New Britain Herald Newspaper, June 26, 1916, Page 11

NEW, BRITAIN DAILY HERALD, MONDAY, JUNE 26, 1916. * ROOSEVELT REJECTS MOOSE NOMINATION (Continued from First Page.) service to the practical appiication that each man his brother keerer. Furthermore, it is no le: evident that this preparedness for the of peace forms the only sound for that indispensable military sparedness which rests on univers military tr and which finds pression in universal obligatory ser- vice in time of war. Such universal obligatory training and service are the necessary complements of uni- versal suffrage, and represent the rea- lization of the true American, the democratic, ideal in both peace and war. loyal nation, of be and the precept must ining, Will Continue His Work. Sooner or later the national prin- eilples championed hy the progressives | their general effect | of 1912 must in be embodied in the structure of our national existence. With all my heart it 11 continue to work for these great ideals, shoulder to shoulder with the men and women who in 191 championed them: and I am sure that these men and women will show a Hke loyalty to the other, the funda- ntal, ideals which the events ©f the past two yvears have proven to be vital to the permanency of our na- tional existence. The method by which we are to show our loyalty to these ideals must be determined in each case by the actual event. Our loyalty is to the fact, to the principle, to the ideal, and not merely to the name, and least of all to the party name. The progressive movement has been given an incalcuiable impetus by what the progressive party has done. Our strongest party antagon have ac cepted and enacted into law,. or em- bodied in their party platforms, very many of our most important prin- ciples. Much has heen accomplished in awakening the public to a better understanding of the problems of so- cial and industrial welfare. Yet it has become entirely evident that the people under existing condi- tions are not prepared to accept a new party. It is impossible for us progressives to abandon our convictions. But we are faced with the fact that as things actually are the progressive national organization no longer offers the means whereby we can make these convictions effective in our national life. Under such circumstances, our duty is to do the best we can, and not to sulk because our leadership is rejected. That we ourselves continue to believe that the course we advo- cated was in the highest interest of the American people is aside from the question. It is unpatriotic to refuse to do the best possible merely be- cause thé people have net put us in position to do what we regard as the very best. It remains for us, good humoredly and with common sense, to face the situation and endeavor to get out of it the best that it can be made to vield from the standpoint of the interests of the nation as a whole. Democratic Shortcomings. This was the situation at the opening of the present vear. It was clearly evident that unless a cataclysm occurred the presidential election would result in the choice of either the republican or the democratic nom- inee. The present administration, during its three years of life, had been guilty of shortcomings more signal than those of any administration since the days of Buchanan. From the standpoint of national honor and in- terest, 1t stood on an even lower level than the administration of Buchanan. No administration is our history done more to relax the spring of the national will and to deaden the na- tional conscience. Within the repub- lican party conflicting forces were at work. There were men among the organization leaders who advocated a course of action such as offered no improvement upon the democratic position, and advocated the nomina- tion of candidates whose election would have represented no improve- ment upon the continuance in office of Mr. Wilson, If such a course were followed, it would obviously become our duty to run a third ticket. But it was plainly our duty to do everything honorable in order to prevent such a necessity; to do everything short of sacrificing our most sacred convic- tions in order to secure the align- ment under one leadership of the forces opposed to the continuance in power of Mr. Wilson and the demo- cratic party. Under these circumstances the pro- | gressive national committee, at go, in January, outlined our duty to seek common action with the repub- n party, using the following words: “Our people are seeking lead- ership—leadership of the. highest or- der and most courageous character; leadership that will draft to itself for the country’s benefit the unselfish and patriotic services of its ablest citizens. The surest way to secure for our coun- try the required leadership will be by | having, if possible, both the progres- sive and republican parties choose the | andard bearer and the same Six weeks later, on March 9th in my Trinidad statement, I asked for a simi ocrati¢ party, “‘clean-cut, leanism,” and for a candidate ‘‘who will not merely stand for such a pro- gram beforc election, but will reso- lutely and in good faith put it through If elected.” This was, in effect, the same state- ment that I made in my telegram to ex-Senator Jackson, pending the con- vention, which ran in part as follows “Can we not, forgetting past differ- on a platform of ence, 2ow join, for safety and honor of | pur country, to enforce the policies of genuine Americanism and genuine pre- paredness? Surely we can afford to of | | anl | low ! deep conviction that at this moment had | | Hughes, combination against the dem- | traightout national Amer- | act in accordance with the words of Abraham Lincoln when he said, ‘May not all having a common interfest re- unite in a common effort to save our common country? May we ask those who have not differed with us to join | in this same spirit toward those who 1 have?” As far as my own soul is ! known to me it is in this same spirit that at this time I make my appeal to | the republicans and progressives as- | sembled at Chicago.” In addition to these public state- { ments T had also stated my own at- | | titude verbally, and in letters, during the weeks immediately preceding the | convention, to scores of leading pro- | sives from all parts of the coun- including many of the leaders at | the convention. To these men I ox | pressed my earnest hope that the re- | publicans would so act as to make it | | possible for the progressives to join with them. T stated to them, however, that in view of the attitude of some of the republican leaders it was at least conceivable that we should be put in a position where our highest duty, our fealty to the country, our sense of what patriotism demanded in a great crisis would make it imper- ative upon us to run a separate ticket; ! and that whether in such event it | would be necessary for me to head that ticket could not be determined in advance. T stated in these interviews and in these letters, with the utmost | emphasis, that the decision of th | point, like the whole matter of run- | ning a separate ticket, would have | to be determined by what the interests | | of the country demanded in view of | the action finally taken by the con- vention at Chicago. At the time many of the republican | leaders asserted that my statements | were not made in good faith; that T | really intended to insist upon my own nomination by the republican conven- tion; and that if T was not so nom- inated, T intended to accept the pro- gressive nomination and run on a | third ticket. Of course my fellow progressives were under no such er- ror. They knew that T spoke in good faith and meant exactly what I said. They knew that my utterances were | to be accepted at their exact face val- | ue as meaning that if the republicans | nominated a man whom we could | conscientiously support we would sup- | port him. The progressive conven- | tion came together knowing my pub- | lic statements and therefore knowing | exactly what my attitude was. j Hughes Up to the Mark. | In my judgment, the nomination of | Mr. Hughes meets the conditions set | forth in the statement of the progres- | issued last | January, and in my own statements. Under existing conditions, the nom- i of a third ticket would, in my judgment, be merely in the interest of the election of Mr. Wilson. I Hughes as a whose public record is a guar- man antee that “he will not merely stand | for a program of clean-cut straight- | out Americanism before election, but | will resolutely and in good faith put | it through if elected.” He is beyond | comparison better fitted to be | president than Mr. Wilson. It would | be a grave detriment to the country | to re-elect Mr. Wilson. I shall, there- | fore, strongly support Mr. Hughes. Such being the case, it is unnecessary to say that T cannot accept the nom- ination on, a third ticket. I do not Dbelieve that there should be a third ticket. I believe that when my fel- progressives coolly consider the question they will for the most part take this position. They and I have but one purpose—the purpose to serve our common country. It is my f i | i | | | | | sive national committee, ion a move regard Mr. we can serve it only by supporting Mr. Hughes. It is urged against Mr. Hughes that he was supported by the various so- called German-American Alliances. T believe that the attitude of these pro- fessional German-Americans was due, not in the least to any liking for Mr. | but solely to their antagon- ism to me. They were bound to de- | feat me for the nomination. The ! only way by which they could achieve | this object was by supporting Mr. | Hughes and they supported him ac- cordingly, without any regard to >ther considerations. T need hardly repeat what I have already said in stern rep- | robation of this professional Germ | American element—the element tyr fied by the German-American Alli- | ances and the similar bodies, which | have, in the pre-nomination campaien. played not merely an un-American but a thoroughly anti-American part. | | These men have nothing in common | with the great body of Americans who | are in whole or in partjof German | Blocd lanawnolers ool oo ! Americans as those of any other an- cestry. There are not, and never | have been in all our land, better cit zens than the great mass of the men and women of German birth or de- cent who have been or are being com- vletely merged in our common Amer- ican nationality; a nationality die- | tinct from any in Europe, for Amer- | icans who are good Americans are no | more German-Americans than they are English-America or Irish- | Americans. or Scandinavian-Amer- | icans. They are Americans and noth- !ing else. No good American, what- | ever his ancestry or creed, can have i any feeling except scorn and detesta- tion for those professional German- Americans who seek to make the American president in effect a viceroy of the German Emperor. The pro- | fessional German-Amerlcans of this | type are acting purely in the sinister | interest of Germany. Thev have shown their eager readiness to sacri- interest of the United States its interest conflicted with that of Germany They represent | that adherence to the mnolitico-racial hvphen which is the badge and sizn | of moral treason to the republi~. T have singled these men out for snecifie denunciation and assuredlv if T sup- port a candidate it may he accepted as proof that T am certain that fhe candidate is incapable of being in- fluenced bv the evil intrigues of these hynhenated Americans. Mr Hughes' character and his | fice the | | | whenever | i | i i | | | had to deal | the republican convention, fl v | Such things do not count when weigh- | most desire to see at the head of the for their own purposes supported him will, in no shape or way, affect his public actions before or after election. His entire public life is a guarantee of this. Mr. Wilson, The events of the last three and half years ve shown that as much cannot be said for Mr. Wilson, In Mr, Wilson’s case we do not have to consider his wards, but his deeds. His deeds absolutely contradict his words; and for the matter of that his words obsolutely contradict one another. It is folly to pay heed to any of the promises in the platform cn which he now stands in view of the | fact that almost every important promise contained in the platform | on which he stood four years ago has | since been broken. We owe all of our present trouble with the profes- sional German-American clement in the United States to Mr. timid ond vacillating course the last twa r. Wilson have alleged in for him that he confronted cult situation. As regards ‘he situation which Mr. Wilson con- fronted was nothing like as difficult that which President McKinl confronted in connection with Cuba ond the Philippines at the time of the Spanish war. Under the actual circumstances we could with only minimum of risk have protested on Lebalf of Belgium, a small, well-be- | Laved nation, when she was exposed ! to the last extremity of outrage by the brutal violation of her neutral rights; this violation being itself a' violation of The Hague conventions to which we were a signatory power. Ag regards the foregn situation gen- crally during the great war, the fact cf the existence of the war made far easier and safer for to assert our rights than during excuse a diffi- a if he had power which was at the time hampered by war. During the past twenty years questians have arisen with powers of the first rank, such as England, Japan and Germany, each of which has necessitated far greater caurage, resolution and judgment on the part of the president dealing with it than President Wilson need have shown in order to put a complete stop tc the continually repeated murder of American men, women and children on the high seas by German sub- marines—the Lusitania being merely the worst of many such cas The same feebleness that was shown by Fresident Wilson in dealing with Germany abroad was also shown by him in dealing with the organized German outrages within our awn land, and finally, in dealing with the crganized German-American vote. The continued existence of the German-American menace at home is directly due to Mr. Wilson’s course of action during the past two years. Certain of my friends who feel that the progressives should run a third ticket base their feeling on objection to the character or actions cf the republican national conven- tion. As regards this point, it is sufficient to say that the members of | the republican national convention were unquestionably induced to nomi- nate Mr. Hughes primarily because of the belief that his integrity and force of character, and his long record of admirable public service, would make him peculiarly acceptable, na only to the rank and file of the re- | publican party, but to the people | generally. I do not believe that Mr. Hughes would have been nominated if it had not been for the fight on ! behalf of public decency and efficiency which the progressive party has waged during the past four years. National Honor Above Everything. In any event, and without any re- gard to what the personal feelings of us may be as regards the action of I wish very solemnly to ask the representa- tives of the progressive party to con- sider at this time only the welfare of the people of the United States. Wo | shall prove false to our ideals and our professions, if, in this grave criss of the nation’s life, we permit ourselves | to be swerved from the one prime | duty of serving with cool judgment and single-minded devotion the na-, tion’s needs. Our own political for. tunes, individually and collectively are of no consequence whatever, when compared with the honor and welfare the people of the United States. ed in the balance against our duty to serve well the country in which, after we are dead, our children and our children’s children are to live. The world is passing through a great crisis and no man can tell what trial and jeopardy will have to be faced by this nation during the years immediately ahead. There is now no longer before us for decision as to what particular man we may severally | government. We can decide only whether during these possibly vital vears this country shall be entrusted GRIP AND NEURASTHERIA There i3 a form of neurasthenia that follows the grip. Doctors call it ‘‘post- rippal’’ neurasthenia. One of the oremost medical autborities of New York city in a lecture in the interna- tional clinics, said: “‘Broadly speaking, every victim of the grip will “suffer from post-grippal neurasthenia also. Lowering of ner- vous tone with increased irritability is the most striking effect of the disease, languor of mind and body, disturbed, fitful sleep and vague pains in the head and elsewhere. he treatment calls for rest and a tonic. * Dr. Williams’ Pink Pills, a non-alco- holic tonic, are particularly suited for Wilson's | vears. The defenders of | Mexico, | it | Mr. Wilson | with some single strong | un- | publican | Crane of Massachusetts. | nominee for president. | sag last two weeks that Frank H. Hitch- | the | tention aof the revolters that the sub- to the leadership of Mr. Hughes or Mr. Wilson. Mr. Wilson has been tried and found wanting. His party, because of its devotion to the outworn theory of state rights, and because of its re. liance upon purely sectional support, stands against that spirit of far sight- ed nationalism which is essential if we are to deal adequately with our gravest social and industrial prob- lems. Mr. Wilson and his party have in actual practice lamentably failed to safeguard the interest and honor | of the United States. They have brought us to impotence abroad and to division and weakness at home. They have accustomed us to see the highest and most responsible offices of government filled by incompetent men appointed only for reasons of partisan politics. They have dulled | the moral sense of the people. They have taught us that peace, the peace of cowardice and dishonor and indif- ference to the welfare of others, is to be put above righteousness, above the stern and unflinching performance of duty whether the duty is pleasant or unpleasant. Yet in Mexico they have failed even to secure the peace which they thus sought; and they have failed in spite of the most ample opportun- ity and most ample warning, to pre- pare in any real fashion to meet the crisis which their own policy invited. They have taught us to put ‘“safety | first,” safety before duty and honor; to put that materialism which ex- presses itself in mere money making, and in the fatted ease of life, above all spiritual things, above all the high and fine instincts of the soul. They have taught us to accept adroit elo- cution as a substitute for straight- forward and efficient action. They have raised indecision, hesitancy and acillation into a settled governmen- tal policy. Mr. Hughes. Mr. Hughes has shown in his career the instinct of efficiency which will guarantee that, under him, the zov- ernment will once more work with vigor and force. He possesses that habit of straightforward thinking which means that his words will be correlated with his deeds and trans- lated into facts. His past career is the warrant for our belief that he will be the unfaltering opponent of that system of invisible government which finds expression in the domination of the party boss ad the party machine. His past career is a guarantee that whatever he says before election will be made good by his acts after elec- tion. Morally, his public record shows him to be a man of unbending in- tegrity; intellectually, it shows him to be a man of original and trained abil- ity. We have the alternative of con- tinuing in office an administration which has proved a lamentable fail- ure, or of putting into office an admixn- | istration which he have every reason to believe will function with efficiency for the interest and honor of all our people. I earnestly bespeak from my fellow progressives their ungrudging support of Mr. Hughes. Yours truly, THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Sagamore Hill, June 22, 1916. REPUBLIGAN REVOLT AGAINST OLD GUARD Tell Hughes What They Think of W. Murray Crane New York, June 26.—A well or- ganized revolt of no small size and significance has developed in the re- national committee against the Old Guard steering committee | headed by former Senator W. Murray The ques- | fill the plac tion at issue is the selection of a na- of the put tional chairman and a majority rational coramitteemen have their side of it smack up to Charles | the republican They have emphatic visits during the Fvans Hughes, told Mr. or Hughes in personal cock is their choice and that Crane committee in their judgment | committee |4 | T not representative of the whole tional committee. The revolt began in Chicago when the new national committee met im- mediately after the convention had adjourned. It was evident at that first meeting that the old animisities of 1908 had been revived against Mr. Hitchcock by the very fact that he had made a success of the Hughes boom in a manner that reminded his old political foes of happenings eight vears ago. Mr. Hitchcack's friends thought then that an attempt would be made to ride rough shod over them, so when the sub-committee was appointed they got busy. Telling Tt to Hughes, national to the fifty-three men sent telegrams committee- Mr. Hughes | or called on him in person to speak their minds on the subject of the chairmanship and the sub-committee, chairmen so the him a leaders And Thirty republican state bave done the same thing neminee might have before ccnvineing array of party throughout the entire country. they told Mr. Hughes that if after studying their sentiments as they tiled up before him at his Hote] Astor | headquarters he still entertained any doubt about the feeling of the na- tional committee he could call the ccmmittee into consultation and building up the Elood and strengthen- ing the nerves after an attack of the grip. The rich, red blood expels the lingering germs from the system and transforms despondent grip victims in- to cheerful, healthy, happy men and women. If you have had the grip get a box of Dr. Williams’ Pink Pills now from the nearest drug store and begin the treatment at onc On request we will send you a free whole course of conduct in public af- fairs instifv us in the assured convie- op at th en _have pamphlet, ‘‘Building Up the Blood,”” hich contains a chapter on the grip. Address the Dr. Williams Medicine Co.y settle it. The tenor of all the messages to Mr. Hughes was this: That the Crane committee of old guardsmen, with the exception of Ralph Williams of Oregon, did not reflect the ma- { Jority sentiment of the national cam- | mittee; that Mr. Hitchcock is the | choice of the majority; that he is de- | sirable because, like the nominee A.B.JOHNSON, D.D.S. DENTIST National Bank Bldg Open Evenings. mes- | The result was that thirty-three of | | Willie, the boy nex me a box of Adams Chiclets. Ilike Willie, but I'd sooner have those Chiclets. I'm fond of them because they melt in my mouth and when the candy’s all gone I chew the gum. It’s the sweetest gum! I like white things anyhow. Mother says they’re very pure., i AMERICAN CHICLE COMPANY CHICLE paign. The original revolters after the Chicago meeting were western and middle western men, but they | rapidly obtained the co-aperation of national committeemen and stato | chairmen throughout the country. It was pointed out vesterday by the authority for the present fight himself, he was not mixed up in the 1912 fraca: that he has the ability to than any one else: that this fact was demonstrated | recently at Chicago because the Hughes boom, in spite of popular be- lief, was not a spontaneous success from the outset, but one that required mast skilful organizotion and nursing. | against fight against the Old Guard The movement that produced this(sub-cammittee that the fight s | alanche of sentiment in the direc- 1’ political in its essence and nothing tion of Mr. Hughes was pronounced | else. The Hitchcock men realize, it Ly its leaders as a fight primarily | was asserted, that if the Old Guard | against the Old Guard attempt to [retains control they will get none of hold control of the republican or-|the spoils. The revolters, on the ganization as that effort became ap- | cther hand, make no secret of the parent at the meecting of the national | fact that they are practical politicians ccmmittee in Chicago. It is the con- | and want a picce af whatever political pie is to he passed around. They | against | thing Hitchcock will have more re- Hitchcock; that all its members ex- | gard for their welfare than any one ( cept Williams originally were anti- | the Crane camniittee sanctions. So | Hughes in the pre-convention fight, | they have formed a powerful or- | and that from the beginning the pro- | ganization in the national committeo | ceedings of the natiocnal committee|to try to get him. meeting were directed toward (Js(r:x-‘ The leaders who went ta sce f\‘l!’.‘l cizing the originators of the Hughes| Hughes in the last week or two to| movement. put the proposition up to him per-| sonally gave him their versian of the national committee meeting which The nucleus of the revalt against!appointed the sub-committee consist- the Crane sub-committee and the|ing of Mr. Crane, Mr. Williams, Tlvah | effort to get the national chairman- | H. Martin of Virginia, Charles B.| ship for Mr. Hitchcock is the group | Warren of Michigan, John T. Adams of original Hughes leaders wha [of Towa, Senator Reed of We have the b Equipped Awning Factory in New England carry best awning terial. v “packed” Movement Grows, Eddy Awning Decorating 106 City Hall Pla New _.ain Smoot whipped up the Hughes sentiment be- | Utah, Boise Penrose of Pennsylvanio fore the convention and held the dele- | and e Senator James A. Hemenway gates for Hughes during the first two | of Indiana. They reviewed the in- ballots. It was id, too, by the | dications of bitterness against Hitch- Hitchcock nationol committeemen | cock from the start. They said that vesterday that in their present fight |as soan as the committee met Mur- they are backed by progressive | ray Crane took the choir as the oldest leaders who would willingly support | ranking member and then “the steam Hitchcock’s leadership of the cam- | roller was off.” =mpecially Built 1,5001b Dodge Delivery Ca With top and screened body. 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