Grand Rapids Herald-Review Newspaper, July 18, 1896, Page 7

OF lishment of co-operative plants. GOLD AND SILVER ANNUAL MEETING OF THE GREAT BRITAIN BIMETALLIC LEAGUE. ‘The Report Shows That There Has Been Great Progress Annaoal oe During the Past Year—Review of the Silver Juestion in the United States Is Given by Gen, Walker. London, July 15. — The Bimetallic League of Great Britain held its an- nual meeting to-day in the Canon Street hotel. The annual report de- clares that the cause of international bimetallism has nade substantially great progress during the year, both in Great Britain aud abroad. It men- tions the resolutious adopted by the chamber of deputies in France and the Prussian diet, declaring for bimet- allism, and coutinues: “In the United States all parties and classes would welcome interna- tional bimetallism. A large section of the people there, sowever, are strongly convinced of the urgent necessity for the remonetization of silver, and they are indisposed to wait for internation- al agreement. No party of any im- portance in the United States favors gold monometallism.” The report concludes as follows: “The responsibility for the present and growing dangers to the industrial life of the natien rests upon those who oppose that monetary system under which our property advanced by leaps and hounds.” A letter was read from Lord Alden- ham (Henry Hucks Gibbs), president of the league, in which he congratu- lates the members upon the great progress which has been made in the United States. It is, indeed, a striking fact,” he writes, “that this question, which some here affect to treat with con- tempt, should be, apparently, the main political question before a nation of 70,000,000 people.” He then alludes to what he terms the ignorance of the London press upon this subject. “They joined,” he said, “the chorus for ‘honest money,’ believing that these words are applied in America to gould monometallism, and not, as they really are, to international bimetal- lism. Whatever may be the result of the presidential election,” Lord Alden- ham added, “we may be sure that our cause generally is prospering.” The meeting was largely attended. Robert Barclay of Manchester presid- ed. A letter of regret was read from A. J. Balfour, first lord of the treasury, who said that only sickness prevent- ed him from being present. Gen. F. A. Walker of Boston, Mass., made a speech which was greeted with great enthusiasm. Gen. Walker gave a re- view of the silver question from the American standpoint. He said that the all-engrossing topic with the Re- pul national convention in St. Louis was the currency question. Gen. McKinley, he said, was never a gold monometallist and could not be if he tried. Gen. Walker read the Kohlsaat- St. Louis resolution on the currency issue and the Boston resolution re- garding the gold standard, both of which were heartily cheered. Gen. Walker continued: “It is simply to be deeply regretted that millions of our best citizens, as represented at the Chicago convention last week, declared for the free coin- age of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for the action of the countries. This was done passionate- ly, but the effect will be to maintain the gold standard unimpaired.” Among the distinguished gentlemen present were Lord Lidderdale, Sir Thomas Sutherland, William E. Tom- linson, J. W. D. Scott-Montague, H. 8S. Forster, Mr. Frewen, Lord Sherbourne and Prof. Foxwell and L. D. Price and others. INTO THE DITCH. A Passenger Train Is Wrecked by a Cow. Hazelton, Pa., July 15.—A passenger train on the Lehigh Valley, between White Haven and this city, ran into a cow to-day and the engine and three cars toppled over the ridge of a high embankmen. Engineer William Dou- der received injuries from which he died shortly afterward; Barney Money {the fireman) was sericusly injured, and more than a score of passengers were badly hurt. Several of these will die. The most seriously injured are: Mrs. R. L. Clark, Ashley; Mrs. John Broduhn, Wilkesbarre, both of whom will probably die. Patrick McCloskey of Philadelphia was badly crushed about body and legs; may die. Mary S. Bahr of Towanda, fact and body badly cut and bruised; condition crit- ical. Samuel Gayle, New York, leg and right side badly bruised. J. T. Hoyt, Binghamton, N. Y., legs and arms badly bruised. E. EB. Richards, Boston, bruised about body. Charles Guider, Baltimare, scalp wounds. S. Galowaski, New York, chest and legs hurt. Many other persons were severely scalded by escaping steam. A relief train was sent from here with phy- sicians to attend the wounded. Lightning on the Wires. Black River Falls. Wis., July 15.— Lightning ran into the American Ex- press office on the wires, destroying the Wisconsin Telephone company’s central station and cutting off all com- munication on the lines. The build- ing was nearly ruined. No insurance. Proposals Rejected. Alton, IL, July 15.—The American Flin Glass workers’ convention to-day. rejected all propositions for the estab- The committees reporting to-day showed little change in the wage schedules. George Gray Bolts, Wilmington, July 15.—Serator Geo. Gray said to-day in reference to the Chicago platform. “The financial plank of the platform is contrary to all my beliefs and to what I consider sound currency. .I shall not change these beliefs, even at the bidding of a Democratic natioual convention. Con- victions cannot be compromised.” Isane N. Camp. a pioneer in the music trade in Chicago, a world’s fair director and member of several clubs, died suddenly at Geneva Lake, Wis. LOQUENT BRYAN. The Boy Orator of the Platte Arugs for Free Silver. Hon. W. J. Bryan of Nebraska said: I would be presumptuous, indeed, to present myself against the distinguished gentlemen to whom you have listened if this were but a measuring of ability, but this is not a contest among persons, The humblest citizen in all the land, when clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the whole hosts of error that they can bring. I come to speak to you in defense of a cause as holy as the cause of liberty—the cause of humanity. When this debate is concluded a motion will be made to lay upon the table the resolutions offered n commendation of the administratioa and also the resolution in condemnation of the administration. I shall object to bringing this question down to a level of persons. The individual is but an atom; he is born, he acts, he dies; but principles are eternal, and this has been a contest of principle. Never before in the history of this country has there been witnessed such a cofitest as that through which we have passcd. Never before in the history of American politics has a great issue been fought out as ths issue has—by the voters themselves. Un the 4th of March, 1895, a few Demo- crats, most of them members of congress, issued an address to the Democrats of the nation, asserting that the money question Was the paramount issue of the hour, as- serting also the right of a majority of the Democratic party to control the posi- tion of the party on this paramount issue; concluding with the request that all believ- ing in the free coinage of silver should organize, take charge of and control the policy of the Democratic party. Three months later at Memphis an organization was perfected, and the silver Democrats went forth openly and boldly and courage- ously proclaiming their belief, and declaring that if successful they would crystallize in a platform the declaration which they had made. And then began a conflict with a zeal approaching the zeal which inspired the crusaders who followed Peter the Her- mit. Our silver Democrats went forth from victory unto victory, until they ate assembled now, not to discuss, not to debate, but to enter up the judgment ren- dered by the plain people of the country. In this contest brother has been arrayed against brother, and father against son. The warmest ties of love and acquaintance and associations have been disregarded. Old leaders have been cast aside when they refused to give expression to the sentiments of those whom they would lead and new leaders have sprung up to give direction to this cause of truth. Thus has the contest been waged and we have assembled here under as binding and solemn instructions as were ever fastened upon the representa- tive of a people. We do not come as individuals. Why, as Individuals we might have been glad to compliment the gentleman from New York (Senator Hill), but we know that the people for whom we speak would never be willing to put him in a position where he could thwart the will of the Democratic party. I say it was not a question of persons, it was a question of principle, and it is not with gladness, my friends, that we find our- selves brought into conflict with those who are Now Arrayed on the Other Side. The gentleman who just preceded me (Gov. Russell), spoke of the old state of Massachusetts. Let me assure him that not one person in all this convention enter tains the least hostility to the people of the State of Massachusetts. But we stand here representing people who are the equals before the law of the largest citizens in the State of Massachusetts. When you come before us and tell us that we shall disturb your business interests. we reply that you have disturbed our business interests by your course. We say to you that you have made too limited application the defini- tion of business man. The man who is employed for wages is as much a business man as his employer. The attorney in a country town is as much a business man as the corporation counsel in a great metropolis. The merchant at the cross- roads store is as much a business man as the merchant of New York. The farmer who goes forth in the morning and toils all day, begins in the spring and tolls all summer, and by the application of brain and muscle to the natural resources of this country, creates wealth, is as much a busi- ness man as the man who goes upon the board of trade and bets upon the price of coin. ere miners who go a thousand feet into the earth or climb 2,000 feet upon the cliffs and bring forth from their hiding place the precious metals to be poured in the chan- nels of trade are as good business men as the few financial magnates who, in a back room, corner the money of the world. We come to speak of the claims of this broader class of business men. Ab, my friends, we say not one word against those who live upon the Atlantic coasts; but those hardy pioneers, who braved all the dangers of the wilderness; who have made the desert to blossom as the rose—those pioneers away out there, rearing their chil- dren near to Nature’s heart, where they can mingle their yoices with the voices of the birds; out there where they have erect- ed school houses for the education of their young and churches where they praise their creator, and cemeteries where sleep the ashes of their dead—are as deserving of the consideration of this party as any people in this country. It is for these that we speak. We do not come as aggressors, Our war is not a war of conquest. We are fighting in the de- fense of our homes, our families, and pos- terity. We have petitioned and our petitions have been scorned. We have entrested and our entreaties have been disregarded. We have begged and they have mocked and our calamity came. We beg ne longer; we en- treat no more; we petition no more; we defy them. The gentleman from Wiscoasin has said that be feared a Robespierre. My friend, in this land of the free you need fear no tyrant who will spring up from among the people. What we need is an Andrew Jack- Son, to stand as Jackson stood, sgainst the encroachments of agrandizement of wealth. Upholds the Income Tax. They tell ue that the platform was made to catch yotes. We reply to’ them that changing conditions make new issues; that principles upon which real Democracy rests are as everlasting as the hills, but that they must be applied to new conditions as they arise. Conditions have arisen and we are attempting to meet these conditions. They tell us that the income tax ought not to be brought in here; that it is a new idea, They criticise us for our criticisms of the supreme court of the United States. My friends, we have not criticised; we have simply called attention to what you know. If you want criticisms, read the dissenting opinion of the court. That will give you criticisms. They say we passed an un- constitutional law. 1 deny ft. The income tax was not unconstitutional when it was passed. It was not unconstitutional when it was before the supreme court for the first time. It did not become unconstitu- tional until one judge changed his mind, and we cannot be expected to know when a judge will change his mind. The income tax is a just law; it simply intends to put the burden of goyernment justly upon the backs of the people. I am in favor of an income tax. We go forth confident that we shall win. Why? Because upon the paramount issue in this campaign there is not a spot of ground which the enemy will dare to chal- lenge battle. Why, if they tell us that the gold standard is a good thiug, we point to. their platform and tell them that their plat- form pledges the party to get rid of a gold standard and substitute bimeta!!’sm. If the gold standard is a good thing, why try to get rid of it? If the gold standard— and I might call your attention to the fact that some of the very people who are in this convention to-day and, whe tell you that we ought to declare in®favor of inter- Rational bimetaliism and therevy declare that the gold standard is wrong and that the principle of bimetallism is better—these very peope four months ago were open and avowed advocates of the gold standard, and telling us we could not legislate two metals together, even with all the world. I want to suggest this truth, that if the gold standard is a good thing we ought to declare in favor of its retention, and not in favor of abandoning it; and if the gold standard is a bad thing, why should we walt until some other nations are will- Ing to help us to let go? Here is the line of battle. We care not upon which issue they force the fight. We are prepared to meet them on elther issue or on both. If they tell us that the gold standard is’ the standard of civilization, we reply to them that this, the most enlightened of all the natious of the earth, has never declared for a gold standard, and both the parties this year are declaring against rr. rr tne gold standard is the standanl of civiliza on, why, my friends, should we not hav it? So if they come to meet us on that we can present the history of our nation. More tran th-t, we can tell them this, that they will search the pages of history in vain for a single instance {In which the com- mon people of any land have ever declared themselves in favor of a gold standard. They can find where the holders of fixed investments have. Mr. Carlisle said in 1878 that this was a struggle between the idle holders of idle capital and the struggling ‘masses who produce the wealth and pay the taxes of the country, and, my frien#s, it is simply a question that we shall de- cide upon which side shall The Democratic Party Fight? Upon the side of the idle holders of idle capital, or upon the side of the struggling masses? That is the question that the party must answer first, and then it must be answered by each individual here- after. he sympathies of the Demo cratic party, as described by the platform, are on the side of the struggling masses, who have ever been the foundation of the Democratic party. There are two ideas of government. There are those who believe that if you just legislate to make the well-to-do prosperous that their prosperity will leak through on those below. The Democratic idea has been that if you legislate to make the masses prosperous their prosperity will find its way up and through evezy class and rest upon it. You come to us and tell us that the great cities are in favor of the gold standard. I tell you that the great citics rest upon these broad and fertile prairies. Burn down your cities and leaye our farms, and your cities wit spring up again as If by magic, but destroy our farms and the grass will grow in the streets of every city in this country. My friends, we shall declare that this na- tion is able to legislate for its own people on every question, without walting for the aid or ccnsent of any other nation on earth, and upon that issue we expect to carry every single state in the Union. I shall not slander the fair State of Massa- chusettts nor the State of New York by say- ing that when its citizens are confronted with the proposition, is this nation able to attend to its own business—I will not slan- der either one by saying that the people of those states will declare our helpless !m- potency as a nation to attend to our own business. It is the issue of 1776 over again. Our ancestors, when but three millions, had the courage to declare their political independence of every other nation upon the earth. Shall we, their descendants, when we have grown to 70,000,000, declare that we are less Independent than our fore- fathers? No, my friends, it will never be the judgment of the people. Therefore, we care not upon what lines the batttle is fought. If they say bimetallism is good, but we cannot have it till some nation helps us, we reply that instead of having a gold standatd because England has, we shall restore bimetallism and then let Eng- land have bimetallism because the United States has. If they dare to come out in the open to defend the gold standard as a good thing, we shall fight them to the uttermost, having behind us the producing masses of this nation and the world. Hay- ing behind us the commercial interests and the laboring interests and all Sie tolling masses, we shall answer their demands for a gold standard by saying to them, you shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thoras. You shill not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold. Regarding the Tariff. Now, my friends, let me come to the great paramount issue. If they ask us here why it is that we say more on the money question than we say upon the tariff ques- tion, I reply that if protection has slain its thousands, the gold standard has slain its tens of thousands. If they ask us why we did not embody all these things in our platform which we believe, we reply to them that when we have _ restored the money of the constitution, all other neces- sary reforms will be possible, and that un- til that is done, there is no reform that ean be accomplishéd. (Cheering) Why is it that within three months such a change has come over the sentiments of this country? Three months ago, when it was confidently asserted that those who believ- ed in the gold standard would frame our platform and nominate our candidate, even the advocates of the gold standard did not think that we could elect a president; but they had good reason for the suspi- cion, because there is scarcely a state here to-day asking for the gold standard that Is not within the absolute control of the Republican party. But note the change. Mr. McKinley was nominated at St. Louis upon a platform that declared for the matn- tenance of the gold standard, until it should be changed into bimetallism_ by an inter- national agreement. Mr. McKinley was the most popular man among the Republican party and everybody three months ago in the Republican party prophesied his elec- tion. How is it to-day? Why, that man who used to boast that he looked like Na- poleon; not only that, but as he listens he can hear with ever increasing distinct- ness the sounds of the waves as they beat upon the lonely shores of St. Helena. Why this change? Ah, my friends, is not the change evident to any one who will look at the matter? It is no private character, however pure, no personal popularity, how- ever great, that can protect from the «veng- ing wrath of an indignant people the man who will either declare that he Is in favor of fastening the gold standard upon his people, or who Is willing to surrender the right of self government and place legis- lative control in the hands of foreign po- tentates and powers. LEANDER WON OUT. Beat the Thames Club in the Final Heat for Grand Challenge Cup. Henley-on-Thames, July 11.—In the final heat of the challenge eup for four oars, ‘Crinity college, Oxford, beat the London Rowing club. In the final heat fo: the grand challenge cup Leander beat the Thames Rowing club by three-quarters of a length. In the final heat of the visitors’ challenge cup for four oars, Caius college, Cambridge, beat Magdalene college, Oxford. In the final heat for the stewards’ chal- lenge cup for four oars the London Kowing club beat the Thames Rowing club. In the tinal heat for the silver goblets (Nickalla’s challenge cup) for pair oars, the London Rowing club peat New College, Oxford. In the final heat for the ladies’ challenge plate Eton pubtic school beat #illiol col- lege, Oxford. Time, 8:06. * In the final heat for the diamond sculls B. W. Guinness, of the Leander club, hold- er of the trophy, beat R. K. Beaumont, of the Burton Rowing club, who yesterday de- feated Dr. McDowell, of the Delaware Boat club, Chicago. Time. 9: All Hands Searching. Shell Lake, Wis., July 11.—Mrs. Caldwell, a lady of seventy, and her sit-year-old granddaughter are lost in the woods. Searching parties are out, and if they are not found this afternoon the apills wilt shut down and all hands go on the search. HILL'S GREAT EFFORT. Brilliant Speech by the New York Senator. The following is Senator Hiil’s speech: » 1 do not know that it is necessary that I should reply to the distinguished senator from South Carolina (Senator Tilman), and I trust that in any reply that I may make I shall not fail to accord to him my pro- found respects. I would say at the outset I am a Democrat, but I am not a revolu- tionist. I will say further that, no matter what the provocation, you cannot drive me out of the Democratic party. Without in- tending to specially reply to the remarks of the distinguished senator from South Carolina, I will only say that it was a Waste of time upon his part to assume that we were so ignorant as not to know that it was his state that attempted to break up the Democratic party in 1860, but that party has survived the attempts of every section of the country to divide it, to distract it; it lives to-day and I hope it will long survive. My mission here to-day is to unite, not to divide; to build up, not to destroy; to plan for victory and not to plot for defeat. New York makes no apology to South Carolina for her resolution. We get our Democracy from our fathers. We do not need te learn it from those whom my friend represents. Need I defend New York? No; it is not necessary; she defends herself. Need I defend the attacks made upon her and her citizens of wealth, men of Intelligence and character? No; it is not necessary. Need I remind this Democratic national convention that it is in the great State of New York and In its great city where the wealth that he inveighs against is situated? But it is that great city that never but once in its history gave a Repub- lean majority. When other cities failed to respond, New York was the Gibraltar of Democracy. The questior. which this convention is to decide is, which is the best position to take at this time upon the financial ques- tion? In a word, the question presented is between International bimetallism and local bimetallism. If there be gold monometal- lists they are not represented either In the majority report or in the minority. I therefore start out with this proposi- tion: That the Democratic rarty stands to-day In favor of gold and silyer as the money of the country. We stand in favor of the proposition of a single standard, either of gold or silver, but we differ as to the means to bring about that result. Those I represent and for whom I speak— the sixteen members of the minority com- mittee—insist that we shonld not attempt the experiment of free and unlimited coin- age of silver without the co-operation of other great nations. It is not a question of patriotism. It is not a question of cour- age. It is not a question of loyalty. It is not a question of valor. The majority's platform speaks of the subject as though it was simply a question as to whether we were a brave enough people to enter upon this experiment. It is a question of busi- ness. It is a question of finance. It Is a question of economies. It is not a ques- tion, notwithstanding, which man ever so brave can solve. Mr. President. I think that the safest, the best course for this convention to have pursued was to take the first step forward in the great cause of monetary reform by declaring in favor of International Bimetallism. I am not here to assail the honesty or sincerity of a single man who disagrees with me. There are those around me who know that In every utterance made upon this subject I have treated the friends of free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 with respect. I am here to pursue that course to-day. I do not think that we can safely ignore the monetary systems of other great nations. It Is a ques- tion about which honest men may differ. I belleve we cannot ignore the attitude of other nations upon this subject any more than we can their attitude upon the other questions of the day. 1 know it is said by enthusiastic friends that America can mark out a course for herself. I know that it appeals to the pride of the average Amer- ican to say that, it matters not what other countries may do, we can arrange this mat- ter ourselves. But I beg to remind you, if that suggestion is carried out to its legiti- mate conclusion, you might as well do away with international treaties; you might as well do away with all the provi- sions In your tariff bills that have relation to the laws of other countries. In this great age, when we are connected with all portions of the earth by our ships, by our cables, and by all methods of intercourse, we think that it is unwise to attempt this alone. Mr. President, I want to call your at- tention to this single point. I think it is unwise further for this conventign to hazard this contest upon a single ratio. What does this silver platform provide? It should have contented itself with the single statement that it was in favor of the remonetization of silver and placing it upon equality with gold, but, instead of that. your committee has recommended for adoption a platform which makes the test of Dem- ocratié loyalty to hang upon a single ratio, and that 16 to 1. I doubt the wisdom of having entered Into detail. I doubt the propriety of saying that 15% or 17 is heresy, and 16 is the only true Democratic doctrine. Permit me to remind you—I see distinguished senators before me, who in the senate of the United States, friends of free silver, have introduced bills ior the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 20 to 1—I beg to remind this con- vention that some of your candidates pro- posed for nomination are men whom I ac- cept, and whose Democracy is admitted, who have time and time again in congress yoted for other ratios than 16 to 1; and yet you are proposing to nominate men upon @ platform that limits and restricts them to one single ratio. With all due respect I think it an unwise step. I think it an un- necessary step, and I think it will return to plague us in the future. I think we have too many close business relations with the other great nations of the world for us to ignore their attitude. Your proposed platform says that the policy of gold mono- metallism is a British policy. Mr. President they forget to tell the people of this country that it is a French policy also; they forget to tell the people of this country that it is a German policy also; they fail to remind you that it is the policy of the whole number of governments represented in what was called the Latin union. Therefore, I think it looks a little— just a trifle—like demagoguery to suggest that tis is the policy of a single nation alone. Mr. President, I regret also to see that your platform says not a single word in favor of international bimetallism not necessarily inconsistent with this platform— and there is no declaration whatever that it is the policy of this government to at- tempt to bring it about. The minority platform declares expressly that it is the policy of this government to make steady efforts to bring tits about. It would be safer to do it; it would be wiser to do it. We run no risk upon the great question of the finances of this republic. I do not intend in the brief time alloted to me to enter into any elaborate argument upon this question. I assume that this conven- tion desires, as the people of this country desire, that every silver dollar coined shall be the equal of every other dollar coined. I find no words in this platform in favor of the maintenance of the parity of the two metals. I find no suggestion of what is to be done In Case the Experiment Fails. I find no suggestion of how you are to brace up this now depreciated currency. Everything is risked upon the mere fact that it shall be given free coinage at the mints. I beg to call your attention to this fact that, in my humble opinion, the very policy condemned by this platform is the policy that has kept your greenback and your silver dollar at a parity with gold during the past years. We think that times and conditions have changed. We think that you cannot ignore the fact of the great production of silver in this coun- try. We think you cannot safely ignore the fact, in the preparation of a financial system, that the cost of the production of silver has greatly fallen. Why, it is the very pregnant fact that confronts all the world in the solving of this great ques- tion, of the immense discovery of silver everywhere. The great fact confronts the world that the cost of silver produc- tion has been reduced nearly one-half. If the American people were brave, were courageous; if they had the spirit of 1776, as this platform says, could they, single and alone, make copper the equal of gold? Could they make lead the equal of gold? Must you not take into consideration the great fact of production, the great fact of the lessening of the cost of production in the last fifteen and twenty years? If bravery, if courage, could produce these results, then you could make any metal, no matter what it might be, a money metal. But I tell you it 1s a question of economics, & question of business judgment; it is not a question of finance. It is a ques- tion of resources. And upon that it is the judgment of the minority of the committee that the safest course is to take the first great step in favor of international bimetal- lism, and stop there. I know it will be said that in some particulars this plat- form agrees with our Republican friend: It, to me, is neither any better nor any worse for it. I call your attention to the fact that your plank upon pensions, that your plauk upon the Monroe doctrine, that your plank upon Cuba, that your plank upon territories, that your plank upon Alaska, that your plank even upon the civil service, are exactly like the Republican planks. Therefore, I do not think that that criti- cism will detract from the value of the sug- gestion. Mr. President, I said a few mo ments ago I thought the safest course for this convention to have pursued was simply to have said that this government should enact a statute in favor of placing gold and silver alike as the currency of the country, and stop there. I do not think I said, and I will repeat it, that it is wise to hazard everything upon a single num- ber. The Income Tax. Another suggestion permit me to make. What was the necessity for putting into the platform other questions which have never been made the tests of Democratic loyalty heretofore? Why, we find the dis- puted question of the policy and consti- tutionality of the income tax. What? Has it come to this, that the followers of Sam- wel J. Tilden, who, all his life, was the opponent of that iniquitious scheme, which was used against him in his old age to an- noy him and harrass him and humiliate him—why, I say, should it be left to this convention to make as a tenet of Demo- cratic faith, belief in the propriety and con- stitutionality of an income tax? Why was it wise to assail the supreme court of your country? Will some one tell me what that clause means in this platform? If you meant what you said and said what you meant, will some one explain that pro- vision? That provision, if it means any- thing, means that it is the duty of con- gress to reconstruct the supreme court of avowed—it means the adding of additional members to it, or the turning out of office and reconstructing the whole court. As I sald, I will not follow any such revo- lutionary step as that. The Democratic party has passed a tariff bill, which, unfortunately, has not pro- duced a sufficient revenue as yet to meet the necessities of the government. There has been a deficit of about $50,000,000 a year, It is hoped that ‘fn the near future this bill will produce ample revenues for the sup- part of the government; but in the mean- time your greenback currency and your treasury notes must be redeemed when they ere presented, if you would preserve the honor and the credit of the nation. Where would the money have come from if your president and your Southern secretary of the treasury had not discharged their duty by the issuing of bonds te save the credit of this country? Let me call your atte: tion to the figures. There has been issued during this administration $262,000,000 of bonds. What’ amount of money have you in the treasury to-day? Only just about that sum. Where would you have obtained the means with which to redeem your paper money if it had not been produced by the sale of bonds? Why, my frien? Till- man could not have had money enough out of the treasury from his salary to pay his expenses home. Mr. President, I reiterate to this conven- tion that it has brought into this canvass an unnecessary, a foolish issue, which puts us on the defense in every school district in the state. I do not propose to detain you by any other criticism of this platform at this time. It is sufficient that you have en- tered upon an issue on which the Democ racy is largely divided. In addition to that you have unwisely brought into this plat- form other questions foreign to the main question, and made the support of them the test of Democracy. I do not think that this was the course that should have been pursued. Mr. President, there is time enough yet to retrace these false steps, The burdens you have imposed upon us in the Eastern states in the support of this platform in its question relating to silver is all that can be reasonably borne. But in addition to that you have put upon us the question of the preservation of the public credit. You have brought into it the question of the issuing of bonds. You have brought into it the question of the recon- struction of the supreme court. You have brought into it the question of the issuing of paper money. You have brought into It the great question of life tenure in office, and this platform is full of incongruous and absurd provisions which are proposed to be made the test of true Democrats. Mr. President, it is not for me to revive any question of sectionalism, and I shall not do it. This country is now at. peace, all sections of it, and let it so remain. I care not from what section of the country the Democrat comes. So long as he is true to the old financial principles of our fath- ers I will shake him by the hand and ex- press my friendly sentiments toward him. The question of sectionalism will creep in in spite of the efforts of our best men to keep it out. I oppose this platform because I think it makes our success more difficult. I want the grand old party with which I have been associated from my boyhood to be—I have looked forward to the day when it should be—securely entrenched in the af- fections of the American people. I dislike the Republican party. I dislike all their tenets. I have no sympathy with their general principles, but I do think we are here to-day making a mistake in the ven- ture which we are about to take. Be not deceived. Do not attempt to drive old Democrats out of the party that have grown gray in its services to make room for a lot of Republicans and old Whigs and other Populists that will not vote your ticket after all. Mark the prediction which I make. (Cry of “No.”’) Some one says no. Who are authorized to speak for the Populist party here in a Democratic conventiog? I saw upon this platform the other day an army of them, giving countenance and support to this movement; men who never voted a Democratic ticket in their lives, and never expect to. They have organized this party. They are the men who attempted to pro- scribe Democrats all over the Union. They are the men who cried against us in the days that tried men’s souls—during the war. My friends, 1 thus speak more in sorrow than In anger. You know what this: plat- form means to the East. You must realize the result. But. calamitous as it may be to us, it will be more calamitous to you, if, after all, taking these risks, you do not win this fight. My friends, we want the Democratic party to succeed. We want to build it up. We do not want to tear It down, We want our principles—the good eld principles of Jefferson, of Jackson, of Tilden, of hard money, of safe money. We want no greenback currency on our plates. We want no paper currency what- ever. We want to stand by the principles under which we have won during the his- tery of the country, and made It what it is. If we keep in the good old paths of the party we can win. If we depart from them we shall lose. Eat Naturally, have a good appetite, keep your” blood pure and your nerves strong by taking Hood's Sarsaparilla ‘The best—in fact the One True Blood Purifier. Hoo: Pilis cure biliousness, headache. 256, Transporting Perishable Food. In no more emphatic manner are modern facilities of transportation em- phasized than in the safety with which perishable food is conveyed from a great distance. In this particular Aus- tralia, South America and the United States are no further removed from Europe than a single province form- erly was from the capital of the coun- try of which it formed a part. Algeria is now supplying Paris with camel meat. An extensive plant has been created in that French colony for the killing and refrigerating of those ani- mals, and daily shipments are made to Paris. The meat of the camel is de- scribed as not unlike beef, with the tenderness of veal. The hump is the choicest portion. Eggs that formerly were gathered near the localities where they were sold now come from distant points. Four million daily are received in London from foreign coun- tries. Most of them come from Rus- sia. They command in England twice the price they bring in the home mar- ket. The export of eggs from Russia in 1885 amounted to 235,000,000 and increased in 1895 to 1,250,000,000. These are official «gures. ‘Lhe larger proportion of this product goes to England. In addition, great quanti- ties of dressed fowl are annually ex- ported from Russia to all European countries.—New York Sun. Agents Wanted. The Home Life Insurance company of New York issues the most attractive poli- cies of any old line company. The cash value and loaning privileges each year are plainly guaranteed in the policy, An ener- getic, live man, well acquainted, is desired as a local agent. Special territory and liberal contract will be given. References required. Address or call on Fred F. Loomis, general manager, 306-9 Pioneer Press building, St. Paul. Confining if You Are Caught. “Isn’t that sort of work very con- fining?’ asked the visitor who had been permitted to go into the room where the bank note engravers were at work. “Sometimes it is, ma’am,” answered the pale-faced artist whom she had addressed. “I am personally acquaint- ed with a man who did a job of this kind once without orders, and he was confined seven years for it, ma’am.”~— Chicago Tribune. Hall's Catarrh Cure. Is a constitutional cure. Price, T5c. Doesn't Look It. Wheeler—I understand that you said I was nothing but a fiend in human shape when I took a notion to scorch a little. Walker—I believe I did; but since you seem so cut up about it, I'll take the “human shape” part of it out.—Cin- cinnati Enquirer. FITS stopped free and nermanently cured. No Nits after first day’s vse of Dr. Kline's Great Nerve torer. Free $2 trial bottie amt treatse Marv. elouscures. De. Kung, $81 ArchSt. Phiacephia,Pa A Base Hit. “I found a good bargain in men’s shoes to-day,” said Jorkins, after he had picked everything on the supper table to pieces. “You have had better luck than I ever had,” retorted his wife.—Deiroit Free Press. Some Hope for Her. The Lady—It runs right into some- thing the minute you let go. Oh, 'm sure I can never learn to ride it. Instructor—Stick to it, ma’am; you'll learn soon. Why, I taught an idiot to ride last week.—Answers. Something mavere Forget to Do for ler, “If he comes,” she said to the ser- vant, “show him right into the refrig- srator. I know it is informal, but I jon’t propose to be curling my hair very fifteen minutes if I know my- self.”—Detroit Tribune. Socialism in Brief. A.—Now, if I understand correctly, the first principle of socialism is to di- vide with your brother man. B.—Then you don’t understand it sorrectly. The first principle of social- ‘sm is to make your brother man di- vide with you.—Birmingham Post. The issue of shares in the exhibition to be held in Paris in 1900 will take place this month. Scientists predict that 100 years hence there will be no such thing as an incurable disease. } eral advances and prompt returns. O3BORN, CROSBY & CO. || Flour Exchange, Minaoeapolis. Don't take substitutes t save a few pennies. It won't pay you. Always insist on HIRES Rootbeer. ‘Made only by The Charles E. Hires Co., Philadelphia, 4 2, package makers gallons. Sold overywhers, WORK orcerice, Srineioss Fal rer ag Habit Cured. Est. in 187i, Thousands cured. Cheapest and best cure. FREE TRIAL. State case. Dr. Mansi, Quincy, Mich.