Grand Rapids Herald-Review Newspaper, October 17, 1896, Page 3

Me BRYAN AT ST. PAUL PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE MAKES THREE SPEECHES, Tremendous Crows Turn Out at the Saintly City to Hear the Elo- quent and Gifted Nebraskan—A Powerful Exposition of the Ques- tions Involved in the Campaign— The Free Silver Doctrine Elo- auently Expounded. St. Paul, Oct. 11.—W. J. Bryan made three speeches in this city last night. Tremendous crowds greeted him at each of the halls where he spoke and the greatest enthusiasm prevailed. At the Atditorium Mr. Bryan was introduced by S. L. Pierce and spoke as follows: Mr. Bryan—Mr, Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: It gives me a great deal of pleasure to be permitted to defend our cause in the presence of an audience in this €reat city, and before addressing myself to the subject in hand, I desire to express to the organized labor of this city my grateful appreciation of the gift which they have presented. It is a gold pen with a silver holder, and if I shall be elected by my countrymen to be chief executive of this mation (A voice, “You will’) that pen (An- other voice, “That's what you will’) and that holder shall be used to sign a free- coinage bill. (Great applause.) And I am glad that the pen with which my signature shall be affixed is the gift of the laboring men, because, my friends, I believe that the laboring men of this country—aye, more than that, the laboring men of all this world, are interested in the restoration of silver to its ancient place by the side of gold. (Applause.) I would not favor the free coinage of silver did I not believe that it would be Beneficial to Those Who Toil, because, my friends, ny political philosophy teaches me that there can be no prosperity in this nation unless that prosperity begins first among those who create wealth and finds its way afterwards to other classes of society. (Applause.) More than that, civilization itself rests upon the great mass of the people, and it is only by carrying the ma ss of the people upward and onward can expect any advance in civiliza- There can be no real civilization where a few in a land have more than they can use and the many have an insufil- cient amount to give the necessary suste- nance. (Applause.) Nor do I believe that these great inequalities can exist in a nation where the government observes the old maxim of equal rights to all and special to no one. friends, when government {is properly ered there will be no railroad 3 to make themselves rich by bank- rupting those who put their confidence in them (applause); when government is prop- erly nduinistered there will be no repre- de to exact tribute from those who desire to be protected from the cold of winter (applause); when government is properly administered there will be no syn- dicate fattening out of the government's adversities after they have brought those adversities upon the government for their own benefit (a se); when government is properly administered there will be no corporations which assume greater author- ity than the power which created them ; when govenment is properly ered it will recognize those funda- mental principles set forth in the Declara- tion of Independence, ‘All men are cre- ated equal, that they are endowed with in- v\Mienable rights, that governments are in- stituted to preserve these rights and that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.”’ (Applause.) When these four principles are applied then government will be what it ought to be. Jackson has well said that there are no ry evils in government; that evils exist only in its abuses; and, my friends, it is not government that we raise our hands against. No man who understands society or the necessity for government will ever raise his hand against government; it’s against the abuses of government. (Ap- plause.) Its against the abuses of govern- ment, and we shall not be driven from our purpose to eradicate these abuses although every man entrenched behind a special priv- flege shall heap abuse upon those who at- tempt to rob him. (Applause.) We have made the money question the paramount issue of this campaign, and yet our opponents are not satisfied to meet this question openly. They have never been satisfied to meet the money question. The advocates of the gold standard never fought an open fight in all their lives—and never will. (Applause.) You ask me why they don't. I will tell you. Shakespeare ex- plains it “that it 1s conscience that makes cowards of men,” and the consclence of the advocate of the gold standard tells him that his policy enriches some, but it is sure to curse the great masses. (Applause.) The Inevitable Question. A voice—May I ask you a question, Mr. Bryan? Mr. Bryan—Yes, sir. Other voices—No, no” and hisses. Mr. Bryan—My, friends, walt a moment, now. A voice—I want to ask you a question. Mr. Bryan—Wait a moment. I am willing to answer any question pertinent to this discussion, because when a man believes he is right, no question confuses him much. (Applause.) (Voices “Question?”) Same voice—‘What, in your opinion, was the cause of the Homestead and the Pitts- burg strikes?” (Voices, “Oh, sit down, sit down!"’) Another voice—“Give that to Erwin. Er- win will tell you.” and hisses. Mr. Bryan—My friends, when I submit to an inquiry, I have a right to suppose that it will directed toward the subject that I am discussing and not a subject for- eign to (Applause, and cries, “Put him out!”) If anybody desires to ask any question connected with the money question while I am discussing that question, feel perfectly at liberty to do so and I shall not embarass you by my reply, I will try to give you light. If you are wrong and if I am wrong I shall be as glad to be put right as I am to put you right. (Ap- plause and voices “Put that man out!) I said that the advocates of the gold standard had never fought an open fight. I repeat it. The advocates of the gold stand- ard are not fighting an open fight in this campaign. Before the Republican conyen- tion, didn’t you hear a great many people tall about the impossibility of having two yard-sticks? Didn’t you hear them talk about ‘gold being the only money fit for civilized nations? Didn't you hear them talk about our having outgrown silver? Didn't you hear them talk about the mine owners’ profit in free coinage and the demagogue whe tried to curry favor with the people by advocating free coinage and the dishonest debtor who wanted to pay this debts in cheap dollars? You heard all those. But when the Republican conven- tion met and they had a number there suf- ficier@ to right a platform, did they put in there anything about two-yard sticks? Did they put anything about the demagogue who was advocating bimetallism? Not at all. That Republican platform expressly Geclared that the gold standard was not a desirable thing; that Republican platform expressly pledged the Republican party to get rid of a gold standard and substi- tute the double standard—when? When the leading commercial nations would help to do it. (Applause.) But, my friends, the very fact that that platform pledges the Republican party to substitute the double standard for the gold s{audard is a positive assertion that | the double standard is better than the sin- gle goid standard. (Applause.) But the trouble is that having declared that bimet- allism was better than the gold standard, they said we could not have it until the leading nations of Europe would co-operate —which in my judgment Is equivalent to saying that they never expect to have the double standard. (Applause.) Now, If the advocates of the gold standard had been willing to fight an open, honest, manly fight, why didn’t they declare that the gold standard was good and that the American people ought to maintain it because it is good? Why didn’t they say it? They didn’t say it because to have declared so would have been to contradict the testimony of the masses of people of every country which has ever had it. (Applause.) Now, my friends, do you believe that the Republican party is going to try to secure bimetallism? (A voice, “Yes, sir.” “I don’t. (Another voice, “Neither do I.”) The Re- publican platform was written by men who do not want bimetallism. (Applause.) ‘The Republican platform was written by men who believe that this nation must have, whether it likes it or not, whatever finan- cial system foreign creditors insist on our having. (Applause.) Therefore, I say that when they go forth declaring that they want international bimetallism they are merely holding that out as a mask behind which they may work to fasten the gold standard permanently upon the Amer- Jean people. (Applause.) No party in the history of this nation has ever declareé that the Gold Standard Was a Good Thing; no party in all the history of this nation has ever declared that the gold standard is a good thing. If you say that the so- called National Democrats have declared that the gold standard is a good thing (A voice: “Fifty thousand majority in Minne- sota for Bryan!") If, my friends, you re- mind me that the so-called National Demo- cratic party declared for the gold standard, I tell you that that is not a national party, because no national party ever nominated one ticket for the express purpose of elect- ing another ticket. (Applause, hurrabs and voices, “Fifty thousand for the boy ora- tor!” “Hit him again!) No national party was ever recognized as an adjunct of an- other party already in existence; no na- tional party ever expected to have its birth- day and its death at the same time. (Ap- plause and, “That’s a good shot!) And, my friends, the best evidence that I am right in saying that the advocates of the gold standard never fought an open fight is found in the fact that the men who as- sembled at Indianapolis wrote a platform which was entirely different from the plat- form which the minority of the Democrats at Chicago tried to secure the adeption of in the Chicago platform. (Applause.) At Chicago the minority wanted international bimetallism and were afraid that free coin- age would prevent it. But when that minority got into a convention by itself it was so busy that it forgot all about inter- national bimetallism. “Laughter and ap- plause.) And then to further brand it as nothing but a fraud and a deception, those who advocate that independent Pemocratic ticket employ speakers who opeuly tell you they are going to vote for the Republican candidate and advise others to in sound money meetings. (Applause, and a voice, “They are cur. "’) I say, my friends, that these things all prove to you that our opponents are not making a square, open fight. They say they are advocates of honest money. I tell ek that honesty is not a charac stie that appears occasionally and disappeavs In a man's character. (Laughter and snpltase.) A man who is honest in one bari is apt to be honest 'n vther things. tut tlese men who prate shout honest money are the ones who deal tishones<'y th the American people. (Great applau ‘They remind me of Peter Cartwright, I think it was—someone »sked him whether he was sanctified or not, and he said, “Yes, in spots.” (Laught "These people seem to be honest in spots. (Renewed laughter) And they want vou to believe that men who put up one ticket when they expec! yote for another, wen who yote for a ucket that they don't \ to vote for, mei ‘vho talk aber money without ien'’s you what it & who prate about an }onest do! worship the most dishonest do! country to-day god dollar (app'a:se) —they want you to believe that they are the only people who can be trusted, to be entirely unselfish and patriotic in the es- tablishment of a financial policy. (Laughter and applause.) Truth, my friends—- (A voice—What about the 52-cent dollar?) 1 will come to you ina moment. Truth, my friends, does not deal in ambiguous phrases; truth does not bide behind words with a double mean- ing; and when you find men who, instead of talking for the sold standard, talk about sound muney, you find men who think that they can make you think what they don’t think them:cives. (Applause and laughter.) We are willing to meet any open enemy; we are willing to present our cause and trust to the conscience and the judgment of the people. (A voice: ‘That's a lie!”’) And I want you, my friends, to consider—— (Voices, ‘“‘Put him out!” and hisses.) Be quiet, be quiet. My friends, if you want to be friendly to me I wish you would keep still and not interrupt this meeting, and let the gentleman ask his question. (A voice, “That’s right,” and applause.) A Voice—Mr. Bryan, I want you to ex- plain, before the meeting is over, how we are going to get silver from the silver people any easier than we can get gold from the gold peeple. Mr. Bryan—Yes, sir, I will. The Voice—We should be very glad to have you explain further. Mr. Bryan—Is that ail the difficmity that my friend has? or have you some other tLat I can explain at the same time? (Laugute> and app!ause.) My friends, tLe gentleman has asked x very ximple “question, and I am glad that it is asked because it will show you what tiny things caa be stumb- ling blocks for those who don’t want to step over them. (Applause.). The e2ntle- man wants to know how we are going to get money from the silver kings. 1 want him to remember this, that he has two ar- guments if he represents the gold standard idea, which I would like to have him rec- oncile when he has time. Taey teil us that the silver kings will convert what is now worth 50 cents into 100 cents and make the difference. That is one of tho troubles, isn’t it? Yes, sir. And then when he has done that, it will be a 50-ceat doliar—that fs another difficulty isn’t it? (Laughter and applause, and a voice, ‘“‘He’s a news- paper man—he's all right!) Now, when you have time to think about it, I want you to try to figure out how that can be a hundred-cent dollar long enough for the miner to make 50 cents on it and then be- come a 50-cent dollar for all the rest of the people. (Laughter and applause.) The only way in which the miner can make that~ profit is by converting a piece of silver now worth 50 cents into ope dollar which will be worth 100 cents. If, when he gets through, he has only converted a 50-cent piece of silver into a 50-cent dollar, he has not made anything by the operation. (Ap- plause.) Now, I believe that the free coinage of silver will enable a man who holds a piece of silver now worth 50 cents (or fifty-three cents) to convert it into a dollar which will be worth 100 cents, and I believe that the man who now has silver will make that profit under the free coinage law, but after the free coinage law is passed, no man can go out and buy a piece of silver for less than 100 cents and have it coined Into one dollar. (Great applause, and “Hurrah for Bryan, he’s all right!”) But remember, remember my friends, that a man can’t talk about 50-cent dollars and miners’ profits at the same time. (Laughter and applause.) He has got to choose one or the other, because if you are going to have 50-cent doilars then the miner doesn’t make any more on his silver than he does now, and if you are going to have bundred-cent dollars so that he makes 50° cents on what he is now getting 50 cents, Eben 4 Wagheven’t any 50-cent dollars.( Applause, and'a velte, “You're all right, Bryan.”) Now let me come to the first question that this money into circulation? To my mind « it is a very absurd one, because I nevor ( had any trouble getting my money into cir- culation. (Laughter and applause.) My | trouble has been to keep my money from — getting into circulation before I wanted it | to, (Renewed laughter.) Let me show you how this gets into circulation. If a man ~ works a week and gets his wages he puts that money into circulation whenever he buys anything; if he works on a farm for a year and raises a crop and sells it he puts that money into cirenlation whenever he buys something with it. Under the fiee coinage of gold a man goes down and pro- duces gold, takes it to the mint, has it coined into money, the money is handed back to him, and whenever he spends it he puts it into circulation. Under the free coinage of silver a man goes out and mines silver, has it coined, the dollars cre his, and the moment he spends them, he puts them into circulation, and when these dol- lars are put into circulation they are part | of the money of the country, to be used in | exchange for all the property of :he coun- ' try. (Applause and cries of “Good, good.”) But you say “How is it going to be any - easier to get that money than it is now?’ | It is easier to get money from yeople who have money than it is to yet money from people who haven’t any. (Great laughter and applause.) If you have property to sell and nobody has money to buy with, you don’t get any price for your property; if you have property to sell and »ther people have money to buy it with, you get some thing for your property when you sell it (“That's right.”) Our opponents ask us how this money is going to help us. The man who asks that question is always glad to see money come in from abroad. I ask him, how is this money that comes in from abroad to be of any benefit to us? “Why,” he will say, “the man who sends in money from abroad sends it in to buy something with.” The man who says we have enough money in this country now, can't consistently be glad when money comes from abroad, be- cause if we have enough now we would have too much if any more csme from abroad. (Laughter and applause.) And if we haven't enough now and rot money érom abroad, I submit that it Is better to have money come out of our own in‘n'ngs and be our own money than to borrow money abroad and have to pay double for i. (Great applause.) My friends, the creation »f money cymes before its distribution. If your ixws pre- vent the creation of a sufficient amount of money, then you don’t Save 2 suflicient amount of money. And yet our friends, in the face of a dee 1S cur- rency tell us that it Is not ...re r-oney we need. They go on the theory tnat the less each man will bave of it. applause.) That js the rew kn metic. We say that of arith- entil you put this money Into existence there 1s no money to exchange fer products anz that the only way you can preserve a parity between money and property, the only wxy that you can maintain stability In price, uniform average prices, is to have money sufficient in quantity to keep pace with the demand for money. (Applause.) If that proposition is wrong, then, my friends, all propositions on the tmoney ques- tion are wrong. But that proposition is right, and we can prove that proposition; not by Democratic testimony; we can prove it by Republican testimony. (Applause.) I call your attention to what Mr. Blaine said in 1878, when he said that the destructjon of silver as money and the establishmént of gold as the sole unit of value would be ruinous to all forms of property except those investments which yield a fixed re- turn in money; that these would be enor- mously increased in value and would gain a disproportionate and unfair advantage over the other species of property. Mr. Blaine recognized it. He recognized that by destroying part of your money you made the remainder more valuable, and that in 60 doing you help the man who holds invest- ments which yield a fixed return in money, and hurt the man who had other forms ot property. But I will not go that far back. In these fast-changing times, you may tell me that to quote a speech eighteen years old is out of date. I will come nearer home. Mr. Mc- Kinley made a speech in 1890. That is only six years ago. It was in support of the Sherman law, and at that time we were adding about $24,000,000 a year to the cur- rency under the Bland act; and in that Sherman law there was a provision for the addition of a larger amount of the money to the currency annually, and in his speech on that bill Mr. McKinley said that he would yote to add $30,000,000 a year to the $24,000,000 already provided; and there de- clared that the people needed more money. (Applause.) If the people needed more money when they were getting $24,000,000 a year new currency; if they needed $39,000,000 besides the $24,000,000, my friends, it is a hard position to maintain now, when the cur- rency is decreasing, to say that we don’t necd any more money, but what we need is to put the money we have to work. (Applause.) A Voice—Confldence. Mr. Bryan—Yes, my friend has struck the keynote of the Republican campaign—con- fidence! (Laughter.) My observation is that when a confidence man comes into the community (laughter and applause) the man who has the least confidence gets off with the most money. Our opponents all say, “Give us confidence.” My friends, you have got to have something for contidence to rest upon. The trouble is that the peo- ple have more confidence ‘in the correct- ness of Mr. McKinley’s position six years ago than they have in his position now. (Applause.) They have confidence that he | was right when he wanted more money, and wrong when he thinks that we have enough now. (Appleuse.) And they have In the i } good reason to feel that. confidence Tormer position rather than in the latter, because Senator Sherman spoke in 1890, and he weut on to prove by figures, by population, that we needed about $54, 000,- 000 of new money every year. Instead of having new money every year, the treasury statistics show that we have $150,000,000 less this year than we had two years ago in circulation. (Applause.) These are treas- ury statistics. And yet our opponents say that we must maintain the present finan- cial standard, the present financial policy. The present financial policy means more bonds; and more bonds means more ac- cumulation of idle money in the treasury, and less tnoney at work among te people. (Applause.) ‘You go to a bank to borrow money, and they will tell you that they can’t loan it to you; that really they have loaned down as | ) jow as they dare to loan. You destroy 8} vart of the money of the country, and you: @estroy the money in the banks to be) loaned. And then when you can’t borrow money, when your security is going down, when your property is falling in price, there | 1s only one resort left, and that is te let | the sheriff come and close your store and! sell your stock at auction, while you go out ; and bless the gold standard. (Applause and Jaughter.) My friends, our opponents say that they / want a sound financial system. We say, that a sound financial system must rest on» something. It can’t rest on “cov‘idenze.” (Laughter.) There must be something to What shail it be?) where is the gold? (Laughter) } rest that system upon. They say gold. Well, (A yotee: “In England. "y Well, now, my friends, the treasury report estimates that we have about 360,000,000» of gold in this country. But did you ever try to find it? (Laughter) Did vou ever” try to locate it? You will find that when you add together the amount in the vaults at Washington, the amount ta the national bank vaults, and then guess at the amount in the state bank vaults -.nd trust company vaults, that you will have accouated for something like half of it. AnJ tt you ask them where the rest of that sold ts, they ; i will tell you that “that is what is called | Weeks—or the | That is a proposition that .s true. my friend asked: SEVIN ATG Orit toa ee ia an eee ee ee ek a eal ee ly of gold in the cecntry.” get hold of them?” That is a very common | (Laughter and Fees) question; I have had it asked be-| Erect a sound on an in- fore. (A voice, “Yes.") How can you get | Visible basis? Oh, no, my friends; that is not the way to do it. You can't erect a sound financial basis on gold alone, because the little handful of gold can be thrown out from under your system at any moment, and your system collapses. (Applause.) How is it to-day? I don’t know how your banks are, but I know that the St. Louis banks—the leading ones—published a notice a few days ago that they could not furnish gold any more to their customers because of the silver agitation, but they thought that within a short time after a correct settlement of the money question—they didn't say what “correct” was, but every- body, of course, ought to know what cor- rect was—that after a correct settlement of the money question they would be able to furnish gold again. Think of it! Can- not furnish gold because of the silver agitation! Why, my friends, can a craze so near dead as the silver craze disturb the gold in this country? (Applause and laughter.) Why, if you read the gold stand- ard papers you will find that they are per- fectly confident that the “gold craze” is going to be stamped out now in about three “silver craze;” the silver craze is going to be stamped out in about three weeks. If that is true, what can agitation do to harm these men? Ah, my friends, it is a frail financial system that trembles at the very breath of agitation. It is a frail financial system that trembles in the discussion of a political campaign. Restore silver; put it by the side of gold, and let your commerce be built upon the two, and I will promise you that no dis- cussion of a gold standard will ever shake the foundations. (Great applause.) Gravitation and Money. My friends, there are just two great prin- ciples which we apply to the money ques- tion, and they are sufficient to solve it. You can’t understand a question until you do grasp the principles which control it. If you see a boy throwing a stone into the air and see the stone falling, and don’t understand the law of gravitation, you may guess all your life as to the reason why that stone comes to the ground. But when you understand the law of gravitation all things like that are explained. And so with the money question: You can grope in the dark for an age until you find the principles which underlie the question, and when you understand them, then, my friends, the whole subject ts clear to you. (Applause:) And here is the first principle: That when the supply of money dves not increase as rapidly as the demand for money, then the value of each dollar rises. It is solid rock, and upon that proposition you can build a system. We apply the law of supply and demand to money. We say, destroy half the crop of wheat, and you will raise the price of wheat. We say the man who has wheat, profits by the rise, and we say that he is glad that wheat went up. We apply that law to money. We say, destroy half the money, and the value of the other half will rise, and that the mean who owns the money, or contracts payable in dollars, will profit by the rise. And we also say that he will be g'ad tuat money went up. (Applause.) We ap- ply the law of supply and demand to silver as a commodity. We say that hostile legis- lation has increased the demand for gold and raised the purchasing power of an ounce of gold. We say that hostile legisla- tion has lessened the demand for silver, aud lowered the price of silver bullion when measured by gold, and we believe that you can undo by law what you did by law; that if you drove the nietals apart by hostile legislation, that you can bring taem together again by friendly legislation. (Applause.) You ask me why we invoke the law now. I ask you why you invoked the law in 1873. (Applause. Cries of ‘‘Good."’) You say that commerce is omnipotent; why didn't you let commerce act then? Why did you come in and get a law passed in the night and in the dark to do what commerce could not do? (Applause.) Open the miuts; create a demand for silver, and that new demsnd, acting with the demand now existing, will raise the price of silver; and if that demand is great enough, as we believe it will be, to absorb every ounce of silver presented at cur mints, then, my friends, the opening of the mints of this nation alone will restore the parity of gold and silver at 16 to 1 and make a silver dollar equal to a cold dollar, melted or coined, everywhere in the world. (Applause.) 1 say, my friends, these are the two principles ich we apply to the money question, and our opponents ig- nore both. You can’t get an advocate of the gold standard to discuss the effect of a rising dollar upon mankind. You can’t get him to discuss the effect of a dollar that grows fatter every day upon the great mass of the people, nor can you get him to apply tbe law of supply and demand to silver as a commodity. He will apply it 10 wheat, or oats, or corn, or anything else, but he stops when you go to apply it so silver. My friends, when you concede that the number of dollars determines tne value of the dcllar-xhen you ave conceded that, You have conceded the foundation principle | upon which monetary science rests; and | when you concede that a new demand cre- ated for silver raises the price of silver, there is oniy one qucsticn left open for discrssion, and tbat is, how large a demand can be created by the United States, and how large a supply is there waiting to come here when that demand is created? The coined silver of the world cannot come, bect-use it is worth more at home. Thre is but little coined silver in the world that could come here. Let me illustrate. You have a silver dollar. Why don’t you sell it for 95 cents? beeasuse it is worth one hurded. Why doesu’'t F:ance’ silver come here under under free coinage? Because it is orth 3 cents more at home than It wouid be here under free coinage at 16 to 1. (Applanse.) And what {fs true of French silver \s true of almost all the coined sil- ver of the world. Why wouldn’t mereaan dise silyer come? Bevause it is worth more in the form of merchandise than it will be | worth 2{ our mints. The labor applied to it has s» enhanced its va'ue that it could only be melted at a loss. How about the annual pioduct? It can’t all come, because other nat:ous must have their share, and we simply would have to take what other nations did not want. But if we stood ready to take it all, we would fix a price, and they would buy at the price which we fixed. “Applause, and cries, “That Is right.) Ah, but you say that there Is danger of an increase of supply of silver. Yes, that Is another one of those incon- sistencies, my friends. (Laughter.) have 50-cent dollars; they tell us that law adds nothing to the value of the metal, and that under free coinage you will mere- ly stamp a piece of silver now worth 50 eents into a dollar worth 50 cents; and when they forget \hat they have’ said, they will tell you that that wonderful profit will so wonderfully increase the pro- duction of silver that we can’t take care of the output. (Laughter and applause.) If it is trut that free coinage converts 50 cents worth of silver into a tifty-cent dollar, then, my friends, there will be no more stimulus to maintain under free coin- age than there is now. I believe, however, that under free coinage we will raise the value of silver to $1.29 an ounce, measured in gold. That means, however, that the value of gold, measured by commodities, willgcome down towards silver, while the value of silver bullion is going up to it. (Applause.) But when that is accomplished, | and when you have given back to silver what you took away from silver, when you have given to the mine owner the same ad- vantage that he had from the foundation of this government down to 1873, when you have done that, my friends, there Is no reason to believe that there is going to be such a flood of silver as will embarrass the people who need money, (Applause and laughter.) You tell me there is a_ possibility ef a flood of silver; I admit it. Everything 1s possible. You would be astonished if you stoppel to think how few things are ab- They | tell us that under free coinage you will | | { | solutely Impossible. Laughter.) is possible there may be a flood ef opponents estimate how much in the ocean, and it 1s barely possible that somebody may find a way of going out into the ocean and getting it and thus deluging us with a flood of gold. (Laughter.) But it isn’t probable. (Laughter.) T say all things are possibe. When it commences to rain it is possibe it may never stop. (Laughter.) But I have known it to be so dry that peo- ple had actually prayed for rain, although they knew if it ever commenced it might never quit. (Laughter.) But why haven't they been frightened? Because they look back over 6,000 years of history and they see but one flood, and they say, “We will take our chances.” (Laughter.) You tell me there may be a flood of silver. I admit it is possible. But I ask you to look back over 6,000 years of history during all of which time they have used silver, and they have never had even one flood of silver in all that time. (Laughter and applause.) We base our opinion of the future upon the past. Our opponents are expecting some- thing to happen which never happened in the history of the world. You can't point to a nation that was ever deluged with sil- ver to the injury of the people. ‘They point to states—nations—on a silver standard. It is true Mexico is not as far advanced as we are; but, my friends, don't blame it to a silver standard. Mexico is further advanced than it was ten years ago, and that cannot be said of any nation that uses gold. (Cries of “Good,” and applause.) And if you want to know what the effect of the gold stand- ard is on a nation, when we apply to gold the same reasoning that we apply to silver, I turn your attention to Turkey. Turkey has a gold standard. I say you have a chance to see what a gold standard can do. Aren’t you proud of the work of a gold standard? (Applause.) They say if we have free coinage we shall approach Mexico’s standard. Maybe it we keep the gold standard we will approach Turkey's standard. (Applause and laughter.) But, my friends, I must not detain you longer. I want to say one word to Democrats. I want to say one word to Democrats before I go. I am not going to say one word to prevent any Democrat from doing what his conscience tells him to be right; but I want to say this, that if any Democrat is going to leave the Democratic party, I want him to find his reason in his head or in his heart, and not in his pocketbook. (Great applause.) If he finds his reason in his pocketbook I want h.in to be man enough to say that that is where the reason is, and not say it is because all the rest of the Democrats have become anarchists all at once, (Applausc.) If a Democrat is con- nected with a trust, and loves the trust more than he does his country, let him say so, and we will bid him God-speed. (Great applause.) If he is tied to some corpora- tion that Is afraid that there will be en- forcement of law. If there is any Democrat who is connected with a corporation and prefers to retain his connection with that corporation rather than to stand with the Democratic party in its efforts to bring the government back to the position of Jefferson and Jackson, let him say so, my fiends, (Applause.) And more than that, let not these Democrats who go console themselves with the thought that this is but a temporary disagreement. Let them not console themselves with the thought tnat they will separate from us now and come back hereafter to assume positions of command. (Applause, and cries of “Never, never.) Let them understand what this contest means. This contest is not for an hour or for a day. This contest is the beginning of a struggle that shall not end until this government has been rescued from the hands of syndicates and «rusts and put back into the hands of the people. (Great applause.) Any Democratic son who desires to leave his father’s house can do so but let him understand that when he gets tired eating with the hogs and comes back we may not kill the fatted calf for him. (Applause.) When he gets tired of associating with those who would undo what Jefferson and Jackson did, it may be the desire of those whom he left at home to make him saw wood a long while before he gets to the dinner table. (Applause and cries of “Serves him right!) Quotes Jefferson, we have against us in this influences that were raised y Jackson when he opposed power in his day. We have opposed to us the very influences which opnosed Thomas Jefferson when he organ- ized the Democratic party, end when they called him a demagogue and his followers a mob. In order that you may get some idea of how history repeats itself, let me read to you what Mr. Jefferson said of the opposition which was organized against him in 1800. Writing to a friend abroad, he said: “The aspect of our politics has wonderfully changed since you left us: In the place of the noble love of liberty and republican government which -arr'sd us triumphantly through the war an Anglican party has sprung up, whose avowed pur- pose is to draw us ovef to the substance, as they have already done to the forms, of the British government. While the main body of our citizens remains true to republican institutions, against’ us are the executive, the federal judiciary, two out of three branches of the legislature, all the officers of the government, all timid men who prefer the calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty, all British mer- chants and Americans trading on British capital, all speculators and brokers, and with them the banks and dealers in the public funds, United States bonds, and con- trivances invented for the purpose of cor- ruption and assimilating us to the rotten as well as the sound parts of the British model. It would give you a fever if I were to name to you the apostates who have gone over to these heresies, men who were once Solomons in council and Sam- sons in the field, who have had their heads orn by the harlot, England. In short, we are likely to preserve the liberties we have obtained only by unremitting ener- gies and labors; but we shall preserve them.” (Applause.) My friends, you would imagine from the reading of that that some one was desc: ing the opposition arrayed against free coin- age to-day. (Applause.) And nothing id more familiar than those words, where hé speaks of those having left his party who were Solomons in council and Samsons in tae field. Why, my friends, it is the boast of our opponents that all the men who bave left the Democratic party were Solomons in council and Samsons in the field. No small men left—it is only the big men. We have lost none of our army—the generals have deserted, that 's aJl. (Applause and ughter.) Jefferson said that they would preserve the liberties of the jeople. They did. The American people can he trusted. They rise equal to every emergency, and I have no doubt that in this emergeacy they will not prove recreant to the:r duty. (Ap- plause, and cry, “You bet they won't.”) You tell us that we have England arrayed against us. Of course we have. The best certificate that we are doing what is right is found in the character of our cpponents in this campaign. (Applause.) The fact that trusts are against us, the fact that they don’t like us is evidence that we don't like them. (Appiause and laughter. “That's right.") The fact that syndle don’t like us is evidence that we don’t like them. consolation, that if we win this way. i gold, Our My friends, fight the vc against And conte without them they will not be making tnetr | headquarters abozt the White House for. fous years to come. (Tremendous appiause.) Now just one word more. I want to say this to you, my friends. We don’t want any silver advocate who employs labor to dictate to his employes how they asball yote. (Appleuse, ‘That ts right.) ‘When I want the votes of raliroad men I go to the railroad men themselves, pot to the president of the road and bargain for their, votes. (Applause.) I am willing to trust the justice that exists in every individual. And, my friends, If we cannot win this contest by the voluntary wish and vote of the American people, I would prefer td wait for four years more before ve do. @pplause.) I say. my friends, { would pre- gold there is | But, my friends, there is this! tt | fer to walt than to feel that having wom the contest I was not supported by a ma- jority of the American people. I realize the fight that we have on hand. I realize the work that les before a presi- dent who meets these combinations. I realize the responsibility of the office; and I want to feel that if I am elected 1 have behind me the hearts of a majority of these people, and if I have, so help me God, I will carry them out. (Deafening applause.) At each of the other halls he was re- ceived by large and enthusiastic au- diences, and his remarks were listened to with creat attention. SLAVERY THE ISSUE. Thirty-Eighth Anniversary of the Lincoln-Douglass Debate Galesburg, Ill., Oct. 9.—The celebra- tion of the thirty-eighth anniversary of the Lincoln-Douglass debate here opened with the dedication of a sol- diers’ monument in Hope cemetery to- day. The principal business streets are appropriately decorated and there are present a large number of visitors. The gold Democrats tendered Senator Palmer a reception at Brown’s hotel. Then a procession was formed, led by the Knox college cadets. The proces- sion was reviewed by Dr. Chauncey M. Depew, New York; Robert T. Lincoln, Chicago; S. S. McClure, editor of Me- Clure’s Magazine; W. G. Cochran, de- partment commander of the Illinois Grand Army of the Republic, and oth- er distinzuished visitors, and all the pupils of the city schools. The exer- cises at the monument took place im- mediately afterward. Dr. Richard Haney officiated, offiering prayer. Rob- ert T. Lincoln of Chicago unveiled the monument. He said in part: “Let us dedicate this monument to the memory of these patriots of Gales- burg and to patriotism. It is not a monument of pride, put up by the vic- tors in the flash of their conquest since the close of the great trouble which it commemorates. Victors and van- quished have by thousands and tens of thousands fallen into the sleep of death under the peaceful shelter of their homes. With few exceptions the names of those who were in high places of state on either side, or who led the armies, corps or divisions in battle, or commanded squadrons on the sea, are in the great catalogue of the dead. To those who survive, the memories brought up by an occasion like this have long ceased to recall the exultation of victory on one side, or the grief of defeat on the other. The re- flections of more than thirty years have turned the once bitterly warring streams of sentiment into one broad river, on whose current is borne in safety and in glory the ship of state, and no one lives under the protection of its flag who does not at heart re- joice that the rock of disunion was exploded from its path and the canker of human slavery torn from its frame- work.” Aftey Mr. Lincoln spoke Department Commander Cochran delivered an ora- tion and was followed by Mrs. Mary E. McCauley, department president of the Illinois Woman’s Relief Corps. The monument is of granite, surmounted by the figure of a soldier. At the conclusion of the unveiling ¢eremonies Dr. Chauncey M. Depew ae introduced as the orator of the ay. WON BY DEMOCRATS. Elections are Hela in Georgia and Florida, Atlanta, Ga., Oct. 9—W. Y. Atkin- son (Dem.) is re-elected governor by a majority of not less than 28,000, which is an increase of 6,000 over the party majority of two years ago. The situ- ation is very complex and the result is largely guess-work. Fulton county, in which this city is situated, has given Atkinson a majority of 1,000, where two years ago it gave a majority of 1,800. Bibb county this year gives a majority of G00 and two years ago it gave the Democrats a majority of 3,000. In the lifteenth district, which is the home of Thomas Watson, the Democratic majority has dropped from 8,000 to 2,000. It is generally con- ceded, however, that Atkinson has car- ried the state by at least 28,000, and the returns are expected by his friends to show that he has a majority of 35,- 000. The legislature is overwhelming- ly Democratic. The Papulists may have four members of the senate and the Republicans one. The other thirty-nine will be Democratic. In the house the Populists will have about twenty-five of the 166 representatives. Florida's Election. Jacksonville, Fla., Oct. 9. — The re- turns of the state election continue to come in slowly. No complete figures have been received from only five of the forty-five counties, embracing sey- enty-two of the 632 election districts in the state. These five counties show a Democratic loss of 971 or 14 per cent as compared with the previous elec- tion. So far as heard from the elec- tion passed off with absolute quiet and fairness in every part of the state. The effect of the Australian system was, as anticipated, to keep the il literate voters, and particularly the negro voters, from the polls. Of the sixty-eight members of the house of representatives the Democrats have at least 60 and the 32 members of the next senate, including the 16 hold- overs, will all be Democrats. Grand Forks’ Big Day. Grand Forks, N. D., Oct. 9. — The street fair opened here this morning and bids fair to be a grand success. ‘The weather is fine. Incoming trains brought in thousands of people and the streets are lined with gaily dec- orated booths in which exhibits are being made, and all are thronged. All the business blocks are decorated, and Grand Forks, with its newly paved streets, presents a very handsome ap- pearance. The exhibits are all filled and every booth has its attraction. Mormon Conference. Salt Lake, Oct. 9. — At the confer- ence of the Mormon church the author- ities of the church were sustained with the exception of Apostle Moses Thatcher, whose name was omitted from the list. The action against Thatcher was for failing to take coun- cil before accepting nomination for a political office. Apostle Thatcher was the Democratic candidate for the United States senate last year. Rishep Walker Chosen. Buffalo, N. Y.. Oct. 9.—Bishop Will jam David Walker of North Dakota was elected bishop of the Episcopal — diocese of Western New York to-day ate ; the diocesan council. lL j ae. j anni