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Minor Party Efforts Seen as Vain NG_STAR, WASHINGTON, News Behind the News Expansion of Pan-American Conference Into World- Wide Peace Move Seen. BY PAUL MALLON, RESIDENT ROOSEVELT is going to play only two things heavily for the next two months—fishing and foreign affairs. This will ¢ive hotter domestic issues time to cool ofi. The next developments concerning internal affairs are nxpected 'n the inaugural address, January 20, unless the Supreme Court throws out the Wagner labor act before that time. The impending Pan-American Conference is apparently to be a Isolated Groups to Change Tactics. BY DAVID LAWRENCE. I farewell of & prominent radio | speaker or leader of mass opinion from the field of active poli- | lated and fragmentary group movc-‘ ments that seek to operate out- If there is one thing that the last election the two major parties have too biz a hold on the from the outside, and that the one effective way to The old saying in politics that “if You can't beat 'em, jine 'em” has been given greater momentum by the last Coughlin Defeat Warns ATHER OCOUGHLIN'S retire- | ment means more than the ties—it means the end also of iso- | side of the two major parties. proved conclu- § sively, it is that § American people to be disturbed eapture the party et machinery is “to bore from within.” election than by any other circum- stance in the last quarter of a ‘cen- | tury of American politics. | | ‘The minor parties henceforth are likely to become almost negligible in importance. The Socialist party’s to- | tal vote this year, when it is finally | tallied, will be found to be relatively | amall, as will also the Communist total. Persons in sympathy with the Socialist point of view, for instance, | probably joined the Roosevelt move- ment in large numbers rather than waste their votes Labor Concentrates Vote. Organized minorities, too, have & fesson to learn from the election re- turns. The American Federation of | Labor hitherto has been “neutral” or *non-partisan.” Last week its local membership through alliances with the New Deal and Federal political machines, did not divide the labor vote between the two parties, but marshaled from 80 to 90 per cent on the Roosevelt side. As for organizations like the Ameri- ean Liberty League, they will find the field of political opportunity more and more limited and that the same amount of time and energy and money put into political party organization trial proving ground for future foreign policy. The way things shape up there will determine what world moves may theresfter be attempted. State Secretary Hull is supposed to be carrying to Buenos Aires in his brief case the draft of a treaty which would pledge the nations of this hemisphere to the present neutnluy program of this country. It would place an embargo on arms’to bemlefenu seek to hold down trade with warring nations, outlaw undeclared wars,” and generally move along these cautious and safe neutrality lines. But while both the President and Mr. Hull will be talking such things directly to the Pan-American dele- gates on December 1 they will actually be speaking t6 the world at large, setting forth what is to be the American anti-war pro- gram and inviting, indirectly at least, the co-operation of larger nations to the east and west. Advance work done on Mr. Roosevelt's opening speech to the con- ference is said to indicate it will be along the same line as his international radio broadcast of Saturday, but very much stronger. % % % The suggestion of an international conference of world leaders is now entirely out of the question. Mr. Roosevelt had to drop the idea for practical reasons. It met no encouraging response from the dictators, Stalin and Mussolini, none of whom would care to leave his country. At the same time the substance of that presidential thought has not been dropped, and will very likely take a new form. Just as a hint, one eminent New Deal authority says it would be entirely practical for the President to take the treaty which is expected to develop from the Pan-American Conference and invite Messrs. Hitler, Stalin, Mussolini and the others, in a friendly little note, to subscribe to it. There is every reason to believe that some such unformed plan is behind the Pan-American Conference and the unusual method in which the President and Mr. Hull are prometing it One thing which will grow out of the Pan-American meeting is & permanent organisation of the foreign Ministers of the American nations. It will be called a “Consultative Committee” and provision will be made for it to meet at regular intervals in much the same spirit As the League of Nations. ‘There are good authorjties here who foresee the prflu‘p’fl that all the nations of the world may also be invited to subscribe to this phase of the Pan-American meeting. The success of such A move would mean the creation of a new world peace machine, much more loosely organized than the League and founded upon much broader principles. How effective it would be depends upon how the detalls are worked out, but it could not be less effective than the D. C, THI opinions of the writers on this page are their own, nit necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest 1o ils readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s. House Landslide Tempered BY MARK SULLIVAN. SHALL seem to begin with another post-mortem of the election, of which, I suspect, the reader has had enough. But these figures about last week’s election have & bear- ing which points toward something new, and not as yet much realized. In the Congress that meets next January the House, according to latest accurate political 3 barometer. It is § #lected directly by the people; the President is elect- ed indirectly, by g States, And the whole House is elected onoce every two years—the President every four years, The House is a more accurate index than the Senate, for Senators are elected for six years and only one- third of the Senate is elected each two years, The present supremacy of the Dem- ocrats in the House is the more sig- | nificant because it is a new high in & six-year tide. Beginning in 1930, the Demoerats elected a majority of the House—a very slight one, but a majority. And in each election since they have increased their majority. ‘The figures for the past four eongres- | sional elections of Democrats alone | are: 1930, 219; 1932, 313; 1034, 322; | 1936, 334, | Statie Element Exists, | That is & tide. It has been running { since 1930. It rose to & new high last Mark Sullivan, | fied in feeling, that the Repwlicans With Solid South Considered Static, G. O. P. Had Higher Tide in 1920. the Harding, anti-Willon landside, the figures for the House were: Re- publicans, 300; Democrats, 133, If now we subtract the 100 of the solid South from the Democrats, their remainder is 33. In other words, thy Democratic landslide of last week vas much less than the Republican landslide of 1920. It was much leas in the House, as I have shown, and it was less as respects the popular vote for Presi- dent. Last week the Democratic share of the total De tic and Republican vote was about|60.2 per cent. In 1920 the Republi share of the total Democratic and Repub- lean vote was about 63.8 cent. Now, the figures here givei do not point toward anything new yith re- spect to the solid South. Bit there is another thing that does. The solid South has an appointmen with destiny more serious than aw since the Civil War. Solidarity Under Pn-m‘. For 70 years the South has ipen the solid South for mainly two pasons. It has voted solidly for the Demo- crats, solidly against the Repwlicans, because the Republican party (avored Negro suffrage. The South felt,and by several incidents in history wa justi- might use their power in to enact legislation which wo tect colored voters in their rght to vote in the South. The South prized, as a precious heritage, the rfht to control its elections. It has ban one of the rights that made the wible of “States’ rights” dear to the Soyh, But something has now hapjened. In the recent election the Demeratic party as & national organizatid ap- pealed for, and largely receive{ the votes of Negroes in the Norti It | seems inevitable that the Noghern | colored people, their organization and | gress pro- League. * *x week. ‘That means it was still run- * % Every one connected with the New Deal seems to consider Mr. Roose- velt's victory as a personal one for himself. IT 4AS GOOD LINES BUr wears T 0 o~ N G " N i between campaigns will avail those | who believe in the viewpoint of one party or the other more than will the independent operation of groups. e The extent to which group voting took place last week is being gradu- | ally disclosed by the reports from dif- ferent States. Group voting alone explains the failure of even the po- litical managers themselves to realize the number of allies which the Roose- velt administration had mobilized. Massachusetts Case in Point. A case in point is Massachusetts. | John Bantry, writing this week for the Boston Globe, comments thus on the election and on group voting: “Most persons outside the active ¢ political circles probably find it diffi- cult to understand why the straw votes, the political prognosticators in the newspapers and political leaders could have been 3o far wrong in the Roosevelt vote here. “Aside from the fantastic Literary Digest poll, with its three-to-one Lan- don total here, all the ‘scientific test' polls showed Landon by a safe ma- Jority in Massachusetts. Every out- side political observer who came here reported Landon sentiment predomi- mant. “The confidential estimates submit- ted to Chairman Farley showed Lan- don. Many of the Democratic leaders here felt Roosevelt would lose Mas- sachusetts. Senator Walsh, who ought to know as much about Massachusetts politics ax any many in the State, de- clared in a public statement that Roosevelt could not win here if Lemke polled 100,000 votes. A sur- wev by the (Boston) Post (Demo- eratic) pointed to Landon by a nar- “ pow margin. Previous Methods Fail. “The explanation is that the straw wotes and the surveys were taken in the usual manner—by selecting evoss section of the public for polling. This has invariably worked out fairly well. But it didn't work out with the | Roosevelt vote because of the failure to take into consideration the over- awhelming group vote. “We have never had much group | woting in Massachusetts. It has never | before been possible to hold the labor vote en bloc. The so-called Jewish | “vote has invariably been split between | the parties. So has the Italian vote snd the French vote. 'The colored vote has been heavily Republican. Also we had the W. P. A. vote and the | relief vote, all cast solidly for Roose- | velt.” The same story is being told in | other States. Group voting inside | the parties has taken the place of affliation with “the minor parties. | Strangely enough, of all the Demo- eratic State leaders with whom I | talked during the campaign, only one —Frank McHale of Indiana—sensed the possible gains to the New Deal from the minority parties. He kept emphasizing it in my talk with him, but even his estimate of the Roose- . Welt majority in Indiana—about 100~ “ 000 to 150,000—fell short of the actu- al result—a 234,000 Roosevelt ma- fority. Even Insiders Were Low. ‘The groups were, of coufse, culti- vated by Democratic national head- quarters, which never before had such 4 an array of subdivisions giving atten- tion to them, but even the estimates of the insiders in the New Deal hign easil eommand were low as to popular ma- Sority almost everywhere. Emil Hurja, statistical expert for Farley, placed the Roosevelt margin at 3,000,000, and Farley himself, in my last talk with him, was inclined to believe that the Roosevelt majority on popular vote might even be less than in 1932, though the electoral vote would be greater. Why are these various groups so bard to poll in advance? Evidently the party workers did not know in advance how their argument was that a vote for Jemke was a vote for Landon. Like- wise the generosity of the New Deal in handling relief was a piece of in- formation that was communicated by ‘word of mouth in the poorer sections of American cities much more effec- tively than by the radio or the po- litiesl speakers, Coughlin May Come Back. « Leaders of various groups and blocs | have discovered that to move in on Lalll™ #R them. Among those thus personally vin- dicated is Prof. Tugwell, who hid his light under two or three bushels throughout the campaign. Tug- well made no speeches, but, une ohserved by Republicans, he wrote signed editorials which appeared in small eountry papers, largely in the South. Some persons, as close to Mr. Roosevelt as Tugwell. have been offering even money that Tugwell will be back at Columbia University January 1, but no outsiders will believe One explanation behind the more lenient Lewis attitude toward peace with the A. F. of L. is the fact that his organization of the steel industry has not been getting on at all well. The first pre-election excuse offered on the inside was that Mr. Roosevelt had told John Lewis to hold back until after election. That may Or may not be true. were granted to steel workers, thus Immediately after election, however, pay increases making Mr. Lewis’ job much harder. There is still talk of a strike in April when certain contracts expire between steel operators who own coal mines and Mr. Lewis’ 50,000 workers in their mines. That is Mr. Lewis’ ace in the hole. (Copyright, 1936.) affiliation with the minor party groups means isolation. Father Coughlin, it is said, may some day return to politics. as his cue the experience he had in Michigan, where his candidate this vear almost won the Democratic nom- ination for United States Senator. Western Progressives captured the machinery and label of the Republi- can party through the direct primary | system. The new groups, like labor and the Negro voters, will probably develop similar strength in future primaries of the Democratic party. ! It is the logical form of approach for groups which seek political power, whether they be representative of | conservative or the radical trends in the electorate, and nothing confirms this point of view more than the ab- sorption of the minority party vote in the last election by the regular | party organizations country. throughout the (Copyright, 1936,) |SCHOOL SUSPENDS 12 FOR REFUSING “LICKS” Texas Students Refuse to Submit | to Punishment by Principal. By the Associated Press. NACOGDOCHBS, Tex., November 10.—Twelve high school students who refused to take “three licks” from a hickory stick for attending s foot ball game were suspended until Thursday by Principal C. K. Chamberiain yes- terday. Chamberlain said the boys, members of the school team, attended a college foot ball game Priday againat his will. | They appeared for classes this morning | with written excuses from their par- | ents, but Chamberlain rejected the notes. | He said the suspension would be lifted if the boya would consent to the “three licks” or “stay in” Saturday morning three hours. To Relieve Bad Cough, Mix This ‘llqcipe._at llome Yu’ll never know how «kkl and ean overcome coughs due to eolch, til you try this famous reci p?. ltesnu you four times as much m; licine for your money, and 1 find it the finest thing you ever tfied. for real relief. Make & syrup by stirring 2 cups of granulated sugar and one cup of water a few moments, until dissolved. No cooking needed—it’s no trouble at all. Then put 234 ounces of Pinex (obtain- :flfmfl;ny druggist) ;» a m.n: bote your syrup and you have a full pint of -azdn that ,vnl amaze R e {1 lasts a family o} tastes fine — childrea lnv:‘n. simple mixture takes right hold of a severe «)u'hi'. h.‘n-ll reulm ou’ve never seen ual. It {be phlegm, soothes ‘E inflamed mam- branes, an ‘lkkly eases soreness lll d!l';nlt I:mt e N - nex isa Cfl.fl orwa in concentrated form, famous: h:n-..‘" action in coughs and hnulm irritations. Money refunded if doesn’t please you in every ny. the Democratic- party means poten- u.hpolmul power, whereas continued 1f 50, he will doubtless take | WINNERS IN ELECTION, HORSES BACK ON JOB Milwaukee's Police Mounts Re- | turned to Work by Referendum. By the Associated Press. MILWAUKEE, November 10.—Vie- | tors in an election campaign in which . they made no public appearances, Mil- waukee's six police horses pranced along downtown streets again yester- day. ! The mounts had a few weeks' va- mnx last week. How soon it will | change its direction is something that | | | only the future can tell, | | But it we consider last week’s House | | election, standing alone, it is less im- | | pressive, it is less an overwhelming | victory for the Democrats than the figures suggest. The number of Dem- ' ocrats elected to the House is never a | | completely accurate index of the sen- i | timent of the country as & whole. | | Por within the total number of Demo- crats elected here is always a static | group, a group which never shifts, a ' group which is not moved by tides, a | group which is always Democratic, no matter how the country as & whole feels. ‘This static group is the solid South, | the group of Democrats who come to the House from 11 Southern States. From those States practically never | & Republican is elected to Congress (excepting & rare one or two from ) Virginia and from Tennessee). The | total Democratic members from the solid South is 101—eali it 100 to allow | for the occasional, though rare, Re- publican. | Let us now subtract this 100 from | the Democrats elected last week. The remainder is 234. Let us now look At how last week's election ran in that part of the country, which is subject to normal political tides. The | proportion becomes 3234 Democrats to 89 Republicans. Compared With 1920. By yet another test is the number of Democrats elected last week seen to be misleading. Compare the pres- -ent election with the 1920 one. In | the Republlcln landslide of that year, Boiler cation after Police Chief Joseph T.| | Kluchesky removed them from serv- | 1ce shortly after succeeding Chief J. | G. Laubenheimer, who died August. a referendum to decide whether the | citizenry wanted the horse partol. Last Tuesday Milwaukee 120,914 to 92,147 in favor of reswrinz the mounties. | Wnile Laubenheimer had insisted for years that the horses added to | police efficiency, Socialists termed them “cossacks.” . || GUNTHER'S ALE Steinie Bottle- | Standard Bottles Keglined Cons last | ‘The common couneil ordered | voted | Furnace Stove We carry & u-nlm line of arts for all types of boilers, furneces and stoves. RUDOLPH & WEST €O. 1333 N, Y. Ave. NAW. 4010 05 BT Ase N Bt POL 0116 Ample Plrihl I-u. GUNTHIER'S [ 1] Steinie Botties Standerd Botties Keglined Cans PUT YOURSELF ON FRIENDLY ' RELATIONS WITH THE FRIENDLY Gunther Family | leaders, will now ask the Demoyatic | national organization for actio) by | Congress which shall insure sufrage to the colored people in the Suth. And, in a broad way, the Demogatic | party is now in head-on non; to the whole theory of States’ r{hts. Vapor Beginning to Rise. What is beginning to simme is illustrated by an editorial in the Vew | York Times. It is discussing a ug- | gestion that Presidents be electe¢ by direct popular vote, instead of by States: “At present the presidential e@c- tion is under the control of the Stes. They define the qualifications of | voters, fix the methods and time of reuumnhm actually eonduct the etc- | tion by theor own officials. Would tiey be easily induced to surrender thse important functions? Would tey readily place themselves under a wi- versal Federal law for presidenial elections, with a host of Federal u- pervisors to take charge of the votin? The Southern States would be almst | sure to set up obstacles to the pin | * * * This would mean in the Soth a drive to permit Negroes to exeroe their right of suffrage. If they di it in a Federal election. they wowl be encouraged to demand it in Stae and local elections * * *.” i TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1936. We, the People Battle of U. S. and Wall Street Predicted Over Foreign Investments in Country. BY JAY FRANKLIN. HERE is no immediate ‘tkeliood that Roosevelt will ask Congress for further legislation to amend the Federal Reserve act along the lines proposed in the first drafi of the “Eceles bill” of 1936, A ‘The New Dealers then proposed that the Reserve Board sheuld be charged with the duty of maintaining “economic and social balance” through its central banking operations. Horrifled, Senator Carter Glass of Virginia succeeded in striking out this provision. Now, it appears, the phrase was unnecessary, at least for the Reserve Board, headed by Marriner Eccles, the young Utah banker whom Tugwell discovered in Salt Lake Oity and whn 15 now the key man in Roosevelt’s drive to shift con- R trol of our central banking from Wall Street to Washington. Por with the authority over the system which the board received through the legislation of 1936 went power enough to use central banking policies for social and economic balance. ‘The board dominates the Open Market Committee of the system, it has the right to raise or lower Reserve requirements for member banks, it controls margin requirements and has the all-important power to approve or veto the selection of the governors of the individual Reserve banks. The tail goes with the hide and powers that would be meaningless, if the private banking crowd had succeeded in electing Landon, have become strong instruments for economic sovereignty in the control of a popular government. * * % % As during the last few months, 30 for some time to come, the energies of the board will be devoted to handling the large number of personnel and other adjustments resulting from the transfer of central Banking to a politically responsible agency of the American people. This means continued political control of our banking system As that control becomes eflective it also means an increase of experience, skill and wisdom on the part of the political authorities. The evils of central banking for private profits, as under the recent rule of J. P. Morgan & Co., were demonstrated in the panic of 1929 and the disgraceful aftermath of deflation not only of dollar vaiues, but also of human lives, ' At its best, private control of basic credit produced a sense of re- sponsible statesmanship among a few of its beneficiaries, but the power was too great to be safely entrusted to the men of the ledger and tne ticker and the list of “preferred customers.” One of the major police operations which confront the Reserve Board 1s the question of investments by foreigners in the United States. * % % % Experience has shown that the existence of these foreign holdings 1x dangerous to the stability of our markets and our banks. Responsible statesmen at Washington would weleome a repatriation of the $7,000,000.- 000 of long and short term foreign money now invested in this country Here, perhaps, will be the last great battle between the Federal Govern- ment and Wall Street, since the financial big shots which fought Roosevelt are generally those with foreign or international loyalties. Government statistics reveal how these foreign holdings have fluctu- ated in the last generation: 1914—$4,500,000,000. 1922—$2,300,000, 1929—$6,800, 000,000 1933—$4,450,000,000. 1936-—8$6,235,000.000. 1938 (November)—Upwards of $7.000.000.000. R Not only the size of these funds, but the way in which they have been used have served to compli- cate our domestic problems. They were withdrawn after the erash, thus deepening our depres- sion;«they are pouring in again on the Roosevelt recovery, thus tend- ing to create an unmanageable boom. They are used for speculative rather than constructive purposes and should either be “naturalized” or “deported” in the interest of economic and social balance. ‘There is no anti-foreign sentiment involved in Washington's view of this problem. It is much the same problem which arises when a wealthy stranger cleans out the local boys at poker and then, on the plea that he must catch a train, declines to offer them their revenge Even George N. Peek saw this point and, before he broke with Roosevelt, was one of the first men at Washington to indicate the dangers of these foreign investments. Since ezcess capital invest- ment was one of the major causes of the crash, it is contrary to sound policy to permit our capital values to dbe distorted dy the in- rush of gambiing funds from foreign lands. The Reserve Board would be willing to part with some of our buried gold at Fort Knox in order to get rid of these unweicome strangers in our financial markets. (Copyright. 1936.) Who’s Who Behind the News New Deal May Harmo- nize Discord by Pro- moting Jesse H. Jones. BY LEMUEL F. PARTON, CERTAIN underground eone duit, sometimes, but not al- ways reliable, pipes the news that Jesse H. Jones will be | moved to a high fiscal post in this | administration, possibly the highest: that the “middle way” money and credit policies of the ‘37 model New Deal will be | mainly influenced | and guided by |the big genial Texan who runs {the R. P. C. | 1t is understood that the admin- | istration hopes to harmonize a lot | of financial and | industrial discord | around the per~ |son and tech- |nfque of Mr. | Jones. Leading | Democrats have been chivalrous Jesse H. Jones, enough to note that it was Herbert Hoover who set up the R. F. C., which operated with one-half of 1 per cent overhead while other New Deal mon- ey-distributing agencies romped along with 10 to 15 per cent. At the end of the last fiscal year, the R. F. C. had loaned $6,118,972,523, mainly to banks, railroads and insurance com- panies, and had gathered in repay- ments $4,126,440,086. Thus. Mr. Jones makes the highest box-office score of the New Deal. In the old dayvs of ratch-as-catch- can monev and banking, he ran a string of lumber industries, skyscrap- ers and banks up to around $100.- 000,000. As head of the R. F. C,, he set up the old ground rules and a hungry railroad had to put up its last golden spike, or maybe the president’s gold teeth, to get any money. Fur« thermore, he scaled railroad manage- | ment salaries down to $60.000 and in- | surance salaries down to $17.500. Born in Tennessee, 60 years ago, he started his business career as a | 1aborer in a Dallas, Tex., lumber yard |at the age of 20. He was manager of the yard at 21 and manager of the lumber companv at 24. Then he organized his own lumber company, which became the biggest in the Southwest “Have & convention on me,” he said to the Democrats in 1928, and that was how the Democrats hap- pened to meet at Houston that vear, Nothing like that in the R. F. C. Borrowers found Mr. Jones was no Santa Claus. He is 6 feet 2 bulky in proportion, with abundant graying hair, tortoise shell spectacles and ruddy counte- nance. He became a Democrat in the ndmmwrnmn of Woodrow Wilson. (Copyright, 1936.) | PN =8 Hoofer Bests Roofer. LOS ANGELES (#) —Howard C. | Swindell, a roofer, faced a burglary charge today. Police said he ran out of & fraternity house and was caught by Harold Smallwood. the University of Southern California’s star quarter- miler. | You have until midnight, November 18, to enter— 505 PRIZES FOR THE 505 CLEVEREST LAST LINES TO THIS JINGLE Just get 2 FREE entry blank and full details at any Contest closes midnight, November 18th. 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