Evening Star Newspaper, October 28, 1936, Page 11

Security Tax Growing as Issue Workers Begin at Late Date to Question and Resent Law. BY DAVID LAWRENCE. LBANY, N. Y., October 28.—I have now visited four cities in part of what is known as “up- New York — Buffalo, Rochester, Syracuse, Albany —and have encountered almost everywhere what seems to me to be the sensation of this campaign. It is an eleventh- hour shift to Lan- don as a protest by laboring men who are discover- ing what the New Deal means to § them concretely in terms of the § new pay roll tax. All the radio speeches and the campaign debate have been aca- demic thus far because of a de- cided leaning of the workers to- ward the New Deal. Their resentment, however, has now approached the point of indigna- tion as they discover the mammoth pay roll tax. The New Deal, on the other hand, is charging that employ- ers are not telling all of the story, namely, that the pay roll tax has to be paid by the employer as well as the employe. This has only served, however, to make matters worse when the work- ers find out all the facts. For when the laboring men learn that, while the employe only pays 1 per cent a year, the employer has to pay 2 per cent next year, and 3 per cent the next and 4 per cent the next, they recognize that such a burden cannot be imposed without being passed on in higher prices on food and other costs of liv- ing, or that it cannot be carried and yet have increases in wages also granted. . $1,120,000,000 Next Year. “There goes my raise,” said one workman, as he found out what the employer was up against for the next three years. Incidentally, workers and employers will have to pay for so- called “social security” taxes about $1,120,000,000 next year, and this is more than was collected in 1929 from all income tax collections from indi- viduals in the country. It amounts also to nearly the amount that was paid in corporation taxes alone in 1929, and it greatly exceeds what was paid last year in corporation taxes. The new taxes eventually, under the present plan, will take $3,000,000,000 a year out of industry in addition to all other taxes. But the direct tax on the pay en- velope is the real sensation. Hereto- fore only about 5,000,000 persons have ever paid a direct tax on incomes to the Federal Government. Now 26.- 000,000 are going to pay a direct tax on their pay envelopes beginning next January. From a bookkeeping point of view—keeping track of it—the job is colossal. Already the bureauracy: in the Na- tional Capital is overflowing and is seeking office space in Baltimore, Can People Be Sold? But the educational task—selling the idea to the peole—is even greater. Can the benefits, for instance, that come to a person at 65 be sold to the average person of 25 or 30 years of age now? Will not that person prefer to make his or her own ar- rangements to buy social security through life insurance and to pay for it annually, not weekly, if desired? ‘Will the workers accept a compulsory plan or demand of Congress a repeal? Employers have begun to notify their employes that in less than 90 days a pay roll tax goes into effect. ‘Workmen are beginning to ask ques- tions. Many cannot be answered with- out a lawyer. Here are some of the queries: “What right has the Federal Gov- ernment to break into the pay en- velope of the working man?” Recalls Court Ruling. My own answer is that it has no right, that the Supreme Court of the United States said, in the famous railway pension case in 1935, that taxes levied on one group for the ben- efit of another are unconstitutional. In - this instance the employer is ‘ated, not for the support of the ex- senses ‘of the General Government but for pensions and unemployment tsurance—benefits to be bestowed on e group at the expense of another goup. “Why does the Roosevelt adminis- tmtion put into effect an unconstitu- tinal law in the face of that de- cion?” My answer to this is that the Roose- vek regime does not regard the de- ecisns of the Supreme Court in one case as binding on it in another. “Js there no way the tax can be held up till the constitutional question in the pay roll tax law is decided?” Injunctions May Balk Collections. There is, if the Federal courts will grant Injunctions next January against collection of this tax, just as they did against, the collection of the process- ing tax, which was later held uncon- stitutional, I mertion the above questions as typical because I have been informed that the, workers are asking them. They might ask many more. One, for instance, that comes to mind is: Why, if the Federal Government can tax the pay roll today for one pur- pose, can't It tax the pay roll tomor- row for something else? Once con- cede, the validity of the pay roll tax and Congresy then has a wide grant of ppwer to levy taxes on pay rolls for any purpose that it conceives to be for the “general welfare.” There are a lot of pamphlets be- ing circulated about the pay roll tax. Some employers are obviously trying to influence votes by it because they refer in their notices to “New Deal” legislation and ask the workmen to decide on November 3 what they want to do about it. They tell them frankly that Gov. Landon is pledged to repeal the law. There may or may not be anything wrong in laying one’s views before employes. The Roosevelt ad- ministration not only lays its political views before Federal employes, but collects money from them for cam- Some Notices Impartial. But the fairest notice to employes which I have seen is that which does not mention politics at all and clearly shows that the employer has to pay & tax on the pay roll, too. It is wholly within the right of the employefs to send out such a notice, and many of them consider it a duty to do so because, within a few weeks, the workers’ budgets will have to be adjusted anyway, to take care of the A state” David Lawrence THE EVENING STAR, WASHINGTON, D News Behind the News Roosevelt Failure to Include Indiana in Final Trip Hints Rift With McNutt. BY PAUL MALLON. RESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S final speaking trip, more commonly known as whirlwind drive, was supposed to whirl-drive him into Ohio and Indiana again. He had half-planned to make a speech at Fort Wayne and a stop at Toledo. You may have noticed that he is nov whirling only through the East and driving no further West than Harrisburg. Thereby hangs a tale which infolves more than travel. The way the insiders here tell it, Indiana’s Gov. McNutt did not want much help from Washington early in the campaign. He even disassociated his State ticket as far as possible from the presidential slate, and conse- quently, in about 22 counties the Hoosler voters will be provided with q'HE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s. On the Record New Deal Faces Death if Built on Resurgence of the Masses. BY DOROTHY THOMPSON. nite and integrated program, capable of catching up into itself the national separate ballots, one for Mr. Mc- Nutt's' ticket and the other for presidential electors. But since then, the polls, which measure the blood pressure of voters weekly up and down for Mr. Roosevelt, have reported increasing popularity for the President and less for Mr. McNutt's State ticket. For that reason or others, Mr. McNutt's friends besought the White House for assistance. While Mr. Roosevelt was making up his latest itinerary, the stack of Indiana telegrams on his secretary’s desk ome morning reached an altitude of 3 inches. As Mr, McNutt is being mentioned as the possible heir apparent for 1940, as the probable next Secretary of War and, in fact, for every Federal job now open, it was assumed the President would certainly eomply. Yet he did not, and countless thousands of Mr. Roosevell’s friends are asking why, why, why. The gentleman in the woodpile is not an Ethiopian, but apparently only Chairman “Sunny Jim” Farley. Those who should know say that Mr. Farley advised the President not to go galloping westward just to help Mr. McNutt's State ticket. For one thing, the Farleyites thought it would look bad. They thought such strenuous activity at the last minute would indicate lack of conf.dence on the part of the President. ‘Where that leaves the heir apparent is not apparent, but Gov. McNutt certainly is not in the same spot he once occupied. ‘That is the way it goes in politics, up one minute, down the next, here today and gone tomorrow. The surveys indicate @ much smaller majority for Mr. Roosevelt in Maryland than generally expected, possibly mo more than 40,000. Delaware is doubtful, and not only because the Republican electors are split. Roosevelt's majority is being figured by some authorities at a bare 8000, which means only that the total Republican and Democratic vote is very closely balanced. Maine will give Landon a majority of about 85,000. Idaho will probably go for Roosevelt by about 18,000, Among the many promises which Mr. Roosevelt has not made in this campaign is one about silver. A story comes from on high that he will seek modification of the silver purchase act at the next session, if re-elected. The only thing he has said on the subject was at Denver. There he took credit for the silver purchase program, which every one WHAT'S HE COING ASKING TO DO ABOUT, YouRe ME 2 around here had believed was put over on him by the silver Senators, against his judgment and wishes. The official text of his Denver speeth, likewise, records his men- tion of “our great bullion reserve now in the United States Treas- ury.” But it does not record that he significantly ad libbed to his silver-minded anti-gold audience —*“and you in Denver know some- thing about them.” ;All this has left the silver authorities around here knee-deep in quandary, but their best judgment nothing about silver one way or another. is that the President plans to do The experts who have formu- lated his policy say they are quite content to leave things as they are, without modification or extension. Another development which has complicated silver expectations is the switch of James P. (“Off Again, On Again”) Warburg back to Roosevelt, Warburg has been for and against the President so often that statisticians have lost count, but at the time this was written, he was still sticking to an announcement that he was for Roosevelt. The announcement did not mention it, but Warburg has a silver record. He once wrote & book, “The Money Muddle,” in which he caus- tically analyzed the monetary policy, exhausting every angle of it except silver. the monetary reserves. In 1932 he advised the House Coinage Committee to put silver in His business connections are likewise highly regarded professional silverites. Speculation has naturally resulted in the question of whether the return of the official-strayed silver prodigal involves any changes in silver policy. ‘The consensus is that it does not. (Copyright, 19:36.) pay roll deduction. Here is the fext of such a notice sent out by one com- pany: “To employes: “One per cent (1%) will be with- held from your salary, commencing | January 1, 1937, in compliance with | the PFederal social sccial security law passed by the Congress of the United States and approved by President Roosevelt August 14, 1935. - “Your check or your pay envelope will be short 1 per cent each week during 1937, unless you are 65 years of age or older. If your salary is more than $3,000 a year, deductions will cease after 1 per cent has been collected from $3,000. This money is to be turned over to the Federal Government, together with a similar amount paid by the employer, to be applied in accordance with the pro- visions of the social security law ap- | plicable to old-age pensions. Increased Tax Cited. “The 1 per cent deduction applies to the years 1937, 1938 and 1939. In 1940 it is increased to 1'; per cent of your salary and in 1943 to 2 per cent. In 1946 it increases to 2! per cent and in 1949 to 3 per cent. In each instance the employer must pay a similar amount. The payment of old-age pensions begins in 1942.” The extent of the effect of the pay roll tax controversy can hardly be estimated. It may upset all polls of votes that have been made. It may assure New York State for Lan- don and some of the Middle Western States as well. For it tells, in a single concrete measure, the whole philos- ophy of New Deal policy of experi- mentation, in disregard of constitu- tional safeguards. Even the New York Times, which announced recently its support of President Roosevelt for re-election, had this to say editorially yesterday of the social security pay roll tax: “Perhaps its greatest single defect and danger is the provision it makes for building up & colossal ‘reserve’ fund which is expected ultimately to reach $50,000,000,000—far in excess of the present' total national debt. Ex- perts believe a reserve of this sort is potentially dangerous and wholly un- necessary. Delay of Benefits a Factor. “Another defect of the law, in the opinion of some authorities, is the postponement, of benefit payments. After five years, for example, it will be taking in each year 16 times as much as it is paying out. At the end of 10 years, it will be taking in five times as much as it is paying out. This suggests that the workers will in time resent having these taxes de- ducted from their income while they see 50 little being paid out and a huge and untouched ‘reserve fund’ growing constantly larger.” But more important still, in my opinion, is what kind of investments will the PFederal Government make with its “reserve fund?” It will be compelled by law to invest in Govern- ment bonds, which means that the creation of national debt “for public works” and “boondoggling” will be constantly encouraged till the point where the citizens will wonder wheth- er the “reserve fund” can ever be paid off except by printing press money and an inflation that will make the proceeds buy very little, For high prices always result’ when too much public debt is created and when cur- rency becomes less and less valuable in terms of goods. The pay roll tax controversy has come late. The law was passed in August, 1935. The Republicans have been asleep at the switch. They had the ingredients of a first-class jssue and never used it. The employers, fac- ing the pay roll cut reaction, have hoped the protests could be postponed. But the cat is out of the bag now and irrespective of who is elected next week the issue has come to the fore- front of attention as the most press- ing problem that the Congress elected next week will have to decide in Jan- uary, 1937. (Copyrisht, 1936.) 'RULES ANNOUNCED FOR ESSAY CONTEST Tuberculosis Association Will Award Cup Inscribed With Name of Winner. Rules governing a health essay con- test open to pupils of the 92 white and 42 colored sixth grades of the public schools were given to all su- pervising principals yesterday at the Franklin Building by Supt. Frank W. Ballou. A silver loving cup to be in- scribed with the name of the winner, donated by R. Harris & Co., will be awarded by the District of Columbia Tuberculosis Association to the school in which the winning essay writer is | enrolled. “Why Purchase Penny Tuberculosis Christmas Seals?” is the subject of this essay contest, which will close on November 16 so that the announce- ment of the winning school may be made at the formal opening of the annual sale of the Christmas seals on Thanksgiving day. Essays must not exceed 300 words in length, The teacher of each sixth grade to select the three best essays written by the pupils of that school, and the supervising principals to se- lect the three best essays from those sent in by the schools of his division and transmit them to the Tubercu- losis Association. A committee of three members of the Board of Di- rectors of the organization will judge the winning essay. —_—— BORAH COUNTED UPON TO BACK CONSTITUTION Idaho G. O. P. Chairman Says if Roosevelt Is Elected, Senator Will Be Needed. By the Associated Press. 3 BOISE, Idaho, Octobef 28.—Re- publican State Chairman C. A. Bot= tolfsen asserted last night presence of Willam E. Borah in the United States Senate “is one guaranty that the Constitution cannot be lightly re- garded.” “If the unexpected should happen and President Roosevelt is re-elected, Senator Borah's presence in the Sen- ate takes a double importance,” Bot- tolfsen said in a press sta t. “Republicans who are gravely con- cerned about the New Deal’s appar- ent efforts to ignore and override the Consf should leave no stone titution g has consistently yielded, in a showdown, to the national idea, has some bearing on events at home. For it would appear that whatever leadership can most clearly incor- porate the na- tional ideal in & practical political m will con- trol, eventually, the policy of the country. cees One cannot fol- low the present campaign with- out the growing conviction that both major par- ties are mori- bund. The Demo- cratic party has yielded to the New Dealers, and thereby lost much of its leadership. The most effective spokes- men for the Republicans at this mo- ment are Democrats. And however trenchant the criticism leveled at the administration may be, the fact re- mains that the opposition is chiefly asking the American people to vote against something in a few days’ TBE history of the last years in Europe, in which the class idea Dorothy Thompson time, instead of for something. I| have doubted from the beginning | whether this tactic would succeed. But if it does, there is an apprehensign even among some of its supporters that it will establish only a “breathing space” for an economic boom which may be all too brief, after which the furies will be loose again. Nationalism Awakened in 1932. Actually, the psychological force which gave Mr, Roosevelt his first tre- mendous elan—which rolled up the votes for him in 1932 and sustained him so strongly for many months— was an awakened and conscious Amer- jcan nationalism, liberal in spirit, as traditional Americanism is. It re- sponded to his appeal for solidarity in the face of crisis; it listened eagerly to his comforting and confident words; it recognized his courage in pointing out serious national problems and de- linquencies; and it responded to his avowed decision to do something about | them. That recognition and desire are still present in the American people. But a certain measure of it has been alien- ated from the President. There was a time when the President had the people of the United States in his confidence. One no longer feels that. One does not know any longer exactly what the President is driving at, and he does not tell us. Also, confidence has been alienated | by methods. There has been a ten- dency to talk a great deal about supe- rior purposes and ends, but to be ex- tremely careless about any old means of achieving them. But many thought- ful people are quite sure that the means are more important, if pos- sible, than the end, and that the means, in the long run, always deter- mine the end. One cannot possibly believe that our social life is going to be purified by the political spoilsmen whom we saw assembled at the Democratic Conven- tion. And the fear of concentrated personal authority is very real indeed. Barrier Erected. A regime which began with an ap- peal to all honest Americans and & request for disinterested collaboration, has finally asked chiefly for trust and acceptance, rather than for under- standing. For one can only co-operate with what one understands, and no amount of propaganda can take the place of unanswered questions. On the other hand, the nature of some of the opposition to Mr. Roose- velt has won him support in unex- pected quarters. The virulent hatred of the President, often expressed in most reckless language, the lack of respect even for the high office he holds, the unbridled peddling of un- supported rumors, the personal gos- sip, publicly suppressed but whispered in drawing rooms, the hysterical com- plaints of impending ruin uttered by people who have never, throughout the depression, known a moment of Pphysical discomfort, alienate, and even frighten the truly conservative temper, which does not incline toward hys- teria and has an affinity for manners. It is, therefore, as a result of nu- merous factors, for not all of which the President is responsible, that Mr. Roosevelt's following has become more and more a class following. The New Deal threatens to become a class party. ‘The emergence after the elections of a Farmer-Labor party under trade union domination and with collec- tivist principles is predicted; under the aegis of the Government if Mr. Roosevelt is re-elected; in the opposi- tion, which will catch up most of the present New Deal sentiment, if he is not, Mass Creed to Fall. If that is the uncertain present and the possible future of the New Deal —and one must carefully qualify the probability—it ought to be primarily & cause of concern to Mr. Roosevelt, not to his opponents. If the President has given up his first attempt to con- solidate the national will, and come to rest instead upon class support, plus an army of political spoilsmen, then the New Deal also is ready to be buried, “Masses” is neither an American word nor an American idea. One can make this prediction with the simple confidence born of observing the in- variable defeat of such ideas in much more favorable soil during the last 20 years. In not a single country has a party or movement organized on the idea of class division won and maintained the political power. I do not except Russia, for the bolshevist revolution was a coup d'etat made by & handful of men. Political activity along the lines of the class struggle can create disorder; it can also, and often has, introduced measures for reform. Communists Change Froat. The Communists are so aware of this that having once abandoned the idea of revolution by violence and will and emotion, the public con- science and the American tradition. A start in that direction 'has been made in this campaign, but it is rather vague. If they do not do it the danger will exist that a class appeal will even- tually be answered by a crusade of Klu Klux nationalism more revolting to liberal conservatives than anything the New Deal has even contemplated and that such a program will be sup- ported by a terrified capitalism and by ruthless and ambitious men. There are dozens of inciplent Klu Klux movements in this country at present. Must Divorce Class Interest. SBuch an opposition must divorce it~ self, if it is to be successful, from specific class interests of its own. It will not be able to identify Ameri- canism with all the political and eco- nomic practices of the past two generations. It will be impossible to convince the American people that to the gold standard. It will have to liberty is somehow indissolubly linked Tecognize, openly and definitely, eco- nomic maladjustments that require carefully considered Government ac- tion, One can reject the idea of a “planned economy,” and reject it for sound intellectual reasons, based on a great body of human experience recorded in history. But one cannot thereby throw over the conception of social foresight, or believe that the only sub- stitute for planned economy under Government control is political action by rule of thumb, or that a program to embrace party principles and ac- tion, can be slapped together at the last moment, with no more philosophy dominating it than a shrewd ecalcula- | tion of its probable appeal to specific blocs of voters; or that one can avoid | meeting any national problem by throwing it to the States. In the economic field, the minimum that it can do is to affirm the need of compensatory action on the part«of Government to buffer the bumps that are an invariable accompaniment of any system of private enterprise. Must Remedy Decay in Politics. And certainly such an opposition must really mobilize to remedy the serious decay of the business of poli- tics, which has reached the point where from ward to Congress, political life is a haven for the venal and the incompetent, and which in such cities as Boston and Chicago has reached depths which baffie description. Without such opposition, men of intelligence and honesty will invari- ably drift toward a class party which |at least asserts & positive program while others, unable to accept a class program, remain aloof from political life altogether. That is happening now. A significant number of people find themselves with nowhere to go, politically, and although they are a minority, they are personalities of a type seriously needed. And between a party which offers most of its sup- porters, and one which demands most from them, they would choose, I think, the latter, (Copyright, 1936, We, the People New and Broader Types of Business Control—Not N. R. A.—May Come After November 3. BY JAY FRANKLIN, OV. LANDON'S insistence that the President “reveal his plans to revive N. R. A.” after his re-election may be a last-minute effort to find & weak spot in the New Deal campaign or it may reflect the desire of the Republican industrialists to return to the green pastures of price-fixing, control of factory production, prohibition of new plant machinery, and legalized combinations in restraint of trade. Gov. Landon himself, at the first Interstate Oil Compact Conference, st Ponca City, Okla., on December 3, 1934, held out for price-fixing and had a bitter argument with Gov. Alired of Texas over the latter’s refusal to agree to a price of between $2.50 and $3 a barrel (50-cent gas to you!). It is, however, possible to predict that, whatever F. D. R. may hope to accomplish in terms of national supervision of industry, a return to the general code authority idea, which made Washington “The City of Dreadful Haste” in the Summer of 1933, is out. As N. R. A. entered the Schech- ter chute leading to the judicial abattoir, the directors of our great emere gency mobilization of industry were already tangled up in their own hair, and, in the subsequent congressional autopsy, failed to inform Congress of what they had really discovered: That each industry had its own problems and its own peculiarities, which made the blanket method of control unworkable. Among other things, the point at which Government super- vision could be effective varied from industry to industry, and there were questions of concentrated wealth and ownership which were entirely beyond the wing-spread of the Blue Eagle but which were basic to any Government supervision in the public interest. * ® ¥ % Since then the reporting and analysis of N. R. A. has been badly bungled. There is a Division of Industrial Economics in the Commerce Department and & cabinet committee of Roper, Wallace and Perkins, but the key men of the N. R. A. have been lost and there are too many political hacks and industrial stool-pigeons among those left in the skeleton outfit, The unit is dutifully grinding out reports, brilliantly superficial. ‘There are, moreover, significant gaps in the material. There is no comprehensive study of the steel industry, and the cotton textile industry data is based on stuff supplied by the industry itself. The munitions industry and Hull's trade agreements have unearthed much important data, but it has never been combined with the egg shells in the old Blue Eagle's nest. After the election, the New Dealers must follow a different method from the old Johnsonian hullaballoo when business wrote its own ticket and used the Government to enforce its monopolistic decrees. Tailor-made legislation for sick industries like coal and oil may be justified by consid- erations of national emergency, but such general measures as are now on the books represent a clumsy and ineffective attempt to police business men. % % Instead of narrowly coercive measures, the New Deal will elab- orate broader “controls” for industry as a whole, under which “modified competition” will be substituted jor “monopoly” and “regimentation,” respectively. An industrial Jesse Owens will not be handicapped. but neither will he be permitted to run the 100- vard dash while his oppoments are compelled to emgage in an obstacle race. Some of these New Deal “controls” are already on the books and others are in the making. They can be enumerated as follows: 1. Fuller, information about business, including confirmation of the Government's right to fuller in- TUATS TAKEN formation in the public interest, CARE OF as well as integration of the in- formation already in possession of the various branches of the Gov- ernment—a sort of “industrial crop-reporting” which will enable it to deal realistically with the rep- & y, resentatives of American industry. | 2. Overhauling of the antiquated \\b.;q( patent laws with a view to break- -’ ing the most profitable single i source of industrial monopoly: patent pools and suppression of newly patented processes. 3. Use of the tariff as a measure of economic control, without illusions as to the various cartels and private international combinations which modify the classic picture of foreign trade. 4. Study of the various foreign government controls of industry, in order to determine whether any practices and policies developed elsewhere may effectively be applied in our political democracy in order to promote economic democracy. 5. Use of the present federal control of currency, credit and banking to prevent the monopolistic use of the money power to coerce or capture competing industries. If the Republicans really wish to know where the country will be headed, industrially, after November 3, it is here that they should look rather than in the direction of the old N. R. A. or the use of Government authority to protect and promote combinations in restraint of trade. (Copyright. 1936.) 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The British factories cannot cope with » the orders from the fighting de- partments. Mod« ern armies re- quire s0 many more mechanical things than in the past that it is practically im e possible to impro= vise armaments. And although new factories are being erected, the old ones expanded and men and women are draft- ed to speed up results are unsatis- Mr. Brown, production, the factory. The British government would like to keep out of trouble, if possible, but it knows it will be well nigh impos- sible. Following its traditional policy of the pre-war days, it is determined to throw its lot with the French. Blum is equally convinced of the advantages of Pranco-British co-operation, and on keeping out of war regardless of what treaty engagements the previous cabinets may have accepted. And while the British government is hoping for the best, it is fearing the ‘worst, * K K x A new Dover-Calais ferry service was inaugurated three weeks ago. ‘There are five ferry boats on the new service, which has been started less for the convenience of passengers than for military purposes. During the last war there have been serious and damaging delays on account of the landing operations between England and the French coast. In Paris and in London the gov- ernments are hoping that the King's matrimonial affairs will be soon set- tled without causing any internal troubles in Great Britain. King Edward is an astute diplomat; his Jast Summer’s trip to the Mediter+ ranean bagged for Great Britain more allies than all the efforts of Anthony Eden have produced during the last 18 months. But these new allies, the Greeks, Turks and Yugoslavs, are now worried. They don't know where they stand because of the possibility of some in- ternal trouble in Britain should the | King persist in his desire of marrying his friend, Mrs. Simpson. In normal times, even an eventual abdication of | the King would not have created in- ternational complications. In these troubled days, with all kinds of socfal trends existing in every country, in- cluding the British Empire, a change | on the throne might create a serious disturbance and play into the hands of the nations bent on changing the map of Europe and Asia. 'WORLD’S FIRST CARS WITH DUAL ECONOMY OF FRAM OIL CLEANER AND AUTOMATIC OVERDRIVE * NIW UNDERSLUNG REAR AXLES GIVE BIG ROOMY INTERIORS — drive! Their beautifully rounded one-piece hood tops lift up from the front! Their doors stay closed tightly even when shut only lightly! Take 2 new Studebaker out for a trial drive! See how its exclusive new dual range steering halves the turning effort of parking! 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