Grand Rapids Herald-Review Newspaper, September 29, 1900, Page 5

t SUPPLEMENT TO THE HERALD-REVIEW, GRAND RAPIDS, MINN., SEPT. 29, 1900. WILLIAM J. BRYAN'S LETTER OF AGGEPTANGE Gentlemen:—In accepting the nomi- nation tendered by you on behalf of the Democratic party, I beg to assure you of my appreciation of the great honor conferred upon me by the dele- gates in convention assembled, and by the voters who gave instruction to the delegates. I am sensible of the responsibilities _Which rest upon the chief magistrate of so great a nation, and realize the far-reaching effect of the questions in- volved in the present contest. In my letter of acceptance of 1896, I made the following pledge: “So deeply am I impressed with the magnitude of the power vested by the Constitution in the chief executive of the nation and with the enormous in- fluence which he can yield for the ben- efit or injury of the people, that I wish to enter the office, if elected, free from any personal desire, except the desire to prove worthy of the confi- dence of my countrymen. Human Judgment is fallible enough when un- biased by selfish considerations, and, in order that I may not be tempted to use the patronage of the office to ad- vance any personal ambition, I hereby announce, with all the emphasis which words can express, my fixed determi- nation not, under any circumstances, to be a candidate for re-election, in ease this campaign results in my elec- tion.” Further reflection and observation constrain me to renew this pledge. The platform adopted at Kansas City commands my cordial and unqualified approval. It courageously meets the issues now before the country, and states clearly and without ambiguity the party’s position on every question considered. Adopted by a convention which assembled on the anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of, In- dependence, it breathes the spirit of eandor, independence and patriotism which characterizes those who, at Phil- adelphia in 1776, promulgated the creed of the Republic. Having in my notification speech, discussed somewhat at length the par- amount issue, imperialism, and added some observations on militarism and the Boer war, it is sufficient at this time to review the remaining planks of the platform. Trusts. The platform very properly gives prominence to the trust question. The appalling growth of combinations in restraint of trade during the present administration, proves conclusively that the Republican party lacks either the desire or the ability to deal with the question effectively. If as may be fairly assumed from the speeches and conduct of the Republican leaders, that party does not intend to take the peo- ple’s side against these organizations, then the weak and qualified condem- nation of trusts to be found in the Re- publican platform is designed to dis- tract attention while industrial despot- ism is completing its work. A private monopoly has always been an outlaw. No defense can be made of an indus- trial system in which one, or a few men, can control for their own profit, the output or price of any article of merchandise. Under such a system the consumer suffers extortion, the produ- cer of raw material has but one pur- chaser, and must sell at the arbitrary price fixed; the laborer has but one employer, and is powerless to protest against injustice, either in wages or in conditions of labor; the smali stock- holder is at the mercy of the specula- tor, while the traveling salesman con- tributes his salary to the overgrown profits of the trust. Since but a small proportion of the people can share in the advantages secured by private monopoly, it follows that the remain- der of the people are not only ex- cluded from the benefits, but are the helpless victims of every monopoly or- ganized. It is difficult to overestimate the immediate injustice that may be done, or to calculate the ultimate ef- fect of this injustice upon the social and political welfare of the people. Our platform, after suggesting certain specific remedies; pledges the party to an unceasing warfare against private monopoly in nation, state and city. I heartily approve of this promise; if elected, it shall be my earnest and con- stant endeavor to fulfill the promise in letter and spirit. I shall select an at- torney-general who will, without fear or favor, enforce existing laws; I shall recommend such additional legislation as may be necessary to dissolve every private monopoly which does business outside of the state of its origin; and, if contrary to my belief and hope, a constitutional amendment is found to be necessary, I shall recommend such an amendment as will, without impair- ing any of the existing rights of the states, empower Congress to protect the people of all the states from injury at the hands of individuals or corpora- tions engaged in interstate commerce. The platform accurately describes the Dingley tariff law, when it con- demns it as a “trust breeding measure, skillfully devised to give to the few favors which they do not deserve, and to place upon the many burdens which they should not bear.” Under its op- eration trusts can plunder the people of the United States, while they suc- cessfully compete in foreign markets with manufacturers of other countries. Even those who justify the general policy of protection will find it diffi- cult to defend a tariff which enables a trust to exact an exorbitant toll from the citizen. Corporations in Politics. The Democratic party makes no war upon honestly acquired wealth; neither does it seek to embarrass corporations engaged in legitimate business, but it does protest against corporations en- tering politics, and attempting to as- sume control of the instrumentalities of government. A corporation is not organized for political purposes, and should be compelled to confine itself to the business described in its char- ter. Honest corporations, engaged in an honest business, will find it to their advantage to aid in the enact- ment of such legislation as will pro- tect them from the undeserved odium which will be brought upon them by those corporations which enter the po- litical arena, Interstate Commerce. The Republican party has persist- ently refused to comply with the ur- gent request of the Interstate Com- merce commission, for such an en- largement of the scope of the inter- state commerce law as will enable the commission to realize the hopes aroused by its creation. The Demo- cratic party is pledged to legislation which will empower the commission to protect individuals and communi- ties from discrimination, and the pub- lic at large from unjust and unfair transportation rates. The Financial Plank. The platform reiterates the demand contained in the Chicago platform for an American financial system made by the American people for them- selves. The purpose of such a system is to restore and maintain a bimetallic level of prices, and in order that there may be no uncertainty as to the meth- od of restoring bimetallism, the specif- ic declaration in favor of free and un- limited coinage at the existing ratio of 16 to 1, independent of the action of other nations, is repeated. In 1896 the Republican party recognized the necessity for bimetallism by pledging the party to an earnest effort to se- cure an international agreement for the free coinage of silver, and the president, immediately after his in- auguration, by authority of congress, appointed a commission composed of distinguished citizens to visit Europe and solicit foreign aid. Secretary Hay, in a letter written to Lord Aldenham in November, 1898, and afterwards pub- lished in England, declared that at that time the president and a majority of his cabinet still believed in the great desirability of an international agree- ment for the restoration of the double standard, but that it did not seem opportune to re-open the negotiations just then. The financial law enacated less than a year ago contains a con- cluding section declaring that the measure was not intended to stand in the way of the restoration of bimetal- lism, whenever it could be done by co-operation with other nations. The platform submitted to the last Repub- lican convention with the indorsement of the administration again suggested the possibility of securing foreign aid in restoring silver. Now the Republican party, for the first time, openly abandons its ad- dorses the monetary system which it has so often and so emphatically con- demned. The Democratic party, on the contrary, remains the steadfast advo- cate of the gold and silver coinage of the constitution, and is not willing that other nations shall determine for us the time and manner of restoring silver to its ancient plade as a stand- ‘ard money. The ratio of 16 to 1 is | not only the ratio now existing be- | tween all the gold and silver dollars in | circulation in this country, a ratio which even the Republican adminis- tration has not attempted to change, but it is the only ratio advocated by those who are seeking to re-open the mints. Whether the senate, now hos- tile to bimetallism, can be changed | during this campaign or the campaign | of 1902 can only be determined after the votes are counted, but neither the present nor the future political com- Plexion of congress has prevented or should prevent an announcement of the party’s position upon this subject in unequivocal terms. The currency bill, which received the sanction of the Executive and the Re- publican members of the House and | Senate, justifies the warning given by the Democratic party in 1896. It was then predicted that the Republican party would attempt to retire the | greenbacks although the party and its leaders studiously concealed their in- tentions. That purpose is now plain | and the people must choose between the retention of the greenbacks, issued | and centrolled in volume by the gov- | ernment, and a national bank note cur- | rency issued by banks and controlled ‘in their own interests. If the na- | tional bank notes are to be secured by bonds, the currency system now sup- ported by the Republican party in- volves a permanent and increasing debt, and, so long as this system stands, the financial classes will be tempted to throw their powerful influ- ence upon the side of any measure which will contribute to the size and permanency of a national debt. It is hardly conceivable that the American people will deliberately turn from the debt-paying policy of the past, to the dangerous doctrine of perpetual bonds. Election of Senators by the People. The demand for a constitutional amendment providing for the election of Senators by direct vote of the peo- ple, appears for the first time in a Democratic National platform, but a resolution proposing such an amend- ment, has three times passed the vocacy of the double standard, and in- | House of Representatives, and that, too, practically without opposition. Whatever may have been the reasons which secured the adoption of the pres- ent plan, a century ago, new conditions have made it imperative that the peo- ple be permitted to speak directly in the selection of their representatives in the Senate, A Senator is no less the representative of the State because he receives his commission from the peo- ple themselves, rather than from the members of the State legislature. If a voter is competent to vote for a mem- ber of Congress, for State officers and for President, he is competent to choose his representative in the Sen- ate. A system which makes the Sen- ator responsible for his election to the people, as a whole, and amenable to them if he misrepresents them, must commend itself to those who have con- fidence in the intelligence, and patriot- ism of the masses. Direct Legislation. The platform indorses the princi- ple of direct legislation. This is al- ready applied to the more important questions in nation, state and city. It rests upon the sound theory that the People can be trusted, and that the more responsive the government is to the will of the people, the more free it will be from misuse and abuse. Labor Question. Several planks of the labor plat- form are devoted to questions in which the laboring classes have an immediate interest, but which more remotely ef- fect our entire population. While what is generally known as government by injunction is at present directed chief- ly against the employes of corpora- tions, when there is a disagreement be- tween them and their employer, it in- volves a principle which concerns every one. The purpose of the in- junction in such cases is to substitute trial by judge for trial by jury, and is a covert blow at the jury system. The abolition of government by injunction is as necessary for the protection of the reputation of the court, as it is for the security of the citizen. Blackstone in defending trial by jury, says: “The impartial administration of justice, which secures both our persons, and our properties is the great end of civil society, but if that be entrusted entirely to the magistracy, a select body of men, and those selected by the prince such as enjoy the highest offices of the state their decisions in spite of their natural integrity, will have frequently an involuntary bias toward those of their own rank, and dignity. It is not to be expected from human nature that the few should be always attentive to the interests and good of the many.” Af the criminal laws are not sufficient for the protection of property, they can be made more severe, but a citi- zen charged with crime must have his ease tried before a jury of his peers. The Blacklist. The blacklist as now employed in some places enables the employer to place the employe under practical duress, for the skilled laborer loses his independence when the employers can not only discharge him, but prevent his securing any similar employment. The blacklist enables employers to se- cure, by mutual agreement, that con- trol over the wage earners which a private monopoly exercises without contract. Arbitration. The platform renews the demand for arbitration between corporations and their employes. No one who has observed the friction which arises be- tween great corporations and their numerous employes can doubt the wisdom of establishing an impartial court for the just and equitable set- tlement of disputes. The demand for arbitration cought to be supported as heartily by the public, which suffers inconvenience because of strikes and lockouts, and by the employers them- selves, as by the employes. The estab- lishment of arbitration will insure friendly relations between labor and capital, and render obsolete the grow- ing ‘practice of calling in the army to settle labor troubles, Department of Labor. I cannot too strongly emphasize the importance of the platform recom- mendation of the establishment of a department of labor, with a member of the cabinet at its head. When we remember how important a position the laborer fills in our economic, so- cial and political fabric, it is hard to conceive of a valid objection being made to this recognition of his serv- ices. Agriculture is already represent- ed in the president’s official household; the army and navy have their repre- sentatives there; the state department, with its consular service, and the treasury department, with its close connection with fiscal affairs, keep the executive in touch with the business and commercial interests, A cabinet officer truly representative of the wage earning class would be of invaluable aid, not only to the toilers, but to the president. Chinese Exclusion. The Chinese exclusion act has proven an advantage to the country, and its continuance and strict enfercement, as well as its extension to other similar races, are imperatively necessary. The Asiatic is so essentially different from the American that he cannot be as- sitmilated with our population, and is, therefore, not desirable as a permanent citizen. His presence as a temporary laborer, preserving his national identi- ty, and maintaining a foreign scale of wages and living, must ever prove an injustice to American producers, as well as a perpetual source of irrita- tion, Pensions. The party expresses its pride in the soldiers and sailors of all our wars, and declares its purpose to deal gen- erously with them and their depend- ents. A liberal policy is natural and necessary in a government which de- pends upon a citizen soldiery, instead of a large standing army. Self-inter- est, as well as gratitude, compels the government to make bountiful pro- vision for those who, in the hour of danger, and at great sacrifice of busi- ness, health and life, tender their services to their country. The pension laws should be con- strued according to the generous spirit which prompted their passage. The platform very properly reiterates the position taken in 1896, that the fact of enlistment shall be deemed conclusive evidence that the soldier was sound when the government accepted him. A certificate given now to the health of a person 40 years ago, even if easily obtainable, should not have as much weight as the certificate of the medical officer who examined the volunteer with a view of ascertaining his fitness for army service. Nicaragaa. The Democratic party is in favor of the immediate construction, ownership and control of the Nicaragua canal by the United States. ress in carrying out a pledge contained in its platform four years ago, together with the substitution in its latest plat- form of a plank favoring an isthmian canal for a specific declaration in fa- vor of the Nicaraguan canal, would in- dicate that the Republican leaders either do not appreciate the importance of this great waterway to the mari- time strength and commercial inter- ests of the country, or that they give too much consideration to the interest- ed opposition of transcontinental lines, The Hays-Pauncefote treaty, now be- fore the senate, would, if ratified, greatly lessen the value of the canal, if it would not indeed convert it into a positive menace in time of war. The paramount interests of the States in the western hemisphere, to- gether with the obligations to defend the republics to the south of us, makes it necessary that our government shall be able to close the canal against any hostile power, Arizona, New Mexico and Oklahoma. Arizona, New Mexico and Oklahoma have long been ready to assume the responsibilities and enjoy the privi- leges of statehood, and it will be a pleasure, as well as a duty, to carry out the platform pledge concerning them. Alaska and Porto Mico. There will be a popular acquiescence in the demand for home rule, and a territorial form of government in Alaska and Porto Rico. Both are en- titled to local self-government and representation in Congress. Cuba. The recognition contained in both the Democratic and Republican plat- forms of the right of the Cubans to in- dependence, removes the general prin- ciple involved from the. domain of par- tisan politics. It is proper, however, to consider whether the accomplish- ment of this purpose can be safely en- trusted to the Republican party after it has yielded to the allurements of the Colonial idea, and abandoned its ear- lier faith in the natural and inalien- able rights of man. Reclamation of Arid Lands. The time is ripe for a systematic and extended effort to reclaim the arid lands and fit them for attual settlers. The last agricultural report estimates that homes can thus be provided for many millions of people. The im- pounding and use of the waters which are wasted in the spring would people the western states with thrifty, intelli- gent, and industrious citizens, and | these would furnish a valuable market for all the products of the factories. A small percentage of the money spent in a war of conquest would provide oc- cupation and habitation for more peo- ple than would ever seek a residence in colonies within the tropics. Foreign Alliances. The reasons given by Washington, Jefferson, and the other statesmen of the early days in support of the doc- trine that we should maintain friendly relations with all nations, but enter into entangling alliances with none, are even stronger to-day than they were a hundred years ago. Our com- merce is rapidly increasing, and we are brought into constant communication with all parts of the world. Even if we desired to do so, we could not afford to alienate many nations by cultivating unnecessary intimacy with a few. Our strength and standing are such that it is less necessary than ever before to lean for aid upon the friendliness of a foreign power. We cannot connect ourselves with European nations, and share in their jealousies and ambitions without los- ing the peculiar advantage, which our The failure of the | Republican party to make any prog-j United | location, our character and our insti- tutions give us in the world’s affairs. Monroe Doctrine. The doctrine enunciated by Monroe, and approved by succeeding presidents, is essential to the welfare of the United States. The continents of North and South America are dedica- ted to the development of free govern- ment. One republic after another has been established, until to-day mon- archial idea has barely a foothold in the new world. While it is not the policy of this country to interfere where amicable relations exist between European countries and their dependencies iy America, our people would look with disfavor upon any attempt on the.part of European governments to maintain an unwilling or forcible sovereignty over the people living on this side of the Atlantic. The position taken by the Republi- can leaders, and more recently set forth by the Republican candidate for the Presidency, viz: That we cannot protect a nation from outside inter- ference without exercising sovereignty over its people, is an assault upon the Monroe doctrine, for while this argu- ment is at this time directed against the proposition to give to the Filipinos both independence and protection, it is equally applicable to the Republics of Central and South America. If this government cannot lend its strength to another Republic without making sub- jects of its people, then we must either withdraw our protection from the Republics to the south of us or ab- sorb them. Under the same plea, that the guardian nation must exert an au- thority equal to its responsibility, Eu- ropean nations have for centuries ex- ploited their wards, and it is a sig- nificant fact that the Republican party should accept the European idea of a protectorate, at the same time that it adopts a European colonial policy. There is no excuse for this abandon- ment of the American idea. We have maintained the Monroe doctrine for three-quarters of a century. The ex- pense to us has been practically noth- ing, but the protection has been beyond value to our sister Republics. If a Filipino Republie is erected upon the ruins of Spanish tyranny, its protec- tion by us will be neither difficult nor expensive. No European nation would be willing for any other European na- tion to have the islands, neither would any European nation be willing to pro- voke a war with us in order to obtain possession of the islands. If we assert sovereignty over the Filipinos we will have to defend that sov ignty by force, and the Filipinos will be our enemies; if we protect them from out- side interference, they will defend themselves and will be our friends. If | they show as much determination in opposing the sovereignty of other na- tions as they have shown in opposing our sovereignty, they will not require much assistance from us. p pa. Extravagance. The Republican party, drawing as it does enormous campaign funds from those who enjoy special privileges at the hands of the government, is power- less to protect the tax payers from the attack of those who profit by large ap- propriations. A surplus in the treas- ury offers constant temptation to ex- travagance, and extravagance, in tuin, compels a resort to new means of taxa- tion, which, is being kept in the back- ground until the campaign is over, is a fair illustration of the imposition which will be attempted when there is a considerable amount of money idle in the treasury. The rehabilitation of the merchant marine, laudable in it- self, is made the pretext for expen- diture of public money for the benefit | of large ship owners, and in the in- terests of a transportation monopoly. The government being only the agent of the people, has no right to collect from the people taxes beyond the le- gitimate needs of a government hon- estly and effectively administered, and public servants should exercise the same degree of care in the use of the people’s money that private individ- uals do in the use of their own money. With a restoration of a foreign policy consistent with American ideas there | can be an immediate and large reduc- tion in the burdens now borne by the people. Income Tax, By inadvertence the Income Tax plank agreed upon by the Resolutions committee, was omitted from the plat- form as read and adopted. The sub- ject, however, is covered by the re- affirmation of the Chicago platform, and I take this occasion to reassert my belief in the principle which under- lies the income tax. Congress should have authority to levy and collect an income tax whenever necessary, and an amendment to the federal consti- tution specifically conferring such au- thority ought to be supported by even those who may think the tax unneces- sary at this time. In the hour of danger the government can draft the citizen; it ought to be able to draft the pocketbook as well. Unless money is more precious than blood, we can- not afford to give greater protection to the incomes of the rich than to the lives of the poor. Imperialism. The subjects, however, treated in this letter, important as each may seem in itself, do not press so impera- tively. for solution as the question which the platform declares to be the | Paramount issue in this campaign. Whether we shall adhere to, or aban- don those ideas of government which have distinguished this nation from other nations and given to its history its peculiar charm and value, is a ques- tion the settlement of which cannot be delayed. No other question can ap- Proach it in importance; no other question demands such immediate con- sideration. It is easier to lose a repu- tation than to establish one, and this nation would find it a long and labori- ous task to regain its proud position among the nations, if, under the stress of temptation, it should repudiate the self-evident truths proclaimed by our heroic ancestors and sacredly treasured during a career unparalleled in the annals of time. When the doctrine that the people are the only source of power is made secure from further at- tack we can safely proceed to the set- tlement of the numerous questions which involve the domestic and eco- nomic welfare of our citizens. Very truly yours, W. J. BRYAN. Sayings of Lincoin Following are taken from a recently published work, edited by Dr. H. S. Taylor and D. M. Fulwiler, entitled “Linceln’s Words on Living Issues.” Trusty Publishing Co.,° 418 Roanoke building, Chicago. Letter to H. L. Pierce, April 6, 1859, —Irelan 16—263, All honor to Jeffer- Son—to the man who, in the concrete pressure of a struggle for national in- dependerce by a single people, had the coolness, forecast and capacity to introduce into a merely revolutionary document an abstract truth, applicable to all men and all times, and so to em- balm it there that today, and in all coming days, it shall be a rebut a stumbling block to the very h gers of reappearing tyranny and op- pression. (March 4, 1865, Second Inaugural— Hapgood, p. 403.) It thay seem strangs that any men should dare to ask a just God’s assistance in wringing bread from the sweat of other men ugust 26, 1863, Letter to James C. —Herndon, p. 555.) For the great republic—for the principie it lives by and keeps alive—for man's vast future—thanks to all. (September 80, 1859, Speech at Mil- waukee, Wis.—Complete Works, Vol. a, De .) Farmers being the most numerous class, it follows that their interest is the largest interest. It also follows that that interest is most worthy of all to be cherished and cul- tivated—that if there be inevitable conflict between that interest and any other, that other should yield. (July 5, 1861, Annual Me: mond, p. 186.) This relaiv National power and state principle, is no other than ple of generality and locality. ever concerns the whole should be confided to the whole—to the general government; while whatever concerns only the state should be left exclu- sively to the state, | — = 4 July 16, 1852, Speech at Springfield, Ii.—Complete Works, I, p. 171.) A free pcople in times of peace and quiet BR sed by no common danger —nat! At such times the man who is of ne pariy is not, cannot be of any conse- quence. ily divide into parties. (September 17, 1859, Speech at Cin- cinnati, O.—Debates, p. 268.) The peo- ple of the United States are the right- ful masters of both congresses and courts, not to overthrow the Constitu- tion, but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution. (October 16, 1854, Speech at Peoria, Il.—Howells, p. 279.) Well I doubt not that the people of Nebraska are and will continue to be as good as the average of people elsewhere. I do not say the contrary. What I do say is that no man is good enough to govern another man without that other's con- sent. I say this is the leading princi- ple. } (March 4, 1861, First Inaugural— Raymond, p. 167.) I do not forget the position assumed by some, that consti- tutional questions are to be decided by the superior court. * * * At the same time the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the gov- ernment, upon vital questions affect- ing the whole people, is to be irrevoc- ably fixed by decisions of the supreme court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation, between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. (May 17, 1859, Letter to Dr. Theo- dore Canisius concerning law of natur- alization, etc——Howells, p. 85.) As I understand the spirit of our institu- tions, it is designed to promote the ele- vation of men. I am_ therefore hos- tile to anything that tends to their debasément. (February 12, 1861, Speech at Cin- cinnati, O. Complete Works, Vol. I, p. 676.) The workingmen are the basis of all governments for the plain rea- son that they are the more numerous.