Evening Star Newspaper, July 15, 1937, Page 11

THE EVENING STAR, WASHINGTON What’s Back of It All D. C, THURSDAY, JULY 15, 1937. We, the People THE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its Fate Decrees An American Court Bill’s Defeat But Fight to Save the Court Itself Is Far From Won. BY DAVID LAWRENCE. HE hand of fate has marked the court “packing” bill for defeat, but the fight against destruction of the Supreme Court is far from won. Overnight the whole situation has been accelerated somewhat by the sudden death of Senator Robin- son. A move- ment to adjourn Congress and let the court bill go 3 unacted upon till the regular Jan- § uary session is rapidly growing. Resentment against the pro- longed Summer session has been smoldering for some time, but now it has broken out with fresh ir- ritations. Certainly the families of members who are advanced in years are anx- ious to see the Congress adjuorn at once. Senator Wheeler's remark that the majority leader would be alive today but for Mr. Roosevelt's insistence on the court bill substi- tute is echoed throughout the Capitol. President Roosevelt has never ex- plained why he is in such a hurry to get the court bill through, particularly when a few months more or less of Summer heat could easily have been dispensed with and an adjournment taken either to September or January without loss to the administration, Opposition Mounting. Many people have jumped to the conclusion that the death of Senator Robinson will mean the withdrawal of the court bill by the President. Mr. Roosevelt, on the other hand, has a peculiar stubbornness and pride of position which makes it difficult for him to retreat. He once said in & public address that, if he were found to be in error, he would be the first to acknowledge it, but many observ- ers now are saying that when he is in error he is the last to acknowledge it. Certainly the tide against the court bill has been mounting steadily in response to public opinion. The re- markable speech by Representative Sumners of Texas, chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, attacking the substitute bill on court “packing” 1s symptomatic of how the House as & whole really feels about the meas- ure, but it would be a mistake to as- sume that on a record vote the bill would be defeated in the lower House at this time. There are too many House members yet who fear admin- istration reprisals or who expect ad- ministration benefits. That's why defeat of the bill by parliamentary tactics is secretly sym- pathized with by more than a ma- Jjority of the House. The bill will not be reported out of the House committee, and it will take a long time, possibly until September, to get the necessary petitions to overcome the adverse action of the House com- mittee. A bill which is stymied in committee can be reported out if a majority sign a petition, but the rules about the signing and the legislative days on which the matter can be brought up are so hedged in with parliamentary factors that September is a good guess as to when House action could be expected. Over on the Senate side new com- plications have arisen through the death of Senator Robinson. The leadership fight which Mr. Roosevelt had hoped to postpone till January has now naturally come to a head. Benator Harrison of Mississippi prob- ably has the edge so far as seniority is concerned, but Senator Byrnes of Bouth Carolina is also favored for the position. One or the other of these men has a better chance than Senator Barkley, but the latter has whole- hearted. White House approval, which isn’t true of the other two. It isn't the President, however, but the Senate who will pick the leader to succeed Senator Robinson. If Senator Harrison were chosen leader he would have to lead the fight for the court bill, and his heart isn't in it. Senator Barkley, on the other hand, is strong for the President's bill. Most people do not realize what are the obligations of Senate leader- ship. They have criticized Senator Robinson, for instance, for not fight- ing the President’s court bill when he really didn't believe in it. But when a Senator accepts the leader- ship of the majority party the pre- vailing custom is that he must speak for the President and that he is in duty bound to subordinate his own views to the interests of the leader in the White House. ‘The death of the Arkansas Senator introduces the possibility of a long fight on the confirmation of whom- ever President Roosevelt names to succeed Justice Van Devanter. Mr. Robinson would have been confirmed — SPECIAL BARGAIN Excwsions SATURDAY, JuLY 17 PITTSBURGH %550 McKeesport —Braddock Round Trip $4.50 Connellsville Leave Woshington 11:50 p. m. (Saturday) Lec Silver Spring 12:04 a. m. (Sunday) eove Pittsburgh 10:41 p.m. Sunday. SUNDAY, JULY 18 Enjoy @ Dip in the Occan at - ONLY ATLANTIC CITY *375 “Famousfrom CoasttoCoast” goynqrrip Leave 1:000.m.and 6:30 a.m.. Arrive Atlantic City 6:30 a. m. ans a.m. eturn, leave 5:30 ond 6:30 p.m. same day. Spots Where History was Made PHILADELPHIA $3.00 Chester $3.00 Wilming? Leave Washington 6:30 a.m. and David Lawrence, DELAWARE PARK RACES DAILY EXCEPT SUNDAY TO JULY 24 Leave Washington 11:30 0.m., 11:45 . m. Individual Seat Coaches, $ a. dividual Seat Coaches 42 Round Trip Returning after Fastest and best service inCoaches direct to Gre tand. BALTIMORE $1.25Round Trip Saturdays and Sundays $1.50 Round Trip Daily— Good for 3 Days (STANDARD TIME SHOWN) Details from any 8 & O Ticket Agent or Tolophone : District 3300, Netionsl 7370 although such opinions may be contradictory among Death Ends Constitutional Amendment Compromise Efforts of Robinson on Court. BY H. R. BAUKHAGE, EATH stepped in just at the moment when Senator Joseph T. Robinson was secretly working ona plan which might have gone a long way to heai the widening breach in the Democratic party, Paradoxically, that interruption, tragic and awesome as it was, may serve the same end. 1t has been carefully concealed, but Senator Robinson was negotiating a compromise with the opponents of the court bill. It involved a face-saving withdrawal of the measure and its replacement by a proposed constitutional amendment to be submitted to the people. For strategic reasons, proponents would not admit that such a step was contemplated. Opponents strongly insisted that they would fight the bill itself to defeat. But it is known that the Senator was satisfied that he was making progress on the new compromise. Incidentally, on the day before Mr. Robinson’s death, the Presi- dent refused to comment on a report that he was willing to withdraw his court bill. A few weeks ago when the same question was posed, he promptly replied that the people wanted the Senate to vote on the measure. True, the hand of the administration's master negotiator is stilled, but the ‘very nature of his death may serve to carry on the spirit of concilia- tion. Many who followed Senator Robinson's leadership feel that the sacrifice he made was too great. They now feel that party solidarity is too high a price to pay for the passage of the court bill. A compromise could, at this moment, they feel, be honorably entered into. * Kk ok % One hitherto unreported conversation that took place when a few Sen= ators were gathered to discuss the court bill & short time ago is worth repeating now: “Henry.” said Senator Robinson to the silver-tongued Senator Ashurst, “when are you going to make a speech on the bill?” “I have just come from my doctor,” Senator Ashurst answered, “and he has told me that I must stop smoking, drinking and making speeches.” Then he paused, and, in a second, went on. “Joe, I wish you'd go to see my doctor.” Four months ago the President made his much-quoted statement that his ambition for 1941 is to turn his desk at the White House over to a suc- cessor. Today a new interpretation of that remark can be given authorita= tively. Does the President want to run in 19402 He does not—unless— And the “unless” embodies the condition which might cause him to brush aside nearly a century and a half of tradition and his own personal desires. ‘The reservation is this: A situation may develop by 1940 in the field of labor and industry or in international aflairs, which might threaten to destroy the New Deal's achievements as the great war destroyed Woodrow Wilson’s new freedom. In such a case, the President feels it wouldn’t be the moment to swap horses. If the country agreed, he would sit tight. The flat assurance that the President does not want to run is made in the face of plenty of surface indications that he would enjoy the job more or less permanently. First, he has the physical stamina for it. According to his physician, he is in better health than when he came to the White House. He likes the active life. He can hold a press conference with a hundred reporters at 10:30 a.m., meet callers right through a desk lunch, preside at a cabinet session, change to tails for a high tea, shake a thousand hands at a reception and sneak off to jot down a few notes on & message before bed. Finally, the President would like to see his immediate objectives ac- complished before leaving office—a New Deal for the one-third of our population who, he says, are still “ill-nourished, ll-clad and ill-housed.” * ok ox But in spite of all this external evidence, as it might be called, he's going to step down at the end of his second term, like his predecessors, unless—— The first catastrophe that might stop him, as the President sees it, is war. That this question is not an academic one to President Roosevelt can be gathered from his recent letter to the Institute of Public Affairs at the University of Virginia: “As Americans, it must be clear to us that a continuation of the eristing uncertainties in the international sphere is highly prejudical to the well being of the United States. It must be evident that an accentuation of this unsettled condition will bring disaster and human suflering beyond the mind of man to grasp.” Catastrophe No. 2 (the one at home) that might force Mr. Roosevelt into a third term is already envisaged by many in the labor situation. Right now organized labor is split in two, which makes it that much harder for the Government to deal with its leaders. Moreover, the tactics of Mr. Lewis have been followed by a reaction which has made it possible to organize sentiment on the part of the middle class against strikes, at least of the type the C. I. O. has called, which threatens class antagonism. Either one of these two developments might by 1940 be so diverting the country from the course which the President believes is its salvation that he would feel compelled to stay in the driver's seat. Why, if the President doesn't want to run, doesn't he say s0? Because that would violate Rule No. 1 of the ezecutive who wants to keep his leadership. A flat statement now that he was out of the race would start half a dozen candidates running their own show. Congress would forget there was a White House. * k% % How does the President read the news? The answer is, he doesn't. at least not as the “average reader” does. His secretaries clip items they think might interest him, they include news astories, editorials, the contributions of certain columnists. But as for skimming through the newspapers, there isn’t much time for that even on a week end cruise when, as last time, he had a 300-page technical report to read, his “letter to the chairman of House and Senate Agriculture Committees” to polish up and the message accompanying his veto of the farm loan bill. The President seldom reads Wall street or sports news. (Copyright, 1937, by the North American Newspaper Alliance, Inc.) readers themsel ves and directly opposed to The Star’s. The Tragedy of Robinson The Strain of Having to Espouse Causes He Opposed Broke the Heart of a Fine Man, Says Writer. BY MARK SULLIVAN, HE consequences of Senator Robinson’s death will be very, very far-reaching, and will last & long time. The fact that on Tuesday afternoon the President's court measure was lost and lost by an action outside of Senator Robinson's responsibility, by an action in the otHer chamber of Congress, and that the following morning Senator Robin- son’s heart came to the end of its long strain of defending the measure that the tired heart did not really believe in—in that there is human drama and public importance. But let that wait; in time, without doubt, much will be said of it. For the present let us speak of the man. It is consoling to be able to sey of him dead what I said of him living. Almost exactly two years ago. on July 25, 1935, I wrote about Sena- 4 tor Robinson’s po- ## sition, advocating _ and defending, as % party- leader in the Senate, meas- ures of the Presi- dent which, it was promptly. Not so with respect to any one else. The nomination for Supreme Court justice of almost any of the so-called New Deal school of constitutional acrobatics will be fought aggressively, and the reasons will be much the same as have arisen in the court de- bate—will the justice be one who is pledged in advance to the Executive's point of view? About the only man who might be confirmed without a struggle is Stanley Reed, the present solicitor general. He has the respect of conservatives and liberals alike and is about the best equipped lawyer in the administration. YOU SIMPLY MUST STOP THAT SCRUBSING AND BOILING. NEXT -\ WASHDAY M GOING L -—=3% TO BRING YOU MY i PET LAUNDRY FLL BE ALL RIGHT “TOMORROW. IT MUST HAVE BEEN THE AND 'SCRUBBING AND BOILING THOSE CLOTHES, SAY, YOU LOOK COOL DIDN'T YOU WASH CLOTHES ToDAY ? Incidentally, the administration has probably lost several votes through the fact that the debate is carried on during the Summer months. Thus Vice President Garner went away on & vacation, and his vote is not avail- able to the President now in case of a tie. Senators Norris of Nebraska and Hayden of Arizona have gone home ill. While sometimes “pairs” are ar- ranged, it is doubtful if this can be assured now that the situation is so close. Pairing occurs as a rule when less imyportant issues are concerned. But opponents of the President's court plan have no desire to help out generally as- sumed, he did not believe in. I wrote: “Let no one now assume too hastily that Senator Robinson is stultifying himself. He is in a painful position in which he is obliged to allocate his loyalty between his conscience and his duty as Senate leader. Every official leader in every Congress, from either party, is occasionally faced by this dilemma. Every such person finds it necessary to make some compromise with his convictions in order to live up to his official duties * * * Therein lies Senator Robinson’s tragedy— ‘tragedy’ s the appropriate word whenever a fine, high-minded man is compelled to decide between official obligation and private conviction. If Mr. Robinson did not have his official position, if he were merely the Sena- tor from Arkansas and free to follow his personal convictions, who can doubt that he would be found stand- ing with such Senators as Glass and Byrd and Tydings and George. Not for Self-Advantage. “As things are, acting as the repre- sentative of the President in the Sen- ate, he finds himself frequently op- posing a majority of the Democrats and usually opposing the best of them —and among the best is where Sena- tor Robinson belongs. He finds him- self opposing Democratic traditions and principles, and opposing, I think, the best thought of a majority of the country.” g At the time that was written, in 1935, Senator Robinson was approach- ing a contest for re-election in his State. Of that I wrote: “Gossip may insinuate that Sena- tor Robinson follows the course he does because he needs the President’s help when he comes up for re-elec- tion next year. But those who know Senator Robinson well believe that rather than go counter to his con- victions for the sake of personal ad- vantage he would infinitely prefer to take himself to a cabin along some stream in the Ozarks, with & gun and a fishing rod—and count the world well lost.” What Sehator Robinson did com- mand was the unqualified respect of those who most strongly opposed him and most deeply disapproved the measures for which he led the fight. How explain the paradox? Common- ly, and properly, we esteem the man who, in the conflict between loyalty and conviction, chooses conviction. Senator O'Mahoney of Wyoming, faced by this conflict, followed conviction and thereby did the highest kind of public service, for which he will be long remembered. There Is & Distinction, The distinction is that Mr. O'Ma- honey is just one Senator, while Sen- ator Robinson was the official Senate leader. In Senator Robinson's case, the choice was got merely between private conviction and loyalty to the President. The conflict was between two manifestations of conviction. On one side was his private belief. On the other was the obligation inherent in his official position as leader. To Senator Robinson, fidelity to official obligation was itself a conviction, and the highest one. To live up to his official obligation was his conception of integrity. Different men meet such dilemmas in different ways. Vice President Garner, coming to the point where he could no longer abide some of the President’s measures, sought escape by going away from Washington. But Mr. Garner could do that. He had no official function except as parlia- mentary presiding officer over the Sen- ate. He was not called on to speak in behalf of the President's meas- ures, nor to discuss them at all. S8en- ator Robinson could not leave Wash- ington. He had to stay in his official function and bend his back to the task that finally broke his heart. Senator Ashurst of Arizonia was, in & minor way, in a position analogous to Senator Robinson’s. Mr. Ashurst was chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee. He was known to have regarded the President’s court pro- posal, before it was made, as an idea “ridiculous and absurd.” But after the President made it, Mr. Ashurst in his official capacity sponsored it. He found refuge in publicly and frankly admitting the inconsistency, being | light-hearted about it, lJaughing about it, going out of his way to make humorous remarks about it. ‘That, Senator Robinson could never do. He took things hard. He kept his dilemma to himself. To the strain { of his situation was added the strain | of silence about it. It was too much. Joe Robinson was a man of the highest character. One is proud to have been fond of him, and not to the deepest possible disagreement with | the things his official function obliged him to do. | (Copyright, 1937.) absent Senators by the pairing system. It may be that other Senators will want to go home if the session of Congress is prolonged. On the whole, Mr. Roosevelt, by insisting on a vote on the court bill is causing bad feel- ing, bad humors and plenty of fric- tion on what 9 out of every 10 mem- bers of Congress believe is a wholly unnecessary issue today. The liberals already have a majority on the Su- preme Court, as evidenced by recent decisions. But this does not mean that there is & majority for anything and everything the New Deal may | propose. That's really the difficulty. Mr. Roosevelt wants & court he can absolutely control, and this a ma- jority of members of both houses of Congress will never give him. For, even if his legislation were passed, there would never be a majority to confirm the nomination of justices to a court of political puppets. ‘The President is stubbornly hold- ing fo his position, and Democratic members of Congress are saying he is out of tune with the sentiment of the country, just as was President Wilson at one time in his second term. It is no surprise for this to happen, because Presidents become isolated, and often they become obsessed with the infallibility of their own ability to gauge public sentiment. The court bill is fundamentally an attack on American tradition and American principles, and that's why it has aroused the antipathy of the Congress. The country can rejoice that while many experiments are being given legislative sanction—some of them unsound from an economic viewpoint —the majority in Congress is still unwilling to go to the extremes of breaking down the system of checks and balances which has given us three co-ordinate branches of govern- ment as the bulwark against dicta- torship. (Copyright, 193 . ’ WHERE CAN YOU FIND STEAK ™ 39¢ TURN TO PAGE A-13 have let the fondness be modified by | l BUT,OXVDOL IS A GXYDOL? OH THATS ONE | NEW KIND THE OF THOSE *SOAKING SOAPS? BUT, | TRIED ONE ONCE AND IT FADED COLORS AND ALMOST RUINED MY HANDS. AT LAST! A “NO-SCRUB, That’s Safe as Can Be @ Millions of wash-weary women are finding relief this; ing way. For here’s a “no-scrub” soap that’s really safe! 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Tests show that, cup for cup, one package will go one- (g third to one-half again as far as even the latest soap chips on the market. Quit scrubbing your life way! Try this new safe “no-scrub” the & drudgery of washda .‘E&mmm to- daydi’mcter&(;lmgb_ - REALLY “Whoopla” Aviation Artists Have Outlived Aero- nautical Welcome, Writer Declares. BY JAY FRANKLIN, 8 THESE lines are written, it seems unlikely that Miss Amelia Earhart and her navigator, Capt. Frgderick Noonan, will be res- cued from the wastes of the mid-Pacific where their plane dis- appearzsd on its well-advertised round-the-world fiight. This marks the end of the era of “hot” aeronautics which began with Col. Charles Lindbergh and Admiral Richard Byrd, and which shot “sci- entific” expeditions acroes continents, oceans and polar regions by dint of individual exhibitionism. It was an interesting phenomenon and typical of the America of the 1920s. The prima donna type of avi- ator emerged, the person who operated on a shoestring, with a ham sandwich and bull Juck: the person who used personal publicity as a fish uses water and whose flights were financed by adver- tising contracts to indorse cig- arettes, fuel and other patented commercial properties; the person who named mountain ranges for the greater glory of a certain brand of beer and whose discoveries were & total failure unless they hit the front pages of our major newspapers. Miss Earhart was one of the last of this breed of aeronautical entrepreneurs. She was a wealthy woman, married to one of America’s ablest exploiters of newspaper publicity, and it would be as ungracious to criticize her for continuing her profession as to insist that a stage star retire from public life as soon as she earned a Jortune at Hollywood. She flew between California and Honolulu as part of the mammoth publicity program vainly designed to bring the Hawaiian Islands into the Union as “the Jorty-ninth State.” Her present enterprise was advertised as a scientific expedition and her plane was called “the Flying Laboratory.” Why? No one knew the answer. And when the “Flying Laboratory” came to grief there was a strong current of resentment at the cost and trouble which the attempt at rescue imposed upon her fellow citizens. The $500,000 a day for extra United States naval operations alone is a sizable sum to spend on an attempt to rescue two unlucky individuals in a nation where men com- mit suicide every day for lack of money on which to live. The Govern- ment could surely use half a million daily dollars for more constructive purposes than this search, generous though are the emotions which prompt the effort to save two human lives. While the Earhart expedition thus fronically received its greatest oub- licity, the Atlantic Ocean was successfully flown in both directions by Imperial Airways and Pan-American planes, starting the regular com- mercial service between England and America. The very part of the Pacific where the “Flying Laboratory” disap- peared has been regularly flown on the experimental service between California and New Zealand. As for science, the Russians have estab- lished an seronautical observation station at the North Pole and have ~ flown the Arctic ice-cap in an ef- fort to institute direct air service over the great circle route between Moscow and San Francisco. ‘These sober developments were made possible by the foolhardy pioneers of the early days of barn- storming aviators. But behind the pioneer ever comes the plough- man, and after a while even a Daniel Boone must yield to Mr. George F. Babbitt. The day of < the lone wolf passes and his spectacular habits, which once excited gen- eral applause, become a confounded nuisance to his neighbors. So it is Miss Earhart’s tragedy that the very qualities which brought her fame in the late 19205 are no longer needed by the late 1930s. A single decade has brought such changes in aviation that chance and guesswork have been largely eliminated. The future lies with the undramatic experts who bring the planes in on time, safely. The romanic whoopla artists have outstayed their aeromautical welcome and the individual once more becomes submerged in the organization. There was a time when the locomotive engineer. the steamboat pilot, the telegrapher and the automobile driver were public heroes. The front page flver is due to join them in useful oblivion, as aviation, which was once a fine art, becomes just another skilled trade. (Copyright, 1937.) You Should Know Charles Whelan Starts Investigation Trip to 20 Prisons. BY DELIA PYNCHON. F GREAT humanitarian in- terest is the opportunity given to the erring, the thoughtless, the reckless—with special ac- cent on first offenders—to beat their way back to decent living through the granting of paroles. Charles Whelan, M. D, one of the three important members of the Federal Parole Board, appointed by the Attorney General three years ago, is off on a three-month trip of investiga= tion. He i5 visite ing our 20 Fed- eral prisons. He is hearing stories of those who “look with such a wistful eye at that little tent of blue, which the prisoners call the sky.” He is learn- ing why they broke the law, what their homes are, their conduct since incarceration, their capacities, habits, tendencies, their opportunities for re- tracing lost ground in communities from which they sprang and to which they may return. Each man paroled s surrounded with every safeguard for his regenerated life, Whelan said. No one is permitted to leave prison withe out a bona-fide position awaiting him, “Understanding the parole prine ciple is to understand the Christian principle of forgiveness,” Whelan said. His declared credo is that “Parole is a privilege—not a right. In the se= lection of the survival of the fittest, neither sentiment nor politics must find place. Records show that criminal repeate ers are in the minority. In 1935 2,515 were released on parole by the board. Some 170 failed to live up to the terms of parole. Two per cent became re- peaters in new crimes, the remaining 7.4 per cent violated in minor infrac- tions, such as leaving limits to which they were paroled, or failures to mal their monthly reports to Federal offi- cers. Mitchell's forebears came to this country from France following the de- feat of Napoleon, his exile to St. Helena. They secured a congressional grant of land near Birmingham, Ala., to grow the vine and olive tree. This was Whelan's birthplace. With early classical education at Georgetown Uni- versity, his medical education at the Universities of Virginia and Alabama, he practiced surgery at the Birming- Charles Whelan. | ham Municipal Hospital, had charge of paroles for the city. This gave him his first interest in penology. WHEN WEST HAS A SALE—IT’S A REAL SALE SIDNEY WESTic 14th and G Sts. SUMMER CLEA IMPORTANT SAVINGS IN REGULAR QUALITY MEN'S WEAR Tropical Worsted Suits ‘I .50 (2 pes.) Formerly $25 $40 3-Pc. Trop. Worsteds 34.50 Special Lot Patterned SHIRTS Were 3.00 & 2.50 1.65 3 for 4.50 $30 3-Pc. Trop. Worsteds 2450 SHIRTS Handsome Patterns Were NOwW 2500 s22t 185 SRR 2:25 222 18245 QR 3145 600R_ 2" 14135 DOBBS STRAW HATS Were S0 S Ly 500 S ben e 13185 250 Westyle__.___1.85 Neckwear Were NOW FOOEESSS N 65c 12508 B e 15 2H0 ORI i A | 7 LS 2506 %3.____1.85 3502t 12 45 500 --------345 | Sports Shoes $7 West Specials_ 585 $8 West Specials_ _6.85 10.50 to $12 Foot-Joys_9.85 Whites and Combinations 395 Beach Robes____2.95 $5 G $6 Beach Robes, 3.95 Sidney West, i RANCE $55 3-Pc. Trop. Worsteds 44.50 PAJAMAS Silks Included Were NOW 2008 =-—== 2]i65 2508 = 0185 3508t 265 SIPF =T E=2sn 13165 GI00F ==x = -1 485 Panama Hats Were NOwW 5.00 Westyle__3.85 6.00 Westyle__4.85 7.00 Westyle__5.85 8.00 Dobbs___5.85 10.00 Dobbs -_7.45 15.00 Dobbs -_9.95 20.00 Dobbs -13.95 * 14+ G EUGENE-C. GOTT, President