitution was formed. Its one Fe object was to meke us all one people. ‘hat the government over them was to be tor this purpose, we have the most authentic evidence—I allude to the address of the members of the Convention who framed the Constitution, to the States and to the people. Thataddress was is- sued in the name of the Convention and with the fest authority of Washington. It said, ‘the riends of our country | long seen and decided that the power of making war, peace and treaties— that of levying money—the regulation of commerce —the corresponding execution and judicial author- ity—should be fully and effectually vested in the feneral government of the Union. We see here then that the object of this Constitution was to make the people of the United States one people, and to place them under one government in Tegard to eyery thing that respected their relations with foreign States, and the aspect in which the natione of the world were to regard them. It was not to amalgamate the people with one government —it was not to extinguish State sovereign- tiee and State authorities—that would have been immeraon extinguishment—not union.— There was no desire even under pressing necessity, to make the local and municipal institutions of the eeveral States approach each other with any closer affinity or similarity as States. As governments ex- isting each within its own territorial limits, for all the pu of territorial supervision and govern- ment—for al! municipal, or properly speaking, State purposes, no matter what range or variety existed, the States were intended to be leit and were left to their own discretion and government. And this isthe peculiar ree, ot our system—the nice in- corporation of the federal with the State power, {tis the distributing power. Whatever is local is left to local authority, and whatever is necessarily eneral, is confided to the general government his I take to be the true idea of those purposes for which the general government, under the pre- sent constitution, was formed. And the most authentic and perfect support of this view of i Bl aio Em ie Mi ean in as consti- + _, that itrument, the ‘0 ple of the United States have declared on its very face—and there the words stand an everiasting record of their pu at they es- tablished the government of the United States in order to form @ more perfect union. They, the people, estublished the coastitution of the United States “in order to form a more perfect union” tw establish justice—to secure domestic tran- quillity—to provide for the commoa defence— to promote the general welfare, and finally to se- cure the blessings of liberty to them and their des- cendants. Now, at the head of all these objects stands out in bold and prominent relief, the great and noble one toform a more perfect uniou amongst the people of the States. And1 will take the liber- ty gentlemen, to refer to another passage in that same address of the Convention to the people of the States when the constitution was sent abroad for ratification. They say—‘‘Io all our delibera- ions on this subject we kept steadily in view that which appeared to us the greatest intercst of every true American—the consolidation of our Union, in which is involved our prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps, our national existence.” Now, you will please observe gentlemen, that this language 1s not applicable to the powers of government. They do not say that their object is to consolidate under the general government all the powers of governtzent—not at all to usurp the local authorit: of the States—not at all to interfere with that whic in its nature belongs to local legislation and admia- istration—but the consolidation of which Washing- ton and his associates spoke—is the consolidation of the Union for the just purposes of union. [t is the strengthening of the Union for those objects for which the Union itself ought to exist. I have said, and I beg leave to repeat it, because it lies at the foundation of all just conception of the Consti- tution of this country, that the union which our fathers attempted to establish, was 4 union amongst the people of the States, in everything that regard- ed their diplomatic and foreign relations, and their intercourse with the nations of the world, and amongst themselves. {t had been very imperfect, and indeed hardly existed utall under the confede- racy, and was deficient in all efficiency or produc- tiveness of good at the time the convention met. This, then, waa the object which was expressly stated by the members of the convention them- selves in the document to which I referred, and indeed ag expressed on the face of the constitution itself. Now, in furtherance of those objects, the constitution proceeded to invest the general gov- ernment with such powers and authority as the accomplishment of those objects appeared to re- quire. The constitution conterred upon the gene- ral government to declare war and make peace— the power of making treaties—and that other, great, and as it has turned out, absolutely omnipo- tent power, the regulation of trade. The govern- ment, gentlemen, has attempted toperform all these duties. it has exercised the power of regulating commerce—it has also sought to establish justice, another of ita obje: it has done 80 especially in the great matter of paying off the sacred debt of the Revolution—it as enacted laws to secure do- mestic tranquillity,and they, have been{found effec- tive—it has also, we all know, provided for the common defence by the maintenance of armies and navies, and made other provisions necessary for the security of the public weal in case war should be necessary in any contingent controversy with foreign mnations—it has promoted the public welfare and. has not neglected the means for the “security, of the blessings. of li- berty. Now these being the objects of the constitution, you and I, and our contemporaries throughout the country who have an_ opinion to express, and a vote togive after the expiration of this half century, are bound to put it to ourselves and our consciences, whether the object has been accomplished by the constitution of our country. Because if not—if the constitution has proved un- der the past administrations inefficient and value- lesa, why then it is time to revert to the exercise of the are power inherent in the people, of reform- ing the constitution, and establishing another more consonant to our wishes and designs; but | repeat if it be found that on the whole it has ‘accomplished its ends—to have subserved the public tranquillity ; to have carried the nation forward in wealth an business—to have raised it to a pas of glory and renown, of which lyou and | and all are proud, then if it has done this, why then, bound every tie of patriotic gratitude, we are called on to support it with all our hearts while we live, and to transmit it unimpair- ed to our children. (Cheers.) Now, 4 say it with all possible so!emaity, and with profeuna rev- erence for the wisdom and patriotiam of our ances- tors, that, making all necessary allowances for the errors incident to humanity, and the misfortunes that may occasionally visit all governments,—I sa! it to you—to the country—would to God could ‘say it in tones that would echo to the last generations of men—the constitu- tion lias — prosperously, greatly and glori- ously answered the ends of its esiablishment. If there be a man in the country, a man who doubts or denies this, I have no great respect for him, and with his feelings Ihave no manner of sympathy. Now, gentlemen, this government was established at oneof the mosteventful perieds in the history of the human race in modern times—just at the break- ing out of that most tremendous convulsion which ao long shook Europe to its foundations—in all its thrones and dynastiee—the French Revolution. We had just commenced the careerof administration under our great leader of revolutionary times. We had just commenced our national being uuder this constitution when the Freach revolution broke out. It proved both a safety anda security—it proved compe- tent to preserve a nutrality, to keep us clear irom bemg submerged and everwhelmedin the maelstroom of a European war, and it replenished the treasury, and by ite acts gave a charocter and standing to the American name. It made our flag respected by European Powers, over every sea navigable by man went forth their science and enterprize. We had atsumed a general significant, respectable, and I will say baie and imposing name of American, (Applause) Under this Constitution we have attained to the rank of the second commersial country in the world, Wehave risen under it, gentlemen, from a population of three millions to twenty ; every interest,in be judgment, has been successfully jained, maintain. ed, cherished and nourished by a wise general goyern- ment. And, now, gentlemen, is there a man amongiyou or in this country, who, upon a just and candid examination, will not stand by it, or who would sooner prefer another? Tree it to you to sav whether in this history of the past which I have sofar very briefly scanned, you see any- thing to be reversed or revolilionized, 1s there anything in the records of our countr; history to make ou ashamed of as Americans? (Criesjof no, no.) pat it to the elderly is assembly who are draw- ing to a close of th , if they conceive of any better practical system to which to entrust the liberties, the property, the scourity of their children? 1 put it to the young men and those of middle lite who are engaged in the concerns ofbusiness, if they have a notion of any better system, more calculated to secure their interest, to maintain their institutions, or to protect their propert and the lives ef their children. ‘To you, young men, full efactivity—the ingenuousness and aapirations of youth— so full of patriotiam, and readiness toserve your country, do you wish to render your public services under another banner? (Cries of “‘no.”) Then gentlemen, fellow Ameri- can citizens, if st be true that the Constitution of the United States under the various and successive adminis. trations which have taken place since ’89, has fulfilled all the just, and I will say the most sanguine hopes of the [eae is there a question that it is cause of gratitude to God—that is our duty to preserve and respect it for our own sakes, and to transmit it sacred for that of others dear to us—that we cling to it as to the ark of our political safety, and that whoeer may be thrown astray from this greal ween of national regard, we will adhere, and main tain and defend it till eur dying day. (Loud and hearty applanse.) Then, gentlemen, if this be so, that the ‘onstitution of the country has beenpre-eminently useful, the next question ts, upon hat system of gorernment policy—acoording to what measures, relating to the interests of the country, has it been always edministered? How did it commence, what mea- aures were ado] to secure the end in view from its cradle? Gentlemen, let as go back to that interesting epoch, fhecommencement of Washington’s administration in the State of New York, under the it Constitution of the United States.§ For myself, ! revisit these rcenes al. ways with delight, and refresh i he by going back to those sprin, eof the republic in order to contemplate the character of those men and the character of those measures —to admire the pre-eminence of their patriotism, and the elevation of their principles. In idea, | love to gather round me the circle of Washington and his not on the feld of battle, but thi ical compntriot: wat of wisdom and the sclence of government—a field w rudence, discretion and firmness won a greater victor: han ever followed the conflict of arma. | m:; = —— view fd Congres oe yee the Ly ration of an sent te myself a livel Je 0 wise men. ‘There, in idea, see Washi ton Mimveell, surround. ed by histimmediate advisers = bee rest, Mr. Jay, whose honored name seconded the bill in the Legislature for the Protective Tariff, under the old confederation ot Hamilton and General Knox. There wes in the popular House, Ames, and Goodhue, and Benson, and Lawrence, and Goodenough, and Fitzsimmons, and Madison. In the Senate were “_ and Schuyler, and Robert Morris, and R. H. Lee of gia, he who moved the resolution in 1776; he was then in the Senate. He wes the principal champion of the measure alluded to. In every department of government, warriors of many well fought field, both in the Congress and the Senate, and who had surrounded the chief in the hours of le the fiery ordeal of the revolution, lation, Gen- tlemen, | can read the scene when Gen. Washington as- sem! led these houses of legislation before him, and made hia first speech and Pe adue tribute to their elevated character, and laid before them and the country ,the great Preetoiee of public and privatevirtue on which he wished fo see the government of the country established. He said * It will be more consistent, with the circumstances, far more congenial to the feelings which actuate me to sub- stitute for a recommendation of cous. meastires, the tribute thet is due to the talent, the rectitude, and the triotiem characters selected to devise and adopt them ; aud in these honorable qualifications ¢ behold the purest pledge that no local prejudice or attschments—no separate views-no petty animosities will misdirect the comprehension and equal eye which ought te watch over this great assemblage of common sureties and interests; and that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in tue pure and immovabie principles of private morals, aod the permanence of tree government be ex- emmplified by ali im reviewing the admonition of the citi- zens and the respect of the world, Since the preserva- tion of the sacred fire of Liberty, and the destiny of a re publican form of government are justly considered as deeply perhaps finally staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people.” And in this senti- ment of Washington, | concur with all my heart. I be- lieve that we have iu our hands this pledge, and that the triends of liberty throughout the world ure looking anx- iously to see if we can preserve this great mode of go- vermment, aud held atup for the imitation of mankind. Gentlemea, this was the scene in whieh onr government commenced—these the scenes in which it begaa—scenes that are in my judgement worthy of Americaus— worthy of liberty—worthy of everlasting renown. I feel the gales upon me blow, And temporary bliss bestow, As fresh they spread their gladsome wings Each watts the soul they seem to sooth, And, redolent of joy and spring, ‘To breathe another youth. (Applause) But now, gentlemen, that we have turned back to con- template the great first assemblage of the chief megia- trate and legisiators under the Coustitution, tae inquiry 48, what system of administration did they adopi? What measues appear consistent with the Constitution? and here I wish to put question at once, without further pre. luminaries er remaras, and 1 wath put it not only to the whigs ai#embied here, but to auy who may be present whois pertial to our opponents; { will put it to him, to his Conscience, nnd lov’ of truth, Whether the great mea- sures which the government of ,that day set out with, and determined to carry out, and did #0 in the hope of benefit. ting the peopie,are tause which they are recommending to- day? (Cries of" No, no.”) Did Washingten begin by de; nying ali power of fostering the labor and industry of the nied Siates? Did he begin by denying that Congress bad power over the currency, or to establish means whereby to raise a revenue tor the necessary expenses of Government? or that the Congress, as far as the exigency of the case demands, might unsertake works of im: provement, lutely necessary for the facilities of com: merce? Did he, in short, enter upon hisadmunistration with the notion that, alter ali that had been dove to make @ united people, there still rumained @ power of State in- meprenton by which avy one State might set up its will in opposition to all the rest, and divide the government and the country as it pleased? Now we know that the administration, it it had in view any of those ob- jects, would have deivated the object aiter the union among the people of the different States. It would have uuticd instead of tying unew the knot of concord and agreement. No, tuere were some trusts and duties conveyed to the general government, about which there is not much dis- pute. ‘Yo muke war und peace ; to negociate treaties.— ‘These are very definite ; not being liabie to great differ- ences of opinion or mistakes. ‘Then comes theother and more important power—the power ot regulating trade and commerce. What does that mean? On this part of the constitution there has sprung upin .ne day a great diversity of opinion. It is certain that when the consti- tution was first formed, there was no diversity of opimion or contradiction of sentiment. The power of reguiating commerce granted to Congress by the conatitution of the United States, was mort assuredly understood to embrace all forme and regulations which belong to the several State governments—to mean ull that is implied in the terms as used in the laws and history of ero nations, and it is susceptible of mathematical proot that the power of discriminasiog in Custom-house duties for the purpose ef protecting American interests was admitted, not by some—by ali; high and low every where is included in the power of regulating trade. The terms ‘regulate trade ” were introduced in all our Colonial history. We had had with England controversies about trade jong be- fore about discriminating and prohibitory duties ; and if we go back to the treaties adopied in those cases, or if we exainine the language whenever assemblies of the people were heid to consult on these topics, their ideas were held up—that we cunnot get on in cultivating the mechanic arts, or prosper in home manufactures,unless government have the power, and follow the policy of protecting by ade- quate duties American industry. (Applause) 1 shail ad- vert to one or two circumstances that occurred at the organization of the government, tv show you that this be- liet—the conviction of what was the duty and which will be the conduct of the new government—prevailed in all pluces. ‘The House of Representatives formed a quorum under thia Constitution, held its first session in the city of New York, on 17th May, 1789, by the choise oi its Speoker ; and now, gentlemen, the House of Representa- tives being thus orgacized, what do you imagine was the first petition ever presented ? Of that I am able to inform you. Jhold in my hand an wccount taken from the jour- nals of the slouse, A petition of the tradesmen, manu- facturers und others, of the town of Baltimore, State of Maryloni, whese names are thereunto subscribed, was presented to,the House and read, stating certain mutters, and praying for an imposition of such duties on all foreign articles which way be madein America, so as to give w just and decided preference to the labors of the pe- tutioners ; and that there may be granted to them in cota: mon with other manufactures and mechanics of the Uni- ted States, such reliet as the wisdom of Congress may desire.” jut ia the very first petition ever presented to Congress, and it came trom the capital of Ma- ryland. And now what do you suppose was the second petition? Why it was a like peti- tion from certain mechanics of Charleston—not Charles: town of Massachusetts, that commonwealth now scotted at and derided as being narrow and selfish in its views—not that Charlestown that was burned and laid in ashes by a foreign toe on the 17th of Jane,1795; but which on the formation of a native government sprung up egain like another Phenix with renovated and increased heauty ; not that Charlestown which skirts the base of Bunker Hill, but Charleston, the refined and elegant city, the pride ot South Carolina, always distiguished for its intel- eence hospleahiy end. all the social virtues—Charleston, the mention of which brings along with it in its associe- tions the names of Pickering, and Sumner, and Lowndes; it was from the bosem of that city that this petition ema nated; and it wasfrom the shipwrights of that city pray- ing Congress, by an Act of Navigation, to protect them is their employment against foreign competition. Here is the minute of it: “A petition cf shipwrights of the city ot Charleston, 8. C., was presented to the House and read, stating the distressea they are under from the de- cline of that branch of business f and praying that the wisdom and policy of the new legisiature may be directed to such measures of a geueral regulation of trade and pro- per navigation act, as may tend to relieve the distresses of petitioners, and in common with — th of their fel- Jow citizens throughout the United States.” (Cheers.) Well, gentlemen, where did the next petition on this subject come from? What people, or city or commu- nity? Whose inhabitants follows this up—this petition— and urged a similar application on the Congress? It was the mechanics and manufacturers of that city, now the great commercial emporium of the whole western continent, the city of New York; and sce gentlemen in what manner they present themselves, to what they call, and publicly call, the new government, and what hopes aro publicly inapired in their bosoms from the canis of the fact that on their new govern- ment are bestowed those powers of protection of mechani- cal labors Whose exercise they implore. A petition of manufacturers and mechanics of the city of New York, whose names are thereunto subscribed, was printed and read, setting forth that in the present deplorable state of trade and manufactures, they look with confidence to the operations of thenew government for the restoration of both—subjoining a list{of such articles an be manufac. tured in the city of NewYork,and humbly claim the atten- tion of the new Legislature thereto And yet, gentlemen, io that it and noble city, which has gone ahead of all competition, which presenta itsclfto theworld as the great- est cityof theAmerican continent,abounding in commerce and {succesful manufactures, there are to-day, persona in that very city, from whence proceeded this petition of 1739, who deny all power to Congress to legislate for the relief of their fellow citizens. Lamentable, in my jadg- ment, ia this great departure—I will not say from what cause, but I kuow it exists—from first principles, Now, gentlemen, I atk you again, how were those petitions for protection treated? Did Congress deny the power to comply, and say ‘ We cannot relieve or protect you, sunless it; be incidentally”? (Laughter.) Did they say “we have only a revenue ower, toat is to say, we can take so much money out of their pock- eta, but’God forbid we should answer the people” ?— (Laughter) Did they say in answer to those petitions, every one is to look to himself—in this free land and en- lightened age every one is to see to their own interests 7 Fur from it. We oll know that the very first Congress secured the navigation of the United States to her own eople— even now there is not only a preference shown, ut the whole country trade made a complete monopoly to the exclusion of strangers. Loo< at this question. The smog Metged is a very important portion of our commerce. hy do we not let in the Dane or the Russian Rrople to do it—to transport our commodi ies from jew York to Boston. If you go upon the system of tree trade, keep at it—be impartial, and say to a ship owner or shipwright of the United States, “ You have no right to be protected, or to carry on the trade of this country more than other people.” But it was ited, and now, gentlemen, oocupies more than half the tonnage of the whole shipping of the country, and so may it ever be (Applause. | ‘ell, how did Congress treat the Baltimore petition? They yielded to it; the very firat act of Con- | Sa was Festnan J @ trade protection, and securing to ¢ meehanice’ rights the protection they claimed. Now, ntlemen, | know I am ey eget with this detail, (cries of no, no,) but it public desisions be worth any: be, we must go to first | engorged must go back and drink deep of the Legislature enactments. (Cries of food) I willcall your attention then to the first act of Jongress, entitled, “ An act te make provision for govern- ment for paying the national debt, and for protection of American manufactures,” Aye, that now so much abhorred word “ protection.” is in th te hook, it cannot be erased, and it never shall be erased. (Loud cheers, and cries of never”) Con- gress, on the let day of May, 1789, formed a quorum ; the means of government were very low ; the notional trea- sury was exhausted; there was no money to pay the ordi nary expenses of the members. Mr. Madieon proposed a measure, rairing & needful supply, and merging the ques: tion'of discrimination for the snke of despatch. fie propor. ed not a discriminating law, but one which taxed all arti- cles of import alike, at @ cer the house steadily refused, but began in the right way by taxing with a discrimination favorable tothe American people; Madison's bill was voted down, but he never gave up his principle; it was at this time no local principle; the North was not for one view, and the South for nother, for they were equally ardent friends of the principle of protection; and @ gentlemen from Virginia insisted that coal should be a, and another from South Ca said that that portion of the field beyond what was required for use should be protected by imposing a tax Russian b , as that artich might be grown in. thelr spare Is ar Meore, of 8. the | Mr. C., said too, that by protection he did not know but that some day they might raise good cotton. Now, gentle- men, these scatiments continued to prevail through ll future administrations, andwere recog aized as @ just mode of carrying on the business of the country. This, then, gentlemen, is its history with regard to protection ; from thesw historical truths, recognized by our Congreas—the messages of our Presidents—the acts of Congress itseli— beginuing with the very first ect down to the preseut— from uli these we learn’ that it athe right ana daty of Congress, by a right discrimination to protect the indus: try of the Alnerican people, ‘There are w lew other topics which | shall pass over ut once. Jt is now denied that Congress hus any power over the public funds. Wush- ington aad Madwon did not think so You know that by the Constitution of the United Stutes, ail power of lay:ny on duties and imposts is exclusively grauted to Congress by the Consutution; by the advption of that in- strament, each State is protibited to do so— Alt facilities for improvement possessed by the States were surrende to the general government Thappen to know that as soou as the Constituuion was es- tablished, and tue power devolved upon Congress, our new government met in New York, Geueral Wushing- ton uddressed letters to the port wardens of the Srates, telling them that henceforth, of course the muinte:ance of sigat houses would devolve cn Congress; but as Congvess had no money, and no provision was made for it, be required these port wardens not to extinguish their lughts,but to contiaue to hold up their lantherné,pledgiog himavii taat he would see them refunded in good ume, which he did. But now it ia considered a great heresy to carry on a national benefit in a partioular State—to te move a sand barfrom a harbor to tacstate the cominerce. of the country, J am of opinion that so lar as the facilities “of commerce ure cyencersed they deloug to Congress to be exercised as by the old Stutes. Mr. Webster then passed very briefly over the objections urged by his opponents agaiast the right of Congress to interfere with the internal improvements of the States,— He referred to his own conduct on this branch of whig polley when in Congress, and related an anecdote of his ing taken to task by one of his constituents on account of voting for an appropriation for the improvement ot the harbor of Mobile in Alabama. His constituents wanted to know the reason of Mr. W.’s solicitude for such a dis- tant post, and Mr, W. replied that his constituent might recollect that two of his own townsmen had been drown- ed in their own vessela while attempting to enter that harbor. (Laughter.) He then proceeded ‘o apeak of the absence of affirmative principle with the opposite arty. Theic creed was a collection of negativ They deny that Congress had the power to pretect co merce—that they had the power to direct or aid internal improvements—that, in fact, they possessed nothing but the power uf nullification. (Laughter) It was true, some of the opposite party said they did not go so laras some ot their brethren, It is neediess for him to say that sume go tarther than he is prepared to go. But he, for the time, contributes to that stretch of his principles of which he says he cannot and wiilnot,approve. Why, then, give the power? If it be said that all ure not aguinst protection— then who are they that are not opposed toit ! And if there really be any net opposed to it, do they not follow the leader just as they do who are? No—justicejrequires that in this respect some exceptions ought to be made. There are, undoubtedly some exceptions. But then the candi- dates of the party are prepared ior Shoe and there is little doubt about their relation to question, which ig the most important of all the issues now at stake, with the exception, perhaps, of one, to which I will by ana by refer, ‘Welt, en, what are the views entertained on protection by the selected leader of those we are called ‘on to oppose? What are the views of Mr. Polk 1— (Laughter, in consequence of the sarcastic pronunciation of the name.) Wuy, he say: is for * dicious ff.” What sort of a tariff is that? (Laught It hi ask his brethren of South Carolina, they tell him that “a judicious tariff ” is horizontal tariff.” (A laugh.) But he says that he i: in favor of “incidental protection ;” and what is that? It is more correct TN deprreoyfenogerme protection.—(Laughter.) Now, fellow citizens, the true principle is this—you levy money for reyenue—you raise no more than is necessary for revenue, but thin in laying tt it is done not accidentally but with discrimina. tion aud caution, Ags for saying that it is in form of “1 cidental protection,” as well might he say he is for rain, or a fog, or a thunder storm—incidents removed altoge- ther from his control and entirely independent of his vuii- tion. That's not a statesman’s tanner of laying dutiew— surely —surely !—(Cheers.) No, this—the principles is this—one ui , year to the maivienasice of the government, and you contribute it, in the form cf a tex, ou ditterent commodi- ties consumed by you. Now, it it dove not increase government, Aid you have no particular interest with regard to any article, it makes no diifereace to you, but it may make all the difference in the werld to your neighbor who may be engaged in the manufacture of one i. br article, and the imposition cfa tux on which may press heavily enough upon him, and place him on terms ot very far inferior equaiity to @ ioreign competitor. (Cheers.) This isthe true view of the matter, We hear much about reciprocity, and | tuke the rule on that sub- ject fit for an American statesman to follow, to have bewn very closely and justly stated by an eminent gentleman— amembor of the Senate of the United States—whom you will hear after you have got over the pain of listening tome. With regard to commerce and systems of perfect equality among tie States and reciprecity in matters of trade with all ioreign nations, | have yet to learn out of some of our dictionaries that a system of reciprocity isa system of advantages on one side. 1am for reciprocal treaties—no, not “trea! but reciprocal arrange- ments, as I have stated—not reaties,” becaui ma- king of such treaties as that belongs to Cong! 3 but certainly | am notin favorof such arrangements 0s those recently negotiated, but which the Senate of the United States properly rejected, and in my jndg- ment, greatly to its honor. I ascribe no blame to either arty, for it was an experiment; but in my opin- ae we have already erred in this matter. We have been over-reached in the arrangements entered into with England—commonly called Mr. McLane’s ar- rangements ot ’41. These certainlyyhave terminated in the injury of the interests of American navigation, and 1 be- Hieve that the first step ofa new administration —if we ever get one—should be the correction of this mistake, and the adoption of the policy to take care of ourselves, and not abandon our own interests out of good-will to a foreign competitor. Now, gentlemen, having detoined you so Jong upon the history of the government to slow that pro- tection has been one of its great objects, | must pass husti- ly over the remaining subjects of remark. Mr. W. here went on to argue at some length that protection to the manufacturer was one of the most efficient means of rotecting the labor of the agriculturist, to whose honora- Bie position in this land,as contrasted with the pauper la- borers of Europe, he made an appropriate reference. In order to sustain this argument, he exhibited the results of statistical inquiries—conducted by himself and a dis guished relauon, to the quantity of the domestic raw ma- terial consumed by Massachusetts, The great object he contended was te create a home market for the egri- cultural products of the country—that was best done by increasing the menufacturing population through the protection of manufacturing industry. The ports of En- gland were closed against our bread-stuffs by laws of whose repeal or modification he did not se any immediate prospect. Massachusetts took annually seven millions of dollars worth of cotton from the South—four millions of doliars worth of wheat, most of it from the State of New York—she took, paid for, and consumed four millions of corn, oats and other #rain—one and a half millions of coal from Pennsylvania—three millions worth of wool, and he hoped the farmers of Dutchess county would remember that before next November—(A laugh) Let them find ont what had raised the price of wool—let them it thet sale for it if they could by this “incidental and judicious tariff.”— (Laughter.) Of leather and hides, Msasachusetts com- monly took, paid for, and consumed $750,000—three mil- lions worth of beef and pork, chiefly from Ohio—one million of butter and cheese—a million and a half of big lead from Missouri—half a million of rice from Sout! Carolina—and of tar, pitch and turpentine from the gleri. cous old North State, a million’s worth annually—a mil- lion’s worth of iron from Pennsylvania--in all, millions annually of the products of the ra' taken, paid for, and consumed by Massachuset:s alone— an amount equal to one hulf of the whole exportation of domestic produce to Europe. flome one here hand ed Mr. Webster a little tract against the tariff which he took up and asserted that its statements were all fabrications—one of them was to the effect that beef in 1543 was $5, and that it had now fallen to $5. He only wished he had known when there ‘was a market for it in 1643, at $8 as he had thenja little to dispose of himself. (Laughter) He admitted that the rice of agricultural products was low but he confidentiy looked to an improvement soon. He then went on—There is one other topic, gentlemen, coming within the discus- sion of this time most int ing to us and te the whole country—to which I will only allnde—I mean the subject of the annexation of Texas. That gives a grave and in- calculably deep interest to the Sur. now pending before the community. But my ig on ing ment the great subject of Inquiry show —are we following in the tracks which oiir fathers made for us? I put it to you to-day—let it be decided hy this great State of New York, who of herself exercises such an influence in this contest—who that looks on the map and sees her stretching from one frontier to the other— with her great commercial emporium at one end, and the vast shore of the ocean lakes at the other—who that looks at her census, her commercial greatness—who that contemplates New York in any capacit; oid the reflection that she holds, | would almost fearful re- sponsibility for the futare conduct of thi intry. Tam not to doubt that her intelligent people will ac- uit themselves on this occasion as they think their own interest and the interest of the country require. If 1 doubted that, I shonld doubt of the continuance of the prosperity of the country. I desire before lenving to give my thanks to you— as many of you as are citizens of Albany. for your kindness and hospi- tality. Oflate years myintercourse with the good people of Albany has not been frequent. Jt was my happiness to be here a good deal formerly—my happiness to form acquaintance with great und good inen of this State with some not now among the living—with De Witt Clinton, © name never to be mentioned by any American without entire reepect—with the lore General Van Rens- selJaer,whose many moral and smiable qualities seemed to euable him to overcome the difficulty of a camel’s going through the eye of a needle—ot Governor Tompkias—-o1 Mr. Van Vechten, and among the gentiemen with whom in early life ond early manhood I hod the pleasure to form an acquaintance. | may allude to two, still vigorous in advanced # who have enlightened « whole profersion, and whore public life has reflected great credit on your State and the country-! mean Chancellor Kent and Mr. Chiet Justice Spencer. men not amongst us—net here today, but with us, 1 em sure, in sympathy, and soul full of the same sym pathetic hope and the some patriotic purpose. poewes may long live to see and to enjoy the pros: ont and flory ‘of their country And now with the est Rood wishes for you all, allow me to take of you « most respectful leave. geeat question ix ‘on has to contribute Mr. Webster then retired, amid tremendous cheers. The Hon. M. Berrien then addressed the mul- tutude in a short and animated speech. Joz Hoxiz—the regenerated Apollo of the party, next sang a song, which was loudly applauded. The Hon. Mr. Ggorce also made a short speech. But it was evident that all interest had ceased when Webster finished his long speech of two hours and a quarter. During the delivery of Mr. Webster’s speech the crowd was addressed at different parts on the out- skirts of the assemblage, by Greeley, the “Pough- keepsie Blacksmith,” and other itinerant orators. ‘These little independent spouters had evidently the most fun and enthusiasm, for shout,'yells, screams, cheers, laughter and becchanalian outcrys were constantly bursting from their hearers to the evi- dent discomiiture of the “ god-like” Dan. Altogether the affair did not by any means come up to our expectations. The whig party will, of course, say that there was at least fifty thousand people there. But our estimate of ten thousand is rather overthan under the mark. We were also disappointed in seeing so few com paratively of the most influential of the leading men in the whig ranks in this State present on the occasion. Still it was a very important popuiar gathering, and from the display of feeling and en- thusiasm, it is very evident that the whigs are pre- pared to make a desperate fight in the “ Empire State.” We have great pleasure in expressing our grate- ful acknowledgments to Captain McLean, of the ** Swallow,” for his kind and polite attention in affording us the best possible accommodation for writing out our notes on board his elegant boat. From tH Sanpwicn Istanps.—We are indebied toa trend for a Sandwich island paper of March 2d, culled "The Friend of Temperance.” A considerable portion of it 1s occupied with President Tyle1’s message delivered at the opening of the session of Congress in De- cember last, which tne editor saya he publishes at the re- ques, of several gentlemen for the perusal of numerous American readers, and he hopes some of the readers will Cust in their mite (o defray the expenses of publication. ‘There is a communication in the paper, headed, * Won- derfui Phenomenon,” ich states that on the morning of the 13th of February, a aes Was in circulation through the town of Honolulu, that an immense body of water hed burst through the eurface of Fort Hil, und spread itself out upon the summit in the form of aleke. it was stated thet the water around the borders of the said lake ‘was cold, but that.n the centre it was hot, and tat ite depth was eight fathoms. The excited natives were soon flocking in crowds to the scene of wonder. It was judg- ed that not less than 1600 made the pilgrimage i the course of the forenoon, many of whom brought uway calabashes (ull of water. Some of the eurious procured from them small phials or bottles filled with the precious jement. Many speculations were agitated to ascertain the origin of this uniooked for phenomenon. Some thought the sea had suddenly torced a passege through what wus once an active volcano, and that henceforth the old crater was to send forth water instead of fire. Others again believed that water had been gradually accumulating in the fis- sures and cavities of the mountain during the last twenty years, and had at length united in one vast body ; but no One could certainly tell ; conjecture was rife. At length, in the atternoon, several gentiemen, in whose judgment the utmost contidence could be reposed, moun- ted horse and proceeded to the place, determmed to ex- amine with their own senses this new “lion,” whose sud- den appearance had disturbed in so remarkable a degree the tranquility of thetowa. They went prepared to take its soundings, and also to ascertain ity cxuct temperature. On arriving ut the designated epot, they found a emali dark pool, and into it their lead was immediately c which found bottom at the surprising depth of six inch ‘The water was so muddy thi it was not thought advisa- bie to make use ofthe thermometer. It was now rccl- lected that a great deal of rain had recently italien, and here the murvel ended. ‘The editor ot the “Friend” adda that the deep sensetion which pervaded the commuuity arose from the circum- siance that a native woman, ing been troubled in her ion, at length announced forth on Fort, ali Panch Bowl, Hill, ‘To testthe truth of her dream, seconded the hill, when lo! @ fountain was to be seen. The report like an electric shock among the na- tives, and some of the foreigners, atseems, had ticir cu- riosity much excited.— Boston Transcript. Frientru, Acciwrnr at NiaGana.—Miss Mar- tha K. Rugg, a youns lady aged about 20, whore rents reside at ncast luss., left her home a few a i 18. George W. Howe, of of Mr. John Long of Detroit, the partuer in business of Mr. Howe, lier bro- ther-in-lew. Arriving at Niagara Falls, they stopped with the intention of spending w short time. On patarday about noon, in company wita a perty irom this city, they walked out, and when on the bank Rust below the Falla, near the Museum, on the Canada side, Miss Rugg sud- denly left the arm of her protector to gather some bushes rowing on the very brink of the precipice, and almost natantly lost her baisnce—falling about 160 feet perpen- dicularly! She was heard to utter ene fearfu! ory e was,falling, and, all was still. It wa: nutes before her companions could reach they did so,they foundjber still alive, but senseless —utter. ing a few incoherent words. Medical aid was afforded almost immediately, but she died in ebout three boure.— ‘The only discernable injuries on the body were a slight scratch on one temple, and one ancle bro! ‘The first intimation which her bereaved parents will receive of this melancholy catastrophe, will be conveyed to them in this paper, We have conversed with those who were present when the accident occurred, and they ali concur jn exculpating Mr, Long trom the least blame. ‘The body was brought to this city the seme night, and leit in the bout last evening for Detroit, where it is taken for bu- rial.—Buffalo Gazette, Mugust 26. ALarwnG Firg at AraLacnico.a.—Oor citizens were aroused about half-past three this morning with the thrilling cry of fire! The two buildin L by R. J. Moses, the one occupied by P. Laprade other by Mr. Colman, tailor, were both burnt dowr the small house adjoming, lately occupied by Jos. Se The flames spread with equal rapidity on the west dcommunicated with the two hous wed, w by the Land Company—one lately occupied by v 5, Lawrence, and the other formerly known as Whittle’s house. The kitchens of the house of fi. W. Brooks, an t of the houses occupled by Henry Hodges and Z. W. MicKnew, also took fire ; but by the great exertions of some of ourcitizens,together with the assistance of afew active men from the steamers Florence Syren, who are ever ready on such occasions, they were pulled down, and the main buildings saved. H.W. Brooks’ house was in great danger for sometime, as tue heat was so intense tnatit waa impossible for any one to stand between it and the kitehen long h to throw water. The house oc cupied by James F. Farrior was also a little scorched, but by perseverance it ‘was saved from the devouring cle- ment. Fortunately it was a4 calm at the time, or there is no telling where it would have stopped.—Apalachicola Adv. Aug. 19. Emigration To Canapa.—Number of emigrants arrived at Quebec during the wee’ k ending Aug. 24. Cabin, —_Steerage From England, 3 220 “Ireland... .. - 0 21 “Scotland. .. “ ~ 6 23 Previously reported..... 376 16,631 ‘Total, 384 17,025 To the same period last year, 691 18,651 “yor 1,626 Decrease in 1844... +6100 e+ Missouri Evection.--We are yet without re- turns from a good many counties in this State, and as we bave stated the general result, we sholl await the official returns. It is quite certoin, thet Leonard H. Sims ts the leading man on the softjor independent ticket for Con- reas, and becomes, as the locofocos term it, the “ acci- Frntal” member of that body, Mr. Parsons, a candidate on the hard ticket, having died toe lateto put forth a successor with any chance of success, — St. Republicon Porrtics in Texas.—The election for President of Texas takes place on the first Monday in Sep- tember; Burleson and Jones are the candidates; the first is in favor of annexation, the latter against it. Jones ix supported by the influence of Houston, now President, butitis believed the ularity of Burleson will elect him, Jones is openly irlevor of an alliance with Eng- jand, and the ent of a policy unfavorable to the United States. More Parnons.—It is understood that informa- tion has recently reached the Department of State, that her Britannic Majesty has extended pardon (on the usual condition of good behavior while residents there) to the American prisoners now in the British penal colo- nies, whose names are embraced in the annexed list :— List—Joseph Stewart, Eliznr Steve! videon A. Good- rich, Nelson J. Gi , Jarry Griggs, Benjamin Mott, famucel Newcome, James De Witt Fers, Luther Darby.— Madisonian. ne nin hes Carrer Picrons.— We are injormed that a car- rier pigeon was shot this morning flying across the back bay over the marshes, and that much regret wae manifested by the sperteman, on finding it was not (be common wild pigeon for which it wastaken. As it may he a matter of curiosity, or interest to the owner of the bird to know his course and the time when shot, the flight was due north, and the time when killed seven o'clock. The color of the carrier was brick red, and dingy white or Jight slate, It had a Jeathern strap round the left leg, without anything else attached.—Beston Transcript, Iu. gust 27. Omro Riven.—At Pittsburgh, Saturday, there were four and a half feet water in the channel, wu! the river was still risang.