Evening Star Newspaper, December 28, 1921, Page 6

THE EVENING. STAR'; WASHINGTON, D. C., WEDNESDAY, DE COEMBER 28, 1921. THE EVENING STAR. ‘With Sunday Morning Edition. WASHINGTON, D. C. ‘WEDNESDAY.December 28, 1921 THEODORE W. NOYES. ...Editor N LN SV SRS The Evening Star Newspaper Company 'UIUNI Ofl;:. .fl&l and Pennsylvania Ave. iew Ohicago Office: First Buropean Office: 16 Regent St The Evening Star, with the Sunday morning edition, 1s delivered by carriers within the city r month; daily only, 45 cents per only, 20 cents per month. Or- ders mag be gent by mall, or telephone Maln 5000. ~Collection s made by carriers at «nd of each month. Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Maryland and Virginia. Daily and Sunday..1yr., $8.40; 1 mo., 70c Daily only. 1 $6.00: 1 mo., 50¢ Sunday only. . $2.40; 1 mo,, 20c All Other States. Daily and Sunday.1 vr. $10.00; 1 mo., 86 Daily only.. yr., $7.00; 1 mo., 60c Sunday only. $3.00; 1 mo., 25¢ 1yr., The Spirit of the People. The good people of Utah are alert and forehanded, as they should be. They are on the job. Noting the fact that the President is figuring on a trip which will take him across the con- tinent next summer, they have al- ready invited him to make a stop at Salt Lake City, and he has condition- ally accepted. If he goes, he stops. ‘The trip depends on Congress. If Con- gress adjourns early he will be able to leave Washington. ‘This will be copied by the good peo- Dple of the other states on the line of the President’s itinerary. He will re- celve other invitations to stop, and will, of course. accept them. He has abundant good nature, and responds readily to friendly advances. The President would not care for these manifestations of interest if he did not know that they are attributa- ble in part to the office he holds. It is the chief executive of the United States as well as the very agreeable man Harding the people have in mind. And maybe it would pay those agi- tators scurrying around from place to place abusing the country and its in- stitutions and decrying the men in authority to take notice of these dis- plays of hospitality. Interpreted in the right way, they are very instruc- tive. They show the respect and at- tachment the people feel for the coun- try and those they elect to conduct its affairs, and are a sort of warning to those who do not share that feeling. ‘This “‘signing up” of the President six months in advance is assurance that the true American spirit still holds and is in no danger of change or abatement. Abhorrent Roorbacks. Two roorbacks, manufactured in this country for foreign consumption, have already had grave consequences and threaten still others. One relates to a speech M. Briand made at a meeting of a committee of the armament conference, in which he is alleged to have offered an affront to Italy in the presence of the Italian representative on the committee. In- vestigation has shown that the French premier did nothing of the kind; that ‘what took place bore no such meaning as that given it in certain quarters abroad. And yet the yarn has caused violent anti-French feeling in Italy, and inspired outbursts causing fatali- ties. ‘The other roorback relates to the fa- ‘mous Sacco-Vanzetti case, and carries the charge that the condemned men are being steered to execution, not on the strength of testimony given in court as to their guilt, but because of views they entertain on questions of government. In other words, they are awaiting execution largely because of opinions held on matters widely dis- cussed in America. And this yarn has put in peril the life of the American ambassador to France, and caused demonstrations against the American ambassador to Italy. Even where roorbacks have no other aim or consequences than carrying an the | formation it desires. election they are reprehensible; but ‘where, a8 in these two cases, they cause bad blood between nations and promote disorder they are infamous, and their authors ought to be out. lawed. ————— ‘The Post Office Department retains the mail-early maxims on some of its wagons, thus keeping a year ahead of the times. ————————— It would be scarcely reasonable to expect a conference to settle all the problems of the world at a single sit- ting. f Memoirs and Disclosures. One of the most profitable forms of Tterary enterprise just at present is the writing of “memoirs” bearing upon the American participation in the war and the political circumstances attend- ing. Volumes of matter are being turned out by statesmen and near statesmen, by officials and ex-officials, by “lookers-on” at Versailles, at ‘Washington and elsewhere. But not altogether without protest. Objection bas been raised against the use of official material in this manner. A certain publication has been an- mounced for the near future dealing ‘with what are proclaimed as the secret minutes of the big four and the coun- cil of ten at Paris. Claim is now made that these are government documents which should not be commercialized end given to the world without offi- cial sanction; that, in fact, if it is proper to print these minutes they should be printed as public documents. ‘This matter is to be taken up in the forelgn affairs committee of the House, it is indicated, as soon as Congress reconvenes next week, for the purpose of ascertaining whether there is any present statute forbidding this sort of publication, or if a new law should be enacted. There is an old law which @Gefines as & felony the act of any off- ©er having the custody of & document, ecord or paper in the files of the gov- gprament who shall “fraudulently take sway or withdraw or destroy any such gecord, document, paper or proceeding, filed in his office or deposited with him or in his custody.” Apart from the immediate question of these “secret minutes,” obviously nothing can be done by law to stop from “reminiscing.” If they nteresting stories to tell they preventsd from talling them. 2 No matter what their official status | had known no greater musical pattern |, may be, or may have been, the public wants to know the “inside” of every big transaction and will pay to learn it. and it will pay the writers well to disclose it. There may have been in- stances in the past of bad taste in the revelation of official matters by ex- officials. Possibly there have been cases of undue precipitancy in getting into print, a disposition to hit the . | market while it is high, to make the most of the business side of revela- tion. But the public is not much con- cerned in the ethics of post-official disclosures, so long as it gets the in- Indeed, some- times the less proper the uncovering the more eager is the public and the higher is the price which it is willing to pay. Egyptian Nationalism. A nationalist movement has start- ed in Egypt, which is giving the Brit- ish government great difficulty. Riots have occurred in several places, with considerable loss of life. A general strike has been called and has to some extent been effected. Interference with the wire and rail communica- tions has occurred. Warships have been ordered to the scene and addi- tional troops have been sent. The latest development is a warning by the authorities at Cairo that if the military airplanes observe an assembly at Suez, where trouble is now brew- ing, they will drop first smoke bombs as a warning and, if the assembly does not then disperse, they will drop shells and fire machine guns. Nationalism has been prevalent in Egypt for a long time. It was a peren- nial source of trouble under the old dual administration of Turks and Brit- ish in which Egypt was subject to the suzerainty of Constantinople, which was in turn, as to Egypt, actually con- trolled by the British government. But a liberal administration gradually wore down the Egyptian independence movement, and at the time of the out- break of war in 1914 the country was more prosperous and stable than for a | long time past. With the war came trouble in Egypt. The entrance of Turkey stimulated the }Moslem popula- tion everywhere, and in Egypt par- ticularly. But there were no actual outbreaks of moment in Egypt, and England managed to avoid any serious | crisis there. The Egyptian nationalists entered their claims at Paris when the peace treaty was under discussion, and were greatly disappointed when the confer- ence turned a deaf ear to their plea for *self-determination.” Ever since then the independence spirit has been fomenting. But it remained for Ghandi in India to start the ball rolling. The Egyptians have now followed his ex- ample, hoping to take advantage of the distractions of the British to the eastward. They are, however, not at all prepared for a serious nationalist campaign. They have ne funds and no effective organization. There is no strong, unified naticnalist spirit throughout Egypt. Were it not for the religious question the situation would be very simple for the government at London. As it is, there is but little likelihood of a successful revolt against British rule in the delta un- less the tribesmen of upper Egypt move in concert with the malcontents of the north. There may be bloodshed and a costly interruption of industry and trade, but there is no present pros- pect of an overturn. ‘Watterson as a Washingtonian. To many of the elder “Washingto- nians, Henry Watterson, who died in Florida the other day, was a familiar and affectionately regarded friend. To them he was not merely the journelist of fame, or the political factor of force. Born in this city, he always regarded it with warm feelings. He was in- terested in it as Washington, his early home, and as the National Capital. He had seen its slow growth in the difficult days before the war. He had visited it many times dfter he went to Keutucky. During his congressional career he made it his official home. Afterward he was fond of returning, whenever occasion permitted, and when he came he rejoiced in converse with his old friends and with new ones who were proud to.make his ac- quaintance. It was miways gratifying to The Star that Col. Watterson re- garded this as his “home paper,” for which he had rendered the reportorial service which started him on his ca- reer as' a newspaper man. In his work at Louisville he was never alien- ated from this old association with the capital, and in his comments upon affairs, pitched in the vigorous key that became a tradition in newspaper and political circles, he wrote with understanding of the city and its meaning and its place in American affairs. In his death Washington loses one of whose success it has been proud, and in whose career it has been keenly and sympathetically interested. \ It will be a misfortune for literature it English novelists discover that con. vention reporting has cramped their style for fiction. % ‘The departure of sovietistic agita- tors for Russia should be encouraged. Nobody seems able to keep them quiet except Lenin. i The so-called ‘“vamp” is not par- ticularly dangerous untll she hires a legal adviser. i “The Messiah.” Production of Handel's great ora- torio, “The Messiah,” under auspices of the Washington Oratorio Society, was a feature of Christmas week. To those interested in the development of the arts among the people of Wash- ington it was one of the most hearten- ing of happenings, next to the celebra- tion of Christmas day itself. Despite financial difficulties the ora- torio has been presented here annusal- 1y for many years, making available to the people one of the greatest works of its kind in the whole world of music, if not, indeed, the very greatest oratorio of all. This peculiar form of art will never be “popular” in the sense that the latest “fox-trot” tune attracts its thousands. The gulf between the two is wide. But as long as the opportunity exists for people to hear “The Messiah™ it will draw each year into its charmed | mat: cirdle &-faw pf ihoss wha bitherto than the Jatest whistling favorite. Be- cause this annual presentation affords this educational opportunity it is something for which to be highly|] thankful, and all those who took part | in its presentation are to he congratu- lated. ‘Washington has never been able to support its own great symphony orchestra, such as other cities, popu- larly regarded as more addicted to mere material things than the Na- tional Capital, have enjoyed for many vears. The development and main- tenance of such an orchestra will come in time. In the meantime, we have our great oratorie. The Plea for More Schools. Representative Mondell's statement in favor of a liberal school legislation program greatly heartens those who are hoping for a definite advance at this session toward the clearing up of the arrears of physical school needs in Washington. For Mr. Mondell is in a position of substantial influence upon the course of legislation, and if he ‘is convinced of the necessity of a large capital investment in school building in this District & positive gain is made toward accomplishment. The joint committee now engaged in an inquiry into school needs has ac- quainted itself with the actual condi- tions by personal inspection. It has studied the matter in a broad way, and upon reassembling after the holi- days will take up detailed questions and work out a leglslative program. A close co-operation between this special committee and the appropriation com- mittees of the two houses is to be ex- pected. This matter of the school needs should be surveyed without any reference at all to the outcome of the legislation now partly completed whereby the fiscal relations between the District and the federal govern- ment are radically changed. Whatever Congress does with the District tax money. whatever ratio, if any, may be established for a division of capital municlpality costs, whatever arrange- ment may be made whereby the local needs are fully met, the schools should be put as rapidly as possible upon a basis of eSciency. The first step to that end is the provision of more buildings. School buildings cannot be erected quickly. It takes at least a year and a half from the completion of the appropriatizn legislation for the opening of the most speedily con- structed schoolhouse. This fact must be tzken into account in any program of construction, so that there may not be constant accumulations of needs unmet, adding to those already wait- ing settlement. ‘ Civilization may at least expect that war will be conducted by professional soldiers and not include the slaughter of non-combatants. ‘ As a woodcutter, ex-Kaiser Wilhelm has the benefit of a daily reminder of Never monkey the homely old maxim, with a buzz saw.” i Whatever doubts may be enter- tained as to Henry Ford's literary at- tainments, it is conceded that he is an expert in editing a wage scale. & The conference did not succeed in completely concentrating on so small a geographical point as the Island of Yap. Germany should perhaps be encour- aged in manufacturing toys for chil- dren instead of firearms for grown-ups. —————— SHOOTING STARS. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. ‘Winter. Let it blow! Let it snow! Who’s Who Atthe Arms Conference XXXIV—George Sutherland. EORGE SUTHERLAND, chair- man of the advisory com- mittee to the American dele- gation in the arms confer- ence, is recognized as one of the ablest legal advisers in the country. He served for twelve years in the United States Senate and was held by his colleagues as an autherity on both constitutional and international law. Since the election of President Harding it has been predicted that Senator Sutherland would be appoint- | ed to fill a vacancy on the supreme bench, when a vacancy should occur. He is a close personal friend of the President and was with him during much of his campaign for election. The advisory committee to the American delegation is a new wrinkle in the organization of delegations to international conferences of this character. The President gathered together leaders of American mili- tary, naval, technical, labor and pro- fessional circles to form this com- mittee, for the purpose of advising with the American delegates on such questions as the delegates might desire advice. Urder the leadership of Senator Sutherland the committee has made a number of important re- ports to the delegation. Senator_Sutherland was born in 1862 in Buckinghamshire, England. He has been a lawyer all of his adult life. In fact, he had the unusual ex- perience of being admitted to the bar of the Supreme Court in Michigan a few weeks before he became twenty- one years of age, having passed the bar ‘examinations successfully. He, studied law in his father’'s office and also at the law school of Michigan University. He returned almost im- mediately to Utah and there hung out his shingle. It was not long before practice began to come to him and: his was one of the best known and most successful legal firms in the state, when he was elected to the| Senate in 1904. He served one term | in the House, 1901-1903, but refused renomination. At present he is pr. ticing law in the tional Capital, though he still retains an office in Salt Lake City. He was president of the American Bar Association in 1916-17. During his twelve years in the Sen- ate, Senator Sutherland took an ac- tive part in important legislation. He | was a member of the judiciary com- mittee and also of the committee on foreign relations and gave his atten- tion particularly to the matters that came before those committees for con- sideration. He is a republican and has always been a strong party man. EDITORIAL DIGEST Lynch Law and States’ Rights. Legislation to make lynching a crime punishable by the federal courts faces a stormy voyage through Congress. Sectional feeling has de- veloped in the debates on the Dyer anti-lynching bill in the House, which, reflected in the southern press, deepens to intense bitterness. The south accuses the northern republi- cans of a deliberate attempt to stir up sectional and racial antagonisms for partisan reason, by means of a meas- ure, which, southern writers hold, will be utterly incapable of controll- ing lynching, and which, as the Louisville Courier Journal (demo- cratic) puts it, surpasses “all previous, attacks on states’ rights.” The north in reply charges that southern opin- fon is raising a smoke screen of “states’ rights” behind which to hide the obvious inability of State au- thority to stop mcb violence, and of advancing a line of argument “the inescapable logic of which,” the Springfield Republican (independent) declares, “is a defense of lynching it- self.” : The Baltimore Sun (independent democratic) is not convinced that the present approach to_the question is not a partisan one. The Dyer bill, it says, “is an effort to redeem the promise made in the republican plat- form last year. It is a party measure, and the republican platform plank was Intended to keep the negro vote in line. It will be considered by many persons as a new republican crusade against the white people of the south and as a partial revival of the spirit Till each finger and each toe of the recons!rucqgn e{a.” e The Sun has evidently gau - Teclathe Sirllliot bl curately the temper in which the pro- As the winds more cruel grow. posal is regarded in the south. 1In- A little fire will warm me, deed, the ,Lyncltl‘l;:;trglh &‘e’iv\l'ls a‘(gsvrgg- ratic) declares e e ‘Where the home is bright with cheer fy can)tempmm a’revival of purpose And foretell that skies now stormy and the expression of policy whicl Will one day be blue and clear. Were thoroughly characteristic of re- construction {eg‘s]t;[eh:!f?lac;:dr in the following vil war. Let it snow! Let it blow! years Lol pires, the same per- ‘Work can conquer every woe son in the wood pile exp})a,xvna_ The i £ the bill are, brief Seve the thousht that ls frsught | piovisan L teatrai Sourls the Wit (ngrstitide eo low. s of all persons accused of lynch- Speech hesitates and chatters ine. Removal from office and punish- . t for felony of all state and | A hunty officers who fail to make every But the only cold that matters Seasonable effort to prevent lynch-| Is the kind that grips the heart. ings. Levy of $10,000 fine against a; Clarifl county I e hIet, Samily of" vietim: lace, payable to fami % eation’ D aCsbie lite Imprisonment for per- “Did you make your ideas perfectly | sons con}:’icted of llxlefl;‘:gd me{!;'l;ecr:!‘ nogx e, b that accomplished a . cltas to your endiiorst 225 a piece of drastic lawmaking It 1 dia,” rejoined Senator Sor-{inis bill is a model” is the comment ghum, thoughtfully, “I hope some of ?fl the ‘fi!ns)tqps-ts‘atl:cr:u% Sg;g:w;l . emocratic). em will take the trouble to @rop|,,"ypqerstand, cannot be depended around and explain ‘em to me.” upon to deal harshly with lynchers. p S o ity eymmbathize with the mob . | are too apt to athize Jud Tunkine says the most incom- |30, fiing, geclares the Norfolk Vir- undertake to be a boss. So Soon! January, February, March an’ April gay— Instid of throwin' snowballs ‘We'll be makin’ a bouquet. . Tactful. “Why did he not eccompany you to the theater, instead of sending tickets for yourself and mother?” “It was not the kind of show,” an- swered Miss Cayenne, “which would permit a gentleman to feel at ease in the presence of ladies.” “So long as dar’s cheatin’ in a crap ame,” said Uncle Eben, “it's gineter @ hard to put e complete stop to ghtin’.” Wasting Energy in Propaganda. It is no longer a question whether Austria can survive by herself or ‘whether a union with Germany is of imperative necessity. That is and will remain as a sort of blackmalil in the hands of the Austro-Germans to frighten the entente, but particularly France, Wwhenever concessions are looked for by Austria. But it is an un- deniable fact that Austria can survive 2nd even prosper if the energy wast- ed in efforts to offset the results of the treaty of St. Germain were util- ized in improvements of domestic conditions instead of a futile, puerile propaganda in countries which cannot change an jota of the fact that the disintegration of Austria-Hungary is permanent, and that consolidation must come from within and not from without.—Narodny Noviny (Czecho- slovak, independent), Pittsburgh, Pa. According to an article in Harper's Bagaar, arranging the coiffure to own s & popular custom. This probably accounts for bobbed ewark News, petent hired man is elways the oneginjan-Pilot (independent democratic), who is most anxious to quit work and not a more proper subject for fed- era] Interference than is murder,” and for the national government to as- sume jurisdiction “would mean noth- ing other than an invasion of the po- lice rights of the state,” the Augusta Chronicle (democratic) asserts. In- deed, the bill “is so clearly unconsti- tutional” that the Baltimore Sun (in- dependent democratic) finds it “diffi- cult to believe in the sincerity of those who advocate it,” and both the New York World (democratic) and the Nashville Banner (independent) speak of it as “something of a lynching proc- ess in itself,” with the Constitution as its victim. But however firm may be one's belief in states’ rights, the Knoxville Jour- nal and Tribune (republican) declares that lynching is not one of them, and “if the state fails or refuses to punish lynchers, it is up to the fed- eral government to take action.” Such a step would never have been taken, the Savannah (Ga.) News (demo- cratic) concedes, if some of the states had done “more about the problem than they have done,” and if the bill is enacted it will be because “the na- tional government is expected, by popular consent, to be more thorough in its af upon violators of its laws than the states are upon violators or their laws’”’ That theory, however, in the opinion of the Richmond News Leader (independent democratic), can be dis- counted in view of the failure of the “strong arm of the federal govern- ment” to carry a burdon in the en- forcement of prohibition “of a charac- that borne daily by regular po- lice.” “Put any such laws as thi the statute books of the south,” the News Leader continues, “and the thought of many a rural community will be, ‘If Uncle Sam thinks he can a lynching let him try it, we on prevel n’ It is just such argument as this, however, that leads the Detroit Free Press (independent) to suggest that it “sounds unpleasantly like a threat that in case Congress passes the bill people of the south with take especial pains to nullify it. The very words of the opponents indicate that the people of those localities may not be ded about bet- depent upon to any terment of the disgraceful situations® ! countenance it or take part in it.” | and GEORGE SUTHERLAND. In the Senate he was very popular, and had the respect and confidence of the progressive element of the repub- lican party, as well as that of the conservatives. Among the important pieces of work he accomplished while in the Senate was the codification of the judicial code and the criminal code”of the United States. He was particularly interested in framing a federal workmen's compensation act, and largely under his guidance a bill of this character was drafted and passed by the Senate and the House. It failed to become a law, owing to the opposition of several senators in the short session before the Wil son administration came into power. After that the control of the Senate passed into democratic hands. Senator Sutherland has the faculty of thnking clearly and expressing himself with equal clearness. His speeches in the Senate were always | given attention by his fellow sen- He grasps quickly the essen- of any proposition laid before him. He is tall, dark, hair and beard now turning gray. He is dignified, kindly and not at all inclined to thrust himself into the spotlight. In fact, he avoids publicity rather than courts it, which cannot be said of many men in public life. Maintaining that the power of federal government to do so “is pretty clear- Iy established,” the New York Trib- une (republican) considers it ‘“only common sense for Congress to take a hand in making lynching more haz- ardous and expensive for those who Small Nations’ Struggle for Inde- pendence. It took the Irish 700 years before they acquired liberty. The Czecho- slovaks also suffered subjection for many centuries, the Czechs 300 years the Slovaks as much as 1,000 years. The Balkan nations also fought *to liberty through centuries of struggling. And likewise a num- ber of nations could be indicated who today are enjoying liberty and in- dependence. From time immemorial this struggle of the oppressed has been carried on against oppressors. All of history is interwoven with struggles for the right to exist; the struggle for liberty, in this or that form. From this it is only evident that subjection existed from time im- memorial. And thus we come to the conclusion that there always were good people and bad people, that the struggle between the good and bad is dragging on through entire his- tory of humanity and will be car- ried on to eternity regardless of all peace conferences and all efforts of society. Progress and civilization will perhaps change its form and methods somewhat, but the fact will remain that people will never be alike, because they cannot be, even if their asserted “equality” before “God and law” be emphasized to the utmost. And rights and liberty will be acquired only by those who can struggle for and defend them.—New Yorske Listy (Czechoslovak, repub- lican) New York city. The Washington Conference. ‘Without the co-operation of Amer- ica the world will fall in ruins. But America could not—perhaps it did not want to—save the world before creating conditions which may elim- inate every danger of war in that sphere in which she is most inter- ested—the far east. After elimina- tion of this danger, from the four- power pact, America can now ap- proach Europe for the purpose of putting in order her financial prob- lems. It would be no surprise if, after the successful ending of this conference, another conference would be convoked for the limitation of land armaments and the settlement of the urgent questions under which Europe is_harassed and which are the cause of the tremendous deadlock in the whole trade world. America and England are free to take into their hands the reins of the world. . . . England has hurried to settle the Irish question so there may be no difficulties between her and America when they both start business in Europe.—Hrvatski Glis- nik (Jugoslav, independent), Chicago. National Vanity. ‘That psychologists do not lay enough emphasis upon instinctive vanity in their analysis of human behavior is the contention of A. Clutton-Brock. He considers the quality of egotism especially in reference to its mani- festation of national pride, or “pooled self-esteem,” as he calls it. He claims i that we hate personal vanity in others and even despise it in ourselves, but its attempted suppression results in its appearance in a modified form, namely, in a sense of national su- periority. It is held that the danger lies in the feeling of superiority. If national self-esteem manifested -itself in love and service to fellow countrymen it would be true patriotism, but it is more apt to appear as hatred of other peoples. Germany is cited as the ex- ample of a people whose personal van- ity was constantly wounded by mili- tary caste, and whose self-esteem, pooled, became a world menace. A plea is made for a greater reali- zation of the sins of vanity, even when nationally expressed. Such under- standing is held to pe the best guar- antee of peace. True, as far as it goes. Moreover, pride gets away from God. And there can be no enduring peace without the recognition of God and the spiritual attribute that attaches to humility. The trouble with states- men and diplomats is that they ignore this fact. They forget that man is a pigmy posing as & giant—St. Joseph News-Press (independent). It is to be noted that brainstorms mnever affect the aim.—Norfolk (Neb.) News. . The conference keeps getting upset, and then the upsets get upset.—Bos- ton Transcript. Getting the family a car makes the Christmas spirit and expense last through the year.—Hartford Times. There does not seem to be any diffi- culty about the recognition of the soviet in the Wall strest domh case— Omaha Werld-Heralds By placing a beautiful day bed— like this—in your living room. 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