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| Grand ‘HReyias HrertacHview Published Every Saturday. stoMice at Grand Rapids Entered in the y Minnesota, as second-class matter PERFECTING PROTECTION. Two Slight Changes Suggested In the In- terest of Farmers and Laborers. The senate is now engaged in remedy- ing the small imperfections of the Ding- ley bill, which, as all good protection- ists assert, is one of the best tariff bills ever drafted. It distributes its blessings to all—farmer, laborer and manufac- turer, Without doubting the good inten- | tions of the makers, we wish to suggest | one or two minor details which might possibly help the bill to fulfill the ex- pectations of its authors: | Firet.—Lubin’s export bounty scheme | might enable the farmox-to get a small | slice of the benefits of protection. Of | course the farmer doesn’t expect—espe- | cially at first—to get as much of the benefits as the manufacturers have been | getting for 30 years. A protection of about 20 per cent—that is 10 cents per | bushel on wheat, 5 cents on corn, etc.— | would satisfy him, while it takes four times as much to satisfy ordinary tariff infants. This small export duty would not make good the farmer’s loss because of import duties on manufactured prod- ucts, saying nothing about past losses, but in course of time, after his industry had felt the stimulating effects of real | protection ‘‘what protects,’’ the farmer | might muster up courage enough to fol- | low the example of Oliver Twist— which example has grown into ac tom with protected interests—and for “‘more.’’ Possibly also he might form political tri or combines to de- mand ‘‘more’’ and raise millions of dol- Jars to send lobbies to Washington to bribe congre: While protection is in | order export duties are the farme on- ly hope. With them he may hope not only to change his losses to profits, but also to regain that power position which were once his, but which have jong since passed into the hands of the manufacturers. Second. —I¢ is also fitting to recognize the laborer in the distribution of tariff | profits. Like the rmer, he now puts | his hand into his pocket to hel» swell the | profits of protection, practically none | of which comes his way. It is not an | easy matter to equalize the benefits | of protection so that the workingman | shall get his full share. A prohibitive | duty ou imported labor mi in the course of time afford some protection | by restricting the supply of labor, so | that manufacturers could ca out their good intentions (expressed when asking for higher duties) and pay, “American wages to American work- ingmen.”” At present the condition of working- | men in the protected industries is pitia- | ble in the extreme. The Philadelphia | Ledger, a good Republican paper, told us about May 1 that in the protected iron and coal industries of Pennsylvania | the wage rate has been reduced so low | “‘that it is scarcely sufficient to provide | the necessaries of decent, sanitary liv- | ing.”’ It says ‘‘the lowest classes of | alien cheap labor swarm in the iron and | coal districts’ of the state,’’ and the com- | petition for work is so fierce ‘‘that they | contend, not against the employers for | the highest wages, but among each | other for the lowest?’ ‘‘As appears by | the testimony presented to the legisla- | tive committee, * * * they herd in squa- | lor, subjects of abject penury, and are | beset by disease, dirt and hunger.’’ The | Ledger thinks our immigration laws | are ‘‘defective and improvident’” and | suggests that ‘‘to properly protect | American workmen congress should | pass an immigration as well as a tariff | bill.’’ This is a good idea and should | be acted upon at once. The only wonder | is that some of the good manufacturers, | in their anxiety to protect and raise the wages of their workingmen, did not | think of this plan before. Then, if they | should have a law passed which should make it compulsory for them to give at | least one-half of their protection and | monopoly profits to their employees, protection would begin to be an all! around blessing. The manufacturers | might still be getting the lion’s share, | but they would not get all When these changes are made in the bill, it will undoubtedly be what the New York Tribune declared its proto- type, the McKinley bill, to be—‘‘the bravest and best tariff bill ever passed.”’ Will they be made?—Byron W. Holt. Pushing Along a Good Thing. The Trust’s Warm Friend. Senator Aldrich has always been a truly good friend of the Sugar trust, and it is apparent that this friendship‘ has rot grown cold.—Boston Herald. | ist standpoint. | exports of canned goods—jams, SUGAR TRUST PROFITS. | John De Witt Warner Makes Some Esti- | mates and Scores the Trust. Ex-Congressman John De Witt War-; ner is one of the best posted men in this | country on sugar tariffs. When in con- | gress, he carried the house for free sug- | ar. In a recently published statement | he estimates the net protection to the | trust given by the Aldrich schedule at) from 35 cents to $1.14 0n every 100) pounds of refined sugar. | Without attempting to give his argu- | ment.as to each of the ways in which | the trust would be protected we give) his summary of trust profits as follows: + 0.14@ 0.21 sees 0,08@ 0.85 5 net protection to the trust, eticable so to combine cir ances as this below 40 8 or above 60 cents unt. As an item of tariff taxation the sug- ar schedule is ideal from the protection- Sugar is the one article used by poor and rich ‘to an equivalent } | extent, and a tax on which therefore | ly on the poor in pro-| 5 falls most h portion to their ability to pay it. Its ‘oduction and distribution are control- led by a concern which is at once the greatest of our mean trusts and the t of our great ones. stent therefore that on this | one article there should be levied more | than one-third of our total tariff taxa- | tion, and that our people should be bur- | dened by a tax of more than $90,000,- 000 that realizes less than $70,000,- 000 for the treasury and more than $20,000,000 for the sugar refining com- | bine, while the same combine is enabled | to net an additional $10,000,000 by the opportunity given it to import at present | duty rates raw sugars from which it) can make refined to be sold by it under the enhanced price assured it by the proposed Aldrich schedule. The net “‘protection’’ of from 45 to 60 cents per 100 pounds given the trust on its refin- ing pro alone should be considered as sufficient when we remember that | the labor cost of this process is slightly | less than 644 cents per 100 pounds—that | is to say, Senator Aldrich, in behalf of American labor, proposes unduly to tax wage earners in order to give the trust from five to seven times as much ‘‘pro- tection’’ as it pays for all the labor in- volved. Next to the wage earner the farmer is dear to the protectionist heart, and he is therefore equally favored by the | sugar schedule. Of late years through- out the eastern and middle and many of the central states the competition cf the far west driven our farmers from grain raising into fruit culture. This has now so developed that except for pre- serves, etc.—in which we ought to sup- ply the world, the business of fruit rais- ing has, in its turn, become almost profit- less. those who are dependent upon fruit cul- ture by the proposed tax of two cents a pound on sugar. This increases by from 59 to 75 percent the article which would make up from 40 to 75 per cent of the total weight of the jams, etc., the export of which might insure | living prices for the surplus fruits, but which is now practically prohibited. And this is ‘‘a government of the people, by the people and for the peo- ple.’’? Who are ‘‘the people?” mA The Infamous Wool Schedule. The senate computations of the equiv- alents for Dingley bill rates on woolen goods only need to be stated. They make. opposing argument unnecessary in the mere reading. ,For example, the rate is 55 per cent on second class wool, 289 per cent on garnetted waste, 326 per cent on shoddy, 171 per cent on woolen cloths valued at not more than 50 cents per pound, 167 per cent on blankets more than three yards in length and valued at not more than 50 cents per pound, 212 per cent on shawls valued at not exceeding 40 cents per pound, 151 per cent on knit fabrics val- | ued at not exceeding 40 cents per pound, 257 per cent on hats of wool val- ued at not more than 380 cents per pound, 419 per cent on felts of the same value, 147 per cent on plushes valued at not over 40 cents per pound, and 64 per cent on the aggregate of woolen carpets. The people of the United States could better afford to buy every sheep in tho country and to put every shepherd on the pension list than to submit them- selves to such shameless plundering — Philadelphia Record. Cannot Convict Sugar Kings. In these days it is harder to convict a Sugar trust king than it is for a camel to go through the eye of a Cleopatrian needle.—Baitimore Herald. And poverty is now assured to) High Duties On Buttons. The button manufacturers, present and prospective, are unusually greedy in their demands for tariff duties. Mc- Kinley duties are entirely too slow for the button infants. The following is part of a statement made by button im- porters: The proposed duties on buttons, as per schedule of the finance committee of the senate, are as a rule prohibitory and would prove a severe hardship on goods used by the poorer and middle classes, and also to manufacturers of | various garments used by the mass of our people, such as low priced shirts, underwear, clothing, etc. The follow- ing data will give some idea of the in- equalities of the proposed duties: Agate Buttons—Present duty, also McKinley bill, 25 per cent; proposed duty of one-twelfth of 1 cent per line per gross, plus 15 per cent ad valorem, would average from 67 to 161 per cent, bearing heaviest on the class of goods, that make up the great bulk of the im- portations. / The following schedule, taking the! styles that sell, shows the | range proposed: WHITE LENTILLES ON CARD SOLD TO JOBBING TRADE. Present Pro- Equals duty, posed ad val. No. Lines. Price. 25p.ct. duty. p. ct. lg 0.031 0.190 161 0.059 104 0.078 82 16 ves oT BULK. 6 0.160 0. 0.036 0.182125 0.153 0.083 0.208182 These buttons are not made here, nor are they likely to be made. First, be- cause little or none of the raw material required has been found here; second, because the total sales being limited to this country would not warrant the investment of the necessary capital in a plant needed to make the various styles wanted. Itis evident that the intention is to exclude these goods in the interest of some higher cost goods. The proposed duty would be a real hardship and bear heavily on the class of people who buy “china buttons,’”? as well as on the manufacturers of cheap shirts, under- wear, etc. Bone Buttons (to sew on)—Present } duty, 85 per cent; McKinley bill, 50 per cent; proposed duty, from 106 to 194 per cent. These goods are mostly } sold to manafacturers of cheap under- | wear, children’s waists, clothing, etc. Manufacturers Against the Tariff Bill. One of the most striking indications of the growth of sentiment against high | protection and of a liberal sentiment upon tariff matters is the movement | against the pending tariff bill by the} Manvfacturers’ Association of the Unit- ed States. Mr. A. B. Farquhar, an ex- tensive manufacturer of agricultural | machinery at York, Pa., is at the head | of the movement. : It is well known that in the manu- facture of agricultural implements and machinery Americans are far in advance of their competitors in any other land and that the products of their factories may be seen in the fields all over the | civilized world. These people need no | protection and are well able to take care of themselves. All they ask is to have untaxed raw material, so that they will not be placed at a disadvantage. A great list of other industries are practically in the same position and de- sire free raw material more than they desire protection. It is also significant that the manufacturers, in their peti- | tion to the senate, declare that their ability to employ American labor will be greatly impaired by the passage of the tariff bill. They ask tltat the Chi- nese wall that is obstructing the foreign trade and crippling American enterprise ; Shall be broken down. The plea which has been used for years by the protectionists — namely, that protection is in the interest of American labor—is shown by census figures to be asham. Of the 5,0060,0C) persons employed in manufacturing in the United States it is shown in the pe- tition that less than 200,000 are em- ployed in occupations subject to active foreign competition and 616,000 in occupations subject to moderate for- eign competition. The remainder, over | 4,000,000, do not come at all in compe- tition with foreign labor. It is very plain that the Dingley bill is not designed, any more than any other } high protective measure was designed, to protect American labor or to pro- duce revenues for the government. It is designed primarily to protect the trusts }and to foster monopoly.—Baltimore Sun. Blessed Are the Poor! Representatives of the crockery in- | terest who have gone to Washington to prowst against the new tariff complain thai the proposed schedules discriminate against goods used by the poor and in favor of those purchased by the rich. Blessed are the poor, but they need ex- pect little help from a protective tariff. | —Philadelphia Record. NOTICE! United States Land Office, Duluth, Minn., June 2, 1897. Notice is hereby given that the of ficial plats of survey of Township 152 Nerth of Range 26 West of 5th P. M., will be opened for filing in this office on ‘Tuesday, July 20, 1897, at 9 o’clock a. m. Corrected plats of Township 157 North of Range 27 West of 5th P. M., Township 158 North of Range 27 West of 5th P. M., and Township 158 North of Range 26 West of 5th P. M., on Wednesday, July 21, 1897, at 9 o’clock fa. m., and that on and after said days we will receive applications for the entry of said lands in said Townships, A. J. TAYLOR, Register. F. L. RYAN, Receiver. LOST. Heavy gold ring, with garnet set- ting, Masonic device and the figures 32” in black enamel on outside, owner’s name and date “Nov. 18, 1892” engraved on outside. Leave at Herald-Review office and receive a suitable reward. For Sale. Eight lots in block 24, Third Divi- sion of Grand Rapids, for sale at a bargain, or will exchange for Farm Stock of any kind Th lots adjoin model farm and are clear of incumberances. For par- ticulars address. J. A. BLACKWOOD, Duluth, Minn. or Herald-Review, Grand Rapids. BEST ST. PAUL AND MINNEAPOLIS TO ST.LOUIS. 24 pages == Free Silver eeZartoon Paper SUBSCRIBE AT ONCE Address UP-TO-DATE, Chicage Mention this peper. 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