Grand Rapids Herald-Review Newspaper, September 1, 1900, Page 3

em IS AGAIN NOTIFIED BRYAN INFORMED OF HIS NOMINA- TION BY POPULIS7S. Ceremonies at Topeka, Kan., Wit- nessed by a Great Crowd of Pto- plt—Mr. Bryan Is Also Notified of the Indorsement of His Candi- dacy by the United States Mone- tary League—Thomas W. Pater- son Makes the Address for the Populists and A, W. Rucker Per- forms a Like Ceremony for the Monetary League. Topeka, Kan., Aug. 25.—William J. Bryan yesterday received the second official notification of his nomination } for the presidency. This notification came from the Populist part nd | Thomas M. Patterson of Colorado aS “the mouthpiece of the party king it. Mr. Bryan was at the same time informed of the indorse- ment of his candidacy by the United States Monetary League, this noti tion being given by A. W. Rucker. The ceremonies occurred in the spa- cious and beautiful grounds of the state capital, and were witnessed by a large number of people. In many re- spects the meeting paralleled the Indianapolis notification. This was true in the fact that both were held | | There in parks; in that the weather Was Intensely Hot and that the impatience of the crowd | compelled the speakers preceding Mr. Bryan to curtail their remarks. The | entire proceeding covered only about an hour and a half of time. There was little delay after the arrival of Mr. Bryan and the other notables. State Chairman Ridgeley of the Pop- ulist party promptly assumed the chair and he immediately introduced James A. Troutman, who as the rep- resentative of the mayor of Topeka, made a brief speech welcoming Mr. Bryan to the city. Mr. Troutman was formerly Heutenant governor of the state and is Republican in politics. His speech was personally compli- | mentary to Mr. Bryan and was further | an appeal for the exercise of the fran- chise by all good and intelligent citi- zens as The Best Safeguard of our institutions. He referred to the vast throng of people “before him as an evidence of the high regard in which the distinguished visitor is held, and said that while he was not au- thorized to assure Mr. Bryan of the | electoral vote of Kansas, he would | assure him of the admiration of every | citizen of the state. Mr. Troutman | was followed by Frank Doster, ‘chief | justice of the state, who extended the | welcome of the state at large. Mr. Douster was followed by ex-Congress- man Jerry Simpson, who was intro- duced as the permanent chairman, in the absence of National Chairman Butler. Mr. Simpson compared Mr. Bryan with Lincoln, and he predicted | that he would lead the people bac‘ to | the landmark of humane liberty which | Lincoln had so Materially Assisted in establishing. ‘Let us trust that Nebraska and Kansas, standing side by side as in 1860, will again give their support to a candidate who has, as the candidate of that time had, but one code of morals, which embraces, as did | Lincoln's, all men of all times, regard- | less of color or environment.” | With this Mr. Simpson introduced Mr. Patterson, who, as chairman of | the national Populist convention, be- came chairman of the notification com- mittee. Mr. Patterson was received with applause and many of his points were loudly cheered, but like Judge Douster, he materially reduced the | length of his speech because of the heat and of the impatience of the au- dience. Judge A. W. Rucker, who Conveyed to Mr. Bryan the information of his indorsement by the United States Monetary League, had also to yield to the demands of | the audience for a curtailment of his speech. He was given an opportunity | to be briefly heard and to make a number of points which met with the approval of the auditors. When Mr. Rucker took his seat Mr. Simpson lost no time in introducing Mr. Bryan, who was received with a burst of ap- plause. Mr. Bryan read the greater part of his address from manuscript and the delivery consumed about forty minutes. When he ceased speak- ing those present were invited to shake hands with him, and many availed themselves of this opportunity to formally greet him.. Mr. Bryan’s Speech. “Mr. Chairman and» Members of the Notification Committee: In accepting the presidential nomination which you tender on behalf of the Populist party, I desire to give emphatic recognition to the edu- cational work done by your party. Al- liances and the labor organizations from which they sprung have done much to arouse the people to a study of economic and industrial questions. Believing, as I do, that tru.h grows not in seclusion but fn the open field, and that it thrives best | 4m the sunlight of full and free debate, I have ‘confidence that the discussion which your party has compelled will aid in reaching that true solution of pending problems toward which all honest citizens aim. “In 1896 the of paramount money question was importance and the allies in that campaign united in the demand for the immediate restoration of silver by the inde- pendent action of this country at 16 to 1, the ratio which had ex- isted since 1834. “They were defeated, but that did not end the discussion. The Democrats were defeated in 1888, but that did not put an end to tariff reform. The Republican were defeated in 1892, but that did not perma- nently overthrow the protective tariff. “Defeat at the polls does not neces- sarily decide a great problem. “Experience and experience alone settle questions. If an increase in the volume of the currency since 1896, although un- promised by the Republicans, and unex- pected, has brought improvement in in- dustrial conditions, this improvement, in- stead of answering the arguments put forth in favor of bimetallism, only con- firms the contention of those who insisted that more money would make better times. The Republican party, however, while claiming credit for The Increase in Circulation, makes no permanent provision for an ade- | your committee represents, quate supply of standard money. It denies the necessity for more real money, -while it permits national banks to expand the volume of paper promises to pay money. “If the Populists felt justified in op- posing the Republican party when it sought to conceal its gold standard ten- dencies under the mask of international bimetallism, the opposition should be more pronounced in proportion as the Re- publican party more openly espouses gold monometallism, “In 1896 the reform forces charged the Republican party with intending to retire greenbacks. This charge, denied at the time, has been confessed by the financial bill which converts greenbacks when once redeemed into gold certificates and extends new privileges to banks of issue. It is true that the Populists be- lieve in an irredeemable greenback, while the Democrats believe in A Greenback Redeemable in Coin, but the vital question at this time, so far as paper money is concerned, is whether the government or banks shall issue it. will be time enough to discuss of the greenback when greenback elf is saved from the ation which now threatens it. belief in an income tax justified a the redeemabili the party in 1896, what excuse can he find for aiding the Republican party now, when even the exigencies of war have | not been sufficient to bring that party to the support of the income tax principle? “Populists believe in arbitration now as much as they did in 1896, and are as much opposed to government by injunc- tion and the blacklist as they were then, and upon these subjects they have as much reason for co-operation with the Democratic party to-day as they had four years ago. Democrats and Populists alike favor that principle of direct legis- lation. If any differences exist as to the | extent to which the principle should be applied, these differences can be Reconciled by Experiment. “Democrats and Populists agree that Chinese and other Oriental labor should be excluded from the United States. Democrats and Populists desire to so en- large the scope of the interstate com- merce act to enable the commission to protect both persons and plaees from dis- crimination, and the public at large from excessive railroad rates. “The Populists approve the demand set forth in the Democratic platform for a labor bureau, with a cabinet officer at its head. Such an official would keep the administration in close touch with the wage-earning portion of the population, and go far toward securing such reme- dial legislation as the toilers need. “In 1896 the Populists united with the Democrats in opposing the trusts, al- though the question at that time appeared like a cloud searcely larger than a man’s hand. To-day that cloud well-night over- spreads the industrial sky. “The fact that the trusts support the Republican party ought to be sufficient proof that they expect protection from it. The Republican party cannot be re- lied upon to extinguish the trusts so long as it draws its campaign contribu- | tions from their overflowing vaults. Prosperity Admitted. “The prosperity argument which the Re- publicans bring forward to answer all complaints against the administration will not deceive the farmer. He knows that two factors enter into his income; first, the size of his crop, and second, the price which he receives for the same. He does not.return thanks to the party in power for favorable weather and a bountiful harvest, and he knows that the Republican party has no policy which in- sures a permanent increase in agricul- tural prices. Since he sells his surplus in foreign markets he is not a beneficiary of the tariff, and since he produces mer- chandise and not money he does not profit by the appreciation of the dollar. “Our opponents have tried to make it appear that we are inconsistent when we desire a general rise in prices and yet an arbitrary rise in protected eturers or trust-made goods. is no conflict whatever betweea these two propositions. If a general rise occurs because of a permanent in the volume of money, all adjust themselves to the new level, and if the volume of money then increases in proportion to the demand for money, the price level remains the same and business can be done with fair- ness to all. Free Silver, for Instance. “If, however, the rise is arbitrary and only affects a part of the products of labor, those whose products do not par- ticipate in the suffer because the purchasing power of their income is de- creased. If a bad monetary system drags down the price of the famer’s poduct, while monopolies raise the price of what he buys, he burns the candle at both ends and must expect to suffer in com- parison with those who belong to the classes more favored by legislation. “It is sometimes urged by partisan Populists that four years more of Re- | publican misrule would so aggravate eco- nomic conditions as to make reforms easier. No one can afford to aid in mak- ing matters worse in the hope of being able to make them better afterward, for in so doing he assumes responsibili- ties which he may not be able to remedy. No Populist, however sanguine, believes it possible to Elect a Populist President at this time, but the Populist party may be able to determine whether a Demo- crat or a Republican will be elected. Mr, Chairman, the Populist convention, which thought it better to share with the Democrats in the honor of securing some of the refoms desired by your party than to bear the odium of remaining neutral in this great crisis, or of giving open or secret ald | to the Republiean party, which opposes all the reforms for which the Populists contend. “Those who labor to improve the condi- tions which surround their fellowmen are apt to become impatient; but they must remember that it takes time to work out great reforms. Let me illustrate by calling your attention to the slow growth of public opinion in support of a prop- osition to which there has been prac- tically no open opposition. President Johnson in 1868 recommended a constitu- tional amendment providing for election of United States senators by A Direct Vote of the People, but it met with no response. About twelve years later, Gen. Weaver, then a member or congress, tried to secure the passage of a resolution submitting such an amendment, but his efforts were fu- tile. In 1892 the resolution recommended by President Johnson and urged by Con- gressman Weaver finally passed the house of representatives, but it has not yet reached a vote in the senate, and now, after eight years more of public discussion, the proposition for the first time received the indorsement of the na- tional convention of one of the great parties. If the fusion forces win a vic- tory this fall we shall see this reform accomplished. before the next presidential” election. “Militarism.’” “In the presence of such an issue as militarism, it is impossible that any Pop- ulist should hesitate as to his duty. When such an issue is raised there can be only two parties—the party, whatever its name may be, which believess in a re- public, and the party, whatever its name. which believes in an empire: and the in- fluence of every citizen is. consciously or unconsciously, intenionally or uninten- tionally, thrown on one side or the other. Where the divine right of kings is recom- nized the monarch can grant different degrees of liberty to different subjects. The people of England can be ruled in one way, the people of Canada in an- other, the people of Ireland in another. while the people of India may be gov- erned according to still different forms. But there can be no variety in a repub- Uc. The doctrine of a republic differs from the doctrine of a monarchy as the day differs from the night, and between the two doctrines there is and ever must be an irrepressible confifet. “Imperialism.” “A republic is always a menace to 2 monarch, just as truth is always a men- ace to error. Self-government, being the natural government, must necessarily create dissatisfaction among the subjects of those governments which build upon some other foundation than the consent of the governed. What the Orange Free State and Transvaal republics are to South Africa our republic is to the world, and only our increasing strength and the wide Atlantic have protected us from the inextinguishable hostility which must ever exist between those who support a throne and those who recognize the citi- zen as the sovereign. Every step taken toward imperialism by this nation meets with prompt and effective encouragement from Europe. Our opponents say that the world would laugh at us if we should give independence to the Filipinos. Yes, kings would laugh, aristocrats would laugh, and those would laugh who deny the inalienable rights of men and de- spise the humbler folk who “along the cool, sequestered vale of life keep the noiseless tenor of their way.” But let this nation stand erect and, spurning the bribes of wealth and power, show that there is a reality in the principles which we profess; let it show that there is a difference between a republic and a monarchy, and the oppressed of every land will see in our flag the hope of their own deliverance, and whether they are bleeding upon the battlefield or groaning beneath a tyrant’s lash, they will raise their eyes toward heaven and breathe a fervent prayer for ths safety of our 1e public.” To the Silverites. Replying to the monetary league notifi- ration, Mr. Bryan said: “When this speech was prepared and given to the press I did not know that formal announcement of the resolutions passed by the monetary league would be made at this time, and I desire here to express by gratitude to the members of that league for the support which they promise and for the cordia] commendation which their resolutions speak. The mon- etary league has for four years been ac- tive in the distribution of literature con- nected with the money question aimed at the enlightenment of the voters, and 1 have on former occasions, and do now, ex- press my. commendation of the efforts of this league and of similiar leagues to spread before the people information on the money question, because I believe the more the question is studied and the bet- ter it is understood the stronger will be she demand for the restoration of the double standard in the United States.” This evening Mr. Bryan left for Man- hattan, Kan., where he is announced te speak to-morrow. Chairman Butler was not present at to-day’s meeting, and Jerry Sin:pson acted as chairman. Speedy Steamers. The end-of-the-century steamship is outdoing all that has gone before, although ten years from now recent speed records on the ocean may look like the traditional three dimes, The long-distance trial of the Deutschland from the mouth of the Oder to the mouth of the Elbe developed 35,200 mean indicaced horse pow while cn the trip from Plymouth to New York the average indicated horse power was 34,200. The total consumption of coal for twenty-four hours was 550 tons, or 1.5 pounds per horse power per hour, a remarkably low figure. This low consumption of coal is attributed to the use of a new system of forced draught. The average spe2d on the veturn trip to Plymouth was 23 knots and the average horse power 839. For many people who cross the ocean these figures have no interest. They prefer a more extended trip and they go by the slow lines. The average American, however, thinks it necessary to save time, and the fast lines are constantly watched for broken records. . Lowell's One Client. James Russell Lowell studied law and took on office, but never had a case in court. The Rev. Edward Everett Hale sometimes tells, however, the story of Lowell's first client. The poet had laid aside his law book for the nonce and was polishing off a sonnet, when the door opened and a strange man appeared, with a look of doubt or trouble in his eyes. Lowell hastily hid the sonnet in a pocket. sprang up with all the alacrity of courtesy he could com- mand, offered a chair to the visitor, took his hat and put it on the table with as much rev- erence as if it were a retainer, drew up a chair opposite, pulled out a brand-new nots- book, and waving his pencil in a soft. inviting, confidential way, began: ‘Well, sir, I am all ready to take notes of your case. Please tell me everything, even the most trivial cireum- stances." The stranger stared at him with open mouth for a minute, then grinned most amicably, as he answered: “I'm the painter of your sign, sir, come to get my Ittle bill.” The Absent-Minded Many stories are told of the edness of the late Dr. McAllister, rector of ‘Trinity church, Elizabeth, and brother of the late Ward McAllister. One night he was returning to Elizabeth from New York, and toon a train which was not scheduled to stop at his station. Discovering his mistake, he appealed to the conductor, being anxious to get word to his wife. Presently the conductor came back to the doctor and said that a railroad official was on the train, and that it would make an extra stop at Elizabeth, “That is good,’ said Dr. McAllister, with great relief. ‘‘When you stop at Elizabeth, won't you send a message to my wife that I have been carried througn to Trenton?” “Why don’t you get off yourself?’ suggest- e dthe conductor. “Oh, I never thought of that,"’ sald the doc- tor.—New York Times. Love of Change. Milliner—This hat will last you sev- eral seasons, Miss Highfly. Miss Highfly—Oh, I don’t want that kind of a hat; show me one that won’t be fit to be seen in about four weeks.— Chicago Record. Awaiting Developments, Ada—Why does Clara speak of George as her intended? Are they en- gaged? Alice—No; but she intends they shall be. . We Trust She Keeps Secluded. “They claim that the new poetess of passion is a warm one.” “Warm? Say, she doesn’t even dare to wear celluloid cuffs”"—Cleveland Plain Dealer. | 4 oe i np ri | tl i “What's all this noise, Willie ?”’ **Teddy dreams every night iards, and he pounds me.” that he’s whipping the Span- —Chicago American. SPURIOUS PROSPERITY Republican Plan to Manufacture Prosperity for Campaign Purposes Only. Power of an Executive Order as Compared With a Legisla- tive Enactment. Some of the Numerous Causes of Mr. McKinley’s Waning Popularity. Apropos of this wonderful Repub- lican prosperity, the following news item of Aug. 20 from LaSalle, Ill., ex- plains ‘itself: Two hundred and fifty female em- ployes of the Western Clock Manu- facturing Company, of Peru, IIL, have j suffered a reduction in wages of from™ 30 to 40 per cent. during the past week. | During the political campaign of | 1896 the owners of the establishment! posted bills in conspicuous places, an-} nouncing that in the event of Bryan’s election the works would be shut down, while should McKinley be elected the employes would be given steady work at advanced wages. In view of the difficulty which the Republican managers will find in forcing the “prosperity” issue, it is understood that the politicians and their allies, the Wall street stock job- bers, are arranging a scheme to boost stock market prices during the closing days of the campaign. According to Hearst’s Chicago American, the scheme is exposed in a confidential circular letter recently sent gut to its customers by the stock and bond house of Gaylord, Blessing & Co., 307 Olive street, St. Louis, in which appears the following interesting announcement: “The market still remains under control of the professional traders, all the big operators being out of the city. With the return of the latter specula- tion may broaden somewhat, but it does not look as if affairs would change very materially until fall. “The talk of a powerful bull pool being formed, to be composed ex- clusively of Republican politicians, for the purpose of giving the market a} poost a couple of weeks before election time, is going around. A movement of this kind would, it is believed, have a beneficial effect on Wall street and throughout the country at large.” For the last six or eight months the market value of stocks has been @ropping gradually, especially of those in the class known as “industrials,” ond it has been well understood that except for a fear that it would cost, the Republican ticket millicns of votes wages would have been reduced in hundreds of factories owned by indus- trial trusts throughout the coxzntry, and affecting hundreds of thousands of workingmen. There are other indications that the Hlanna-McKinley crowd expects to manipulate the stock market during the campaign for the purpose of con- vincing investors and voters generally that prosperity is on every hand and McKinley must be re-elected to con- tinue the condition. ‘REPUBLICAN CONSISTENCY. Republicans would do well to say as little as may be on the subject of iat money. President McKinley is on record as believing in the absurd idea that while legislation by congress cannot regulate the value of money in our own land, an executive order by the president can fix the value of money even in a country which, ac- cording to the orthodox Republican doctrine, is not under the constitution of the United tSates. The order quot- ed below, together with the explana- tory extract from the Congressional ' say: Record, makes interesting and instruc- tive reading at this time, illustrating as they do the exaggerated ideas of Republicans concerning the power of the executive, and also that imaginary something which has been humorously called Republican consistency. The following order, dated aa eet 20, 1899, and signed by William Mc- Kinley, was issued from the executive mansion: “It is further ordered that on and after February 1, 1899, and until fur- ther provided, the following Porto Rican or Spanish silver coins now in circulation in the Island of Porto Rico shall be received for customs, taxes, public and postal dues at the following fixed rates in United States money: The peso..... - $0.60 The medio peso... 30 The peseta. 12 The real... -06 The medio real... -03 It is further ordered that all exist- ing contracts for the payment of money in the currency of Porto Rico may be discharged and paid in that money in accordance with the contracts, or in United States money at the relative value set forth in the above table— |namely, for each $100 United States currency 166% Porto Rican pesos.” Extract from Congressional Record, 56th Congress, 1st session, page 2,040:,, “Mr. Norton of Ohio.—If the gentle- man (Mr. Payne, the Republican lead- er from New York,) will permit me * * * T would like to be informed upon one point, and ask him to yield to me for a question. “Mr. Payne.—Certainly. “Mr. Norton.—I think in giving the value of the peso a few minutes ago he said that it amounted to about 40 or 41 cents of our money. “Mr Payne.—No; the gentleman is mistaken. peso was silver, and that it was worth 41 or 42 cents in bullion; but by ex- ecutive order the value was fixed at 60 cents on the dollar. “Mr. Norton—This increase was made by executive order. Now, if an executive order can increase the value of the peso in the proportion the gen- tleman has stated, why cannot an ex- ecutive order make it equal ‘to a full) dollar in value and help the people in that way? (Laughter on the Demo- cratic side.) “Mr. Payne.—Well. Mr. Chairman, the gentleman is drifting off from the subject. “Mr. Gaines._Will the gentleman allow me to ask him a question? “Mr. Payne.—No, I cannot yield; not even for the first gun fired in this war. “Mr. Gaines—Well, you are going to hear a good many fired before you get | through with this question, I can tell you.” M’KINLEY STOCKS GOING DOWN. The McKinley party in 1896 pulled their man through with a 50.88 per cent. popular vote (including fraudu- lent counts and all), while Bryan, the candidate of the people, polled 45.71 | per cent., or 5.17 per cent. less than the candidate of the trusts. That a large portion of those who helped elect the trust candidate soon became sick of their bargain was evidenced by the congressional elections two years later, when the McKinley majority of 5.17 per cent. dwindled down to one of 2 per cent.—a loss of 3.17 per cent.— while the Democratic vote increased from 45.71 to 47.75 ner cent.—a gain of 2.04 per cent. Thus the relative strength of the McKinleyites and the people in 1898 was as follows: People . ...47.15 per cent. McKinleyites ......47.71 per cent. People’s majority.. .04 per cent. If the McKinleyites can extract any comfort out of this they are welcome. Others may take comfort out of the assurance that the figures are abso- lutely correct and represent facts that are facts, which no talk about “pros- perity” or other twaddle can alter in the least. It may also be worthy to note that if McKinley stocks fell below par during the first two years of his so-called administration, with no other depressing cause than his inane impo- tency, they have not since then been enhanced in v-"~s by his unpopular Philippine war icy, nor by the trust curse, for which his administration is responsible. THE VERDICT OF HISTORY. In his introduction to Caesar’s Com- mentaries the famous historian Froude 'S: “To the student of political history, and to the English student above all others, the conversion of the Roman republic into a military empire com- mands a peculiar interest. Notwith- standing many differences, the English and the Romans essentially resemble one another. The early Romans pos- sessed the faculty of self-government I said 93% per cent. of the} beyond any people of whom we have historical knowledge, with the one ex-: ception of ourselves. In virtue of their temporal freedom, they became the most powerful nation in the known world, and their liberties perished only when Rome became mistress of con- quered races, to whom she was unable or unwilling to extend her privileges. “If there be one lesson which history teaches it is this, that free nations can- not govern subject provinces. If they are unable or unwilling to admit their dependencies to share in their own constitution, the constitution itself will fall in pieces from mere incompetence for its duties.” When Republicans are charged with denying those truths concerning hu- man rights which the founders of our government regarded as_ self-evident, they usually can be relied on to an- swer with the assertion that McKinley prosperity is giving to wage-earners steady employment and good pay. Therefore these wage-earners should in gratitude vote the g. o. p. ticket without bothering themselves about the departure,of the party from the fundamental principles of free govern- ment. Now, there is no doubt there is a sort of spurious prosperity which laborers are enjoying at the present time. According to Bradstreet’s, it is true that while wages have remained stationary in many classes of labor they have in some others advanced about 10 per cent.; but, at the same time, the cost of living has been in- creased from 20 to 30 per cent. during the past year, thanks to the trusts which have been bred by Republican policy, and which are sheltered behind the Republican protective tariff. The Republican politicians are in the habit of boasting that they have given work to the unemployed; and they have a way of talking about la- borers as though these were the wards of the party and needed a guardian, or as though they belongd to a separate race and were made of a different kind of clay. The self-respecting laborers will resent this sort of patronizing guardianship. Even assuming, for the sake of argument, that they are now ableto get workis it notrather signifi- cant that this should be regarded as something to brag about? The coun- try has an enormous amount of unde- veloped wealth; and yet laborers are all the time being told that they must get down on their knees and thank God and the Republican party for the privilege of selling their labor for less than it is worth. It may as well be admitted that the | Republicans speak the truth when they \say that the Filipinos and the Boers hope and pray for the defeat of the Republican party in our coming elec- tion. When the reform forces are taunted with having these foreign al- lies they would better own up and say with Mr. Bryan that naturally there cannot be found in all the world any people who are struggling for liberty and who look for help to the Repub- lican party. McKinley is without question popular with the British tories, and, in general, with those who wish to destroy government by the people, but the South African peoples and the Filipinos have sense enough | to know that no effort by the oppressed to secure the right of self-government can, expect sympathy or assistance lfrom that party in the United States |which now openly places money con- siderations above human rights. Talk about your gold bricks, here was Spain with an antiquated, played- out colonial system, which, to the knowledge of all the world, had been her disaster and plague for four hun- dred years; and yet McKinley not only took it off her hands, but actually, in- ‘eredible as it seems, gave her $20,000,- 000 for it. This gold brick has already cost the couatry not less than $186,000,- 000 and 5,000 men in less than two years. How much will it cost us be- fore we can expect to find some idiot so guileless as to take it off our hands? Roosevelt holds thathe must preserve the honor of this country, even if he has to defame tie character of every ! Democrat in order to do it. There was a time when the Repub- lican party called itself the party of great moral ideas in order to cover up its nefarious business of fleecing ‘the many for the benefit of the fa- |vored few by means of that old con- |fidence game cuphoniously called a | protective tariff. The swindle has | been exposed and the party of hypoc- risy tried a new dodge by turning its |eyes toward heaven with a sanctimon- ious air and making believe that in |advocating a 200-cent dollar for the benefit of the bondholders it was in reality standing for honest money and guarding the national honor. Now that the question of imperial- ism, or the moral right of one people to rule another without its consent, has become the dominant issue, some of the old professors of sham and canting hypocricy cannot resist the impulse to make the pious pretense that they are interested in “saving the Filipions for Christ.” Still, a number of the more honest members of the party have thrown off disguise and frankly admit that in the effort to overthrow as obsolete the principle of human rights on which our govern- ment was founded they are actuated by nothing more sublime than selfish greed. NEWSPAPER ENTERPRISE. The Willmar Tribune, which is an able and fearless exponent of Bryan Populism, Jeffersonian Democracy and Lincoln Republicanism, is sending its subscribers an ay ia portrait of William Jennings Bryan. THE MINNEAPOLIS AMERICAN. The outlook is bright for a straight and aggressive Democratic daily in Minneapolis. The promoters of the enterprise report good progress. They will secure the special news service of Hearst’s Chicago American, and ex- pect to be able to start their paper in the beginning of September. If they sueceed in perfecting the arrange- ments Minnesota will have a first-clas3 metropolitan daily which can be re- Ned on at all times to advocate true Democratic pmnciples and show up Republican sham and hypocrisy.