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THE EVENING STAR, MONDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1897-18 PAGES. WASH.B. wiLLIAMs; |THE MESSAGE Furniture, &e., 7th and D Sts. Wind-up Sale of Carpet and Rug remnants (Continu plan to prot: bond issues for repeated redemptions. We must either curtail the opportunity for speculation, made y by the multiplied redemptions of our demand obligations, or inerease the sold reserve for th tion. We have $90,000,000 of currency which the Government by solemn enact- ment has undertaken to keep at par with gold. Nobody is obliged to redeein in gold but the Government. The banks are not required to redeem in gold. The Govern- ment is obliged to keep equal with gold all its outstanding currency and coin obli- gations, while its receipts are not ~equired to be paid in gold. They are paid in every kind of money but geld, and the only means by which the Government can with cer- tainty get gcld is by borrowing. It can get it in no other way when it most needs it. The Government without any fixed goid revenue is pledged to maintain gold re- demption, which it has steadily and faith- fully done and which under the authority now given it will continue to do. The law which requires the Government after ving redeemed its United States notes to pay them out again as current furds demends a constant replenishment of the gold reserve. Tris is especially so in times of business panic and when the revenues are insufficient to meet the expenses of the Government. At such times the Government has no other way to supply its deficit and maintain redemp- tion but through the increase of its bonded t, as during the Administration of my «decessor when $2 5,400 of four-and-a- t. bonds were ‘d and sold roceeds used to pay the expenses Government in excess of the rev- in the gold reserve. Whi! true that the greater part of the pro- i d to supply considerable portion atain the gold reserv. equal te our expen no deficit requiring the i of bonds. But if the gold reserve falls below $100,000,000, how will it be r except by selling more bond: ny other way practicable under jous question then ue the poli that s in the past; that is, when gold reserve ches the point of darger, issue more bonds and supply the necded goid, or ll we provide other means to prevert these recurring drains upen the gold reserve? If no further leg- isiation is had and the policy of selling bends is to be continued, then Congress Jnst the thing for halls, smal! rooms and for making rugs. Short ends of Handsome Tapestry Brussela, { to 20-yd. pieces, at— 40c. and 50c. yd. mple pieces of all kinds of Carpets, and th cf the be pursued one knows, you can Money back if dissatisfied. Gar- ments kept in repair one year free aneeee give the a y a the Treasury c Tet. bs authority to sell bonds at long or short = charge. Write for _sample and pericds, be ing a 's rate of interest than self-measurement guide. Open | etrow authorized bylaws evenings till g o'clock. Six Little Tailors, His Recommendations. I earnestly recommend as soon as the receipts of the Government are quite sufil- cient to pay all the expenses of the Gov- ernment, that when of the United States notes are presented for redemption in gold and Teleemed in gold, such ed set apart, and only e for gold. This is an obvious du If the holder of the O04] Pa. Ave. N. Ww. Urited States note prefers the gold and fa Fan gets it from the Government, he should not —= k from the Government a United gold in ex- on for this is made ment n interest-bearing debt to i han ption of L provide gold for the nited globe stes note nor -bearing debt. 2 y it should not pay them out again ept on i and for gold. If they put out in any ot v they may gain to be followed by bond to “emt este oa SCE. it is of the utmost import- hs t the Government should be eved from the burde: ree of providing all the i Ss dd export. lity is alone borne by: the Gcvernment without any of the usual and necessary banking powers to help itself. The banks do not feel the strain of gold redemption. The whole strain rests upon the Government and the size of the gold reserve in the Treasury has come to be, What Do You Think of 83,000 ‘CRESCENTS’ November 1 in 12.000 t shows ds and being seld up t r than how well “€ seld in Th escents’” hold old make now ones. Once a “Crescent” rider— always a “C: * rider. with or without reason, the signal of dan- £7 Samples WS models will soon securi y : here. A $75 "9S CHAINL “Crescent” | eT or of security. This ought to be << pong them. stcpped. If we are to have an era of prosperity in the country, with sufficient receipts for the expenses of the Government, we may feel no immediate embarrassment from our present currency; but the danger still exists and will be ever present meracing us so long as the existing system continues. And besides it is in times of adequate revenues and business tranquillity that the Goy- eriment should prepare for the worst. We can not avoid without serious consequences the wise consideration and prompt solution of this question. The Secretary of tne Treasury has out- lied a plan in great detail, for the Purpose a of removing the threatened recurrence of a depleted gold reserve and save us from future embarrassment on that account. To this plan I invite your careful considera- tion. i concur with the Secretary of the Treas- ury in his resommendation that National banks be allowed to issue notes to the face value the bonds which they have depos- ited for circulation, anc that the tax on circulating notes secured by deposit of such bonds be reduced to one-half of one per cent per annem. I also join hira in recommending that authority be given for the establishment of National banks with a minimum capital of $25,000. This will enable the smaller villages and agricultural regions of the country to be supplied with currency to meet their needs. Western Wheel Works, Wash. Branch, s.e. cor. 9th and H sts. now. H_S. JONES, Jr., Mgr. det-28d The test of a good tailor is his way of making a Dress Suit. We have a reputation for turning out these suits as handsome as they can be made. $45 our prices start at, and thorough satisfaction is guaranteed. Hh. eee Tailor—1419 New York Ave. 2-12 a. MERI ENEDIED) DIET PIED BI OIE see bank notes be restricted to the deromina- tion of ien dollers and upward. If the sug- gestions I have herein made shall have the approval of Congress, then I would recom- mend that National banks be required to redeem their netes in gold. THE CUBAN QUESTION. The most important problem with which this government is now called upon to deal pertaining to its foreign relations concerns its duty toward Spain and the Cuban in- surrection. Problems and conditions more or less in common with those now existing have confronted this government at va- rious times in the past. The story of Cuba for many years has been one of unrest; growing discontent; an effort toward a larger enjoyment of liberty and self-con- trol; of organized resistance to the mother country; of depression after distress and warfare and of ineffectual settlement to be followed by renewed revolt. For no endur- ing period since the enfranchisement of the continental possessions of Spain in the Western continent has the condition of Cuba or the policy of Spain toward Cuba not caused concern to the United States. The prospect frem time to time that the weakness of Spain’s hold upon the Island and the political vicissitudes and embar- rassment of the home government might lead to the transfer of Cuba to a continen- tal power called forth, between 1823 and 1860, various emphatic declarations of the policy of the United States to permit no disturbance of Cuba's connection with Spain unless in the direction of indepen- feet in the latest style and save you money. Our shoes are always just as represented. Our reputa- tion is back of every pair of shoes we make. Fair dealing is as vital to our interest as it is to yours. ‘This is the pictureof The Gem, one of ourmost popular makesforwinter' wear. It is madoof best Calf, lined with similar leather of lighter weight. Lizh:, medium and heavy oak leather soles—broad, i 1 j i | ieiseee Be We dress your & W. L. DOUGLAS, Manufacturer and Retailer of Fine Shoes in the World. BROCKTON, MASS. ; No. 1105 Penna. Ave. N.W. ELERY — derce or acquisition by us through pur- AINE’S. }UMPOUND. WELL chase; ncr has there been any change of this declared policy since upon the part of the government. ‘The revolution which began in 1868 lasted ek Trusses for'ten years, despite the strenuous efforts cen inal Supporters, Elastic | of the successive peninsular government . NEW WASH: ON SURGICAL ts INSTRUMENT HOUSE” fies st. Bw. apl5-tt | to suppress it. Then as now -the Govern- I recommend that the issue of National, ment of the United States testified its grave concern and offered its aid to put an end to bloodshed in Cuba. The overtures made by General Grant were refused and the war dragged on, entailing great loss of life and treasure and increased injury to American interests besides throwing en- hanced burdens of neutrality upon this Government. In 1878 peace was brought about by the Truce of Zanjon, obtained by negotiations between the Spanish Comman- der, Martinez de Campos, and the insur- gent leaders. The present insurrection broke out in February, 1895. It is not my purpose at this time to recall its remarkable increase ar to characterize its tenacious resistance against the enormous forces massed against it by Spain. The revolt and the efforts to subdue it carried destruction to every quar- ter of the Island, developing wide propor- tions and defying the efforts of Spain for its suppression. The civilized code of war has been disregarded, no less so by the Spaniards than by the Cubans. The existing conditions cannot but fill this Government and the American people with the gravest apprehension. There is no desire on the part of our people to profit by the misfortunes of Spain. We have only the desire to see the Cubans prosper- ous and contented, enjoying that measure of self-control which is the inalienable right of man, protected in their right to reap the benefit of the exhaustless treas- ures of their country. The offer made by my predecessor in April, 1806, tendering the friendly offices of this Government failed. Any mediation on our pert was not accepted. In brief, the answer read: “There Is no effectual way to pacify Cuba unless it begins with the act- ual submission of the rebels to the mother countr, Then only could Spain act in the promised direction, of her own motion ard after ner own plans. Cruel Policy of Concentration. The cruel policy of concentration initiated Febrvary 16, 1896. The productive districts controlled by the Spanish armies were depopulated. The agricultural in- habitants were herded in and about the garrison towns, their lands laid waste and their dwellings destroyed. This policy the late Cabinet of in justified as a nec sary measure of war and as a means of cutting off supplies from the insurgents. It has uttet failed as a war me: ure. was not civilized warfare. It was extermi- nation. Against this abuse of the rights of war I have felt constrained on repeated occa- sions to enter the firm and earnest protest of this Government. There was much of public condemnation of the treatment of American citizens by alleged illegal arrests and long imprisonment awaiting trial or pending protracted judicial proceedings. I felt it my first duty to make instant de- mand for the release or speedy trial of all American citizens under arrest. Before the change of the Spanish Cabinet in October last twenty-two prisoners, citizens of the United States, had been given their free- dom. For the relief of our own citizens suffer- ing becavse of the conflict the aid of Con- gress was sought in a special message, and under the appropriation of April 4, 1897, effective aid has been given to American citizens in Cuba, many of them at their own request having been returned to the United State: The instructions given to our new Minis- ter to Spain before his departure for his post directed him to impress upon that Government the sincere wish of the United States to lend its aid toward the ending of the war in Cuba by reaching a peaceful and lasting result, just and honorable alike vain and to the Cuban people. These instructions recited the character and dura- tion of the contest, the widespread losses it entails, the burdens and restraints it im- poses upon us, with constant disturbance of National inter and the injury resulting from an indefinite continuanc: sti of things. It w. that at this junc- ture our gove ained to viously s not ripe moved by nment inquire if the time when Spain of her own volitio: her own interests and every sentiment of was const humanity, should put a stop to this de- structive war and make proposals of set- Uement honorable to herself and just to her Cuban cojony. It was urged that as a neighboring nation, with large interests in Cuba, we could be required to wait only a reasonable time for the mother country to establish its authority and restore peace and order within the borders of the Island; that we could not contemplate an indefinite period for the accomplishment of this re- sult. No solution was proposed to which the slightest idea of humiliation to Spain could attach, and indeed precise proposals were withheld to avoid embarrassment to that Government. All that was asked or ex- pected was that some safe way might be speedily provided and permanent peace re- stored. It so chanced that the considera- tion of this offer, addressed to the same Spanish Administration which had declined the tenders of my predecessor and which for more than two years had poured men and treasure tnto Cuba in the fruitless effort to suppress the revolt, fell to others. Between the departure of General Wood- ford, the new Envoy, and his arrival in Spain the statesman who had shaped the policy of his country fell by the hand of an assassin, and although the Cabinet of the late Premier still held office and received from our Envoy the proposals he bore, that Cabinet gave place within a few da: thereafter to a new Administration, under the leadership of Sagasta. Spain’s Latest Promise. The reply to our note was received on the 23d day of October. It is in the direc- tion of a better understanding. It ap- preciates the friendly purposes of this gov- ernment. It admits that our country is deeply affected by the war in Cuba and that its desires for peace are just. It de- clares that the present Spanish govern- ment is bound by every consideration to a change of policy that should satisfy the United States and pacify Cuba within a reasonable time. To this end Spain has decided to put into effect the political re- forms heretofore advocated by the present premier, without halting for any consider- ation in the path which in its judgment ieads to peace. The military operations, it is said, will continue, but will be humane and conducted with all regard for private rights, being accompanied by political ac- tion leading to the autonomy of Cuba, while guarding Spanish sovereignty. This, it 1s claimed, will result in investing Cuba with a distinct personality; the Island to be governed by an executive and by a lecai council or chamber, reserving to Spain the control of the foreign relations, the army and navy and the judicial ad- ministration. To accomplish this the pres- ent government prcposes to modify existing legislation by decree, leaving the Spanish Certes, with the aid of Cuban senators and deputies, to solve the economic prob- lem and properly -distribute the existing debt. In the absence of a declaration of the measures that this government proposes to take in carrying out its proffer of good offices it suggests that Spain be left free to conduct military operations and grant political reforms, while the United States for its pari shall enforce its neutral obli- gations and cut off the assistance which it is asserted the insurgents reeeive from this country. The supposition of an in- definite prolongation of the war is denied. It is asserted that the western provinces sre already well-nigh reclaimed; that the planting of cane and tobacco therein has deen resumed, and that by force of arms and new and ample reforms very early and compiete pacification fs hoped for. The immediate amelioration of existing conditions under the new administration of Cuben affairs is predicted, and therewithal Ite the disturbance nd @il occasion for any change of attitu@e onthe part of the United States. iscusgion of the question of the internatignal duties and responsi- bilities of the United States as Spain under- stands them is presented, with an apparent disposition to charge us with failure in this regard. This charge is without any basis in fact. It could not have been made if Spain had been cognizant of the con- stant efforts this*govefnment has made at the cost of milliogs ané by the employment of the administrative machinery of the ration at command to perform its full duty according to the law of nations. That it bas successfully prevented the departure of a single military expedition or armed vessel from our shores in violation of our laws would seem to be a sufficient answer. But of this aspect of the Spanish note it is not necessary to speak further now. Firm in the conviction of a wholly performed ob- ligation, due response to this charge has been made in diplomatic course. Throughout all these horrors and dangers to our own peace this government has never in any way abrogated its sovereign prerogative of reserving to itself the de- termination of its policy and course ac- cording to its own high sense of right and in consonance with the dearest interests and convictions of our own people should the prolongation of the strife so demand. Of the untried measures there remain only; Recognition of the insurgents as beilhgerents; recognition of the independ- ence of Cuba; neutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the contestants, and intervention in favor of one cr the cther party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that can not be thought of. That by our code of morality would be criminal aggression. On the Recognition of Belligerency. Recognition of the belligerency of, the Cu- ban insurgents has often been canvasse: as a possible if not inevitable step both in regard to the previous ten years’ struggle and during the present war. I am not un- mindful that the two Houses of Congress in the spring of 1896 expressed the opinion t concurrent resolution that a condition of public war existed requiring or justifying the recognition of a state of belligerency in Cuba, and during the extra session the Senate voted a joint resolution of like im- port, which however was not brought to a vote in the House of Representatives. In the presence of these significant expres- sions of the sentiment of the Legislative branch it behooves the Executive to soberly consider the conditions under which so im- portent a measure must needs rest for jus- tification. It is to be seriously considered whether the Cuban insurrection possess beyond dispute the atiributes of Statehood which alone can demand the recognition of belligerency in its favor. Possession, in short, of the essential sovereignty by the insurgents and the con- duct of the war by them according to the received code of war are no less important factors toward the determination of the problem of belligerency than are the influ- ences and consequences of the struggle upon the internal polity of the recognizing State. The wise utterances of President Grant in his memorable message of December 7, 1875, are signally relevant to the present tuation in Cubavand it may be wholesome now to recall them. At that time a ruinous conflict had for seven years wasted the neighboring Island. During all those years utter disregard of the laws of civilized warfare and of the just demands of hu- manity, which called forth expressions condemnation from the nations of Christen dem, continued unabated. Desolation and ruin pervaded that productive region, enor- mously affecting the commerce of all com- mercial nations, but that of the United States more than any other 1 son of proximity and larger trade and intercours At that juncture General Grant ut oris, which now #s then sum up s of the problem: ognition of the independence of Cuba being, in my opinion, impracticable, and indefensible, the question which next presents itself is that of the recognition of belligerent rights in the parties to the contest. In a former message to Congr I had occasion to consider this question, and reached the conclusion that the conflict in Cuba, dreadful and devastating as were its incidents, did not rise to the fearful dig- nity of war. * * * It is possible that the acts of foreign powers, and even acts of Spain herself, of this very nature, might be pointed to In defense of such recognition. But now, as in its past history, the United States should carefully avoid the false lights which might lead it into the mazes of doubtful law and of questionable propriety, and adhere rigidly and sternly to the rule, which has been its guide, of doing only that which is right and honest and of good re- port. The question of according or of with- holding rights of belligerency must be judged in every case, in view of the par- ticular attending facts. Unless justified by necessity, it is always, and justly, regarded as an unfriendly act and a gratuitous demonstration of moral support to the re- bellion. It is necessary, and it is required, when the interests and rights of another government or of its people are so far af- fected by a pending civil conflict as to re- quire a definition of its relations to the parties thereto. But this conflict must be one which will be recognized in the sense of international law as war. “Belligerence, too, is a fact. The mere existence of contending armed bodies, and their occasional conflicts, do not constitute war in the sense referred to. Applying to the existing condition of affairs in Cuba the tests recognized by publicists and writ- ers on international law, and which have been observed by nations of dignity, hon- esty and power, when free from sensitive or selfish and unworthy motives, I fail to find in the insurrection the existence of such a@ substantial political organization, real, palpable and manifest to the world, having the forms and capable of the ordi- nary functions of government toward its own people and to other states, with courts for the administration of justice, with a local habitation, possessing such organiza- tion of force, such material, such occupa- tion of territory as to take the contest out of the category of a mere rebellious insur- rection, or occasional skirmishes, and place it on the terrible footing of war, to which a recognition of belligerency would aim to elevate it. “The contest, moreover, is solely on land; the insurrection has not possessed itself of @ single seaport whence it may send forth its flag, nor has it any means of communi- cation with foreign powers except through the military lines of its adversaries. No apprehension of any of those sudden and difficult complications which a war upon the ocean is apt to precipitate upon the vessels, both commercial and national, and upon the consular officers of other powers, calls for the definition of their relations to the parties to fhe contest. Considered as a question etifepediensy, I regard the accordance of rent rights still to be 48 unwise and premature, as I regard it to be, at present, Gndefansible as a “=neasure of right. “Such recognition entails upon the coun- try according the rights which flow from it difficult and complicated duties, and re- quires the exaction from the contending parties cf the strict observance of their rights and obligations. It confers che right of search upon the high seas by vessels of both parties; it would subject the carrying of arms and munitions of war, which now may be transported freely and without in- terruption, in vessels of the United States, to detention’ and. to possible seizur2; it would give rise to countless. yeratious questions, would release the parent govern- ment from responsibility for acts done by the i#urgents,-and would invest Spain with the right. to exercise the: supervision recognized by cur treaty of 1785 over our re these qualifications of | commerce on the hizh seas, a very large part of which, in its traffic between the Atlantic and the Gulf States, and between all of them and the States on the Pacific, passes through the waters which wash the shores of Cuba. The exercise of this super- vision could scarce fail to lead, if net to abuses, certainly to collisions perilous to the peaceful relations of the two States. There can be little doubt as to what result such supervision would before long draw this nation. It would be unworthy of the United States to inaugurate the possibilities of such result, by measures of questionable right or expediency, or py any indirection.” Turning to the practical aspects of a recognition of belligerency and reviewing its Incenventences and positive dangers, still further pertinent considerations ap- pear. In the code of nations there is no such tring as a naked recognition of bel- ligerency unaccompunied by the assumptior of international: neutrality. Such recog- nition without more will not confer upon either party to a domestic conflict a status not therefore actually possessed or affect the relution of either party to other States. The act of recognition usually takes the form of a solemn proclamation of neutrai- ity which recites the de facto condition cf belligerency as its motive. It announces a domestic law of neutrality In the deciar- ing State. It assumes the international obligations of a neutral in the presence of a public state of war. It warns all citizens and others within the jurisdiction of the proclaimant that they violate those rigorous obligations at their own peril and can not expect to be shielde] irom the sequences. The right of visit and search on the seas ani seizur> of vessels and cargoés and contravand of war and good prize under admiralty law must under in- ternational law be 3 imate consequence of umiation Cf ixlliser- ency. While ace g the equdl belliger- ent rights defined pubiie law to each party in our ports disfavors would be im- posed on both, which while nominally ¢ puld weigh heavily in pehalf of Spain herseif. Possessing a navy and controil the ports of her maritim? tig could be asserted not only for the military investment of the Island but up to the mar- gin of our own territorial waters, and d cenditicn ef things would exist for which the Cubans within their own Jomain could not hope to cr: creation through possible than n¢ h the additional obligations of international neutrality we would perfor ume. The enforcemerit of this enlarged and on- erous code of neutrality would only be in- fluential within our own jurisdiction by land and sea and applicable by our own instru- mentalities. It could impart to the United States no jurisdiction between Spain and the insurgents. It would give the United States no right of intervention to enforce the conduct of the strife within the para- mount authority of Spain according to the international code of war. For these reasons I regard the recogni- tion of the belligerency of the Cuban in- surgents as now unwise and therefore in- admissible. Should that step hereafter be deemed wise as a measure of right and duty the Executive will take it. Intervention on Grounds. Humanitarian Intervention upon humanitarian grounds has been frequently suggested and has not failed to receive my and earnest consideration. But should such a step be now taken when it is apparent that most anxious a hopeful change has supervened in the policy of Spain toward Cuba? A new gov- ernment has taken office in the mother couniry. It is pledged in advance to tt declaration that all the effort in the world can not suffice to maintain peace in Cuba by the bayonet; that vague promises of ri form after subjugation afford no solutio: of the iy r sub: tution of commanders must come a change of the past system of warfare for karmony with a new policy whic li no longer aim to drive the Cubans to, “hor- rible altcrnative of taking to the thicket or | succumbing in m: ‘orms must be instituted in accordance with the needs and circumstances of the time, and that these reforms, while designed to give full autonomy to the colony and to create a vir- tual entity and self-controlled administra- tion, shall yet conserve and attirm the sov- ercignty of Spain by a just distribution of powers and burdens upon a basis of mutual interest untainted by methods of selfish ex- Pediency. The first acts of the new government lie in these honorable paths. The policy of cruel rapine and extermination that so long shocked the~universal sentiment of human- ity has been reversed. Under the new miil- tary commander a broad clemency 1s prof- fered. Measures have already been set on foot to relieve the horrors of starvation. The power of the Spanish armies it is as- serted is to be used not to spread ruin and desolation but to protect the resumption ot peaceful agricultural pursuits and produc- tive industries. That past methods are tu- tile to force a peace by subjugation is tree- ly admitted, and that ruin without con- ciliation must inevitably fail to win for Spain the fidelity of a contented depend- ency. Decrees in application of the foreshadow- ed reforms have already been promulgated. The full text of these decrees has not been received, but as furnished in a telegraphic summary from our Minister are: All civil and electoral rights of Peninsular Span- jards are, in virtue of existing constitu- tional authority, forthwith extended to Co- lonial Spaniards. A scheme of autonomy has been proclaimed by decree, to become effective upon ratification by the Cortes. It creates a Cuban parliament which, with the insular executive, can consider and vote upon all subjects affecting local order and interests, possessing unlimited powers save as to matters of state, war and the navy as to which the Governor-General acts by his own authority as the delegate of the central government. This parliament re- ceives the oath of the Governor-General to Preserve faithfully the liberties and privi- leges of the colony, and to it the colonial secretaries are responsible. It has the right to propose to the central government, through the Governor-General, modifica- tions of the national charter and to invite new projects of law or executive measures in the interest of the colony. Besides its local powers it is competent, first, to regulate electoral registration and Procedure and prescribe the qualifications of electors and the manner of exercising suffrage; second, to organize courts of justice with native judges from members of the local bar; third, to frame the in- susar budget both as to expenditures and revenues, without limitation of any kind, and to set apart the revenues to meet the Cuban share of the national budget, which latter will be voted by the national Cortes with’ the assistance of Cuban senators and deputies; fourth, to initiate or take part in the negotiations of the national govern- ment for commercial treaties which may affect Cuban interests; fifth, to accept or reject commericial treaties which the na- tional government may have concluded without the participation of the Cubait governmen., sixth, to frame the colonial tariff, acting in accord with the peninsular gcvernment in scheduling articles of mu- tual commerce between the mother coun- try and the colonies. Before introducing or voting upon a bill, the Cuban govera- ment or the chambers will lay the project before the central government and hear its opinion thereon, all the correspondence in such regard being made public. Finally ‘all conflicts of jurisdiction arising between the different municipal, provincial and in- sular assemblies, or between the latter ferable to the central government for de- cision, shall be submittted to the courts. What is Due to Spain. That the Government of Sagasta has entered upon a course from which reces- sion h honor is impossible can hardly be questioned; that in the few weeks it has existed it has made earnest of the sincerity of Its professions is undeniable. I shall not impugn its sincerity, nor should impatience be suffered to embarrass {t in the task it has undertaken. It is honestly due to Spain and to our friendly rela- uons with Spain that she should be given a reasonable chance to realize her expecta- tions and tc prove the asserted efficacy of the new order of things to which stands irrevocably committed. She has re- called the Commander brutal orders infiamed the American mind and shocked the civilized world. She has moditied the herrible order of concentration d has undertaken to care for the helpless and permit those who desire to resume cultivation of their fields to do so an sures them of the prot jon of the Government in their lawful occupations. She has just released the “Comp prisoners heretofo: sentenced to and who have been the subject of rej she nose diplomatic correspondence during both this | and the preceding Administratio ne in | Not a single American citizen is now in arrest or confinement in Cuba of whom this Government bas any know) The near future will demonstrate whether the nsable condition of a righteous peace, just alike to Cubans and to Spain as well as equitable to all our in- terests so intimate fare of Cuba, is not, the exigency of furthe tion by the United States will r taken. When that ~ tion will be dete in line disputable mght and duty. It will be without ing or he of the obligation thi itself, to the people y it the protection of honor, and to humanity. Sure of the right, keeping free offense ourselves, actuated only by i patriotic ¢ at y involved y toh n the wel- th from j by passion nor selfishness, will continue its watchful c rig nd property of American 5 and will abate about b esa shall be honorable and endurit hereafter appear to be a duty im 1 by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization and humanity to intervene with force, 1 shall be without fault on our part and only because the necessity for such action will b so clear as to command the support and approval of the civilized world. > of its effort HAWAIBAN ANNEXATION. By a special message dated the 16th 4 of June 1 I laid before the Senate a treaty signed that day by the plenipoten- tiaries of the United States and of the Re- public of Hawaii, having for purpose the incorporation of the Hawaiian Island as an integral part of the Uni and under its sovereign ing removed the inju though the treaty is that body, the subject ma y be properly re. ferred to in this Message because the ne essary action of the Congress is requir to determine by legislation many de fact of an. of the eventual union should the nexation be accomplished, as I be should be. While from a cons ntly disavewing period | icy of absorption in regard to the } group. aratior ihr of a century has 1 | the Vital interest of the jthe independent life of the thi repent essiv pol- jian a long series of dec r country. aly ted that in no ev y of Hawaiian statehood ccuse age of the Islands under th j ination or influence of another power th the United State Under these circum- | stances, the logic of events required that aiinexation, heretefore offered but declined, heuld in the ripeness of time come about as the natural result of the strengthening ties that bind us to those Islands, and be realized by the free will of the Hawaiian State. ‘The treaty was unanimously ratified with- out amendment by the Senate and Pre: dent of the Republic of Hawaii on the 10th of September last, and only awaits the fa- vorable action of the American Senate to effect the complete absorption of the I ands into the domain of the United Stat What the conditions of such a union shall be, the political relation thereof to the United States, the character of the local administration, the quality and degree of the elective franchise of the inhabitants, the extension of the federal laws to the territory or the enactment of special laws to fit the peculiar condition thereof, the regulaion if need be of the labor system therein, are all matters which the treaty has wisely relegated to the Congress, If the treaty is confirmed as every con- sideration of dignity and honor requires, the wisdom of Congress will see to it that, avoiding abrupt assimilation of elements perhaps hardly yet fitted to share the high- est franchises of citizenship, and haviag due regard to the geographical conditions, the most just provisions for self-rule in local matters with the largest political lib- erties as an integral part of our Nation will be accorded to the Hawaiians. No less is due to a people who, after five years of demonstrated capacity to fulfill the obliga- tions of self-governing statehood, come of their free will to merge their destinies in our body-politic. ‘The questions which have arisen between Japan and Hawaii by reason of the treat- ment of Japanese laborers emigrating to the Islands under the Hawaiian-Japanese convention of 1888, are in a satisfac:ory state of settlement by negotiation. This Government has not been invited to medi- ate, and on the other hand has suught no intervention in that matter, further tran to evince its kindliest disposition toward such a speedy and direct adjustment by the two sovereign states in interest as shall comport with equity and honor. It is grat- ifying to learn that the apprehensions at first displayed on the part of Japan lest the cessation of Hawaii's national life through annexation might impair privilexes to which Japan honorably laid claim, have given place to confidence in tie uprizht- ness of this Government, and in ihe sin- cerity of its purpose to Jea} with all possi- ble ulterior questions in the broatost spirit of friendliness. MINISTER MERRY’S CASE. As to the representation of this Govern- ment to Nicaragua, Salvador and Costa Rica, I have concluded that Mr. William L. Merry, confirmed as Minister of the United States to the States of Nicaragus, Salvador and Costa Rica, shall proceed to San Jose, Costa Rica, and there temporarily establish the headquarters of the United Stetes to those three States. I took this action for what I regarded as the para- mount interests of this country. It was developed upon an investigation by the Secretary of State that the Government of Nicaragua, while not unwilling tc receive Mr. Merry in his diplomatic quality, was unable to do so because of the compact concluded June 20, 1895, whereby that Re- public and these of Salvador and Honduras, forming what is known as the Greater Re- public of Central America, ha surrendered to the representative Dict thereof their right to receive and send diplomatic agents, The Diet was not willing to accept him because he was not accredited to that body. I could not aceredit him to that body be- | and the insular executive power, and! cavee the appropriation law of Congress did not permit it. Mr. Baker, the present Mertz’s Xmas : Offerings + | —People are talking already about our superior showing of silver novelties. Sure sign in that, that our efforts to excel have not been wasted. —Think of such prices as these for Sterling Silver Good MILITARY BRUSHES- celluk NAIR in ebony, sterling : | silver, natural ae styles of hair brushes here at least one-t ess than al prices. Queen An 50c., $1 pe $2 quart. este fetet us. One trial its list of Mertz’s True Violet Water, 40c., 75c. bot. and $1.35 pint. Sor Se a { selves ful 1 re ing an id : Sachets. 3 Mertz’s Pharmacy aud F Sts. desteelelebbebebeteteteter this latt 1 | erpmer ticns, to receive hi this fact its ed to report t and aw further ix MICARAGLA CANAL. A subject of la imp country and increasing ay rtance to our jon on the of the people. is the completion of the highway between the At- and Pacific nas the Nicaragna Its utility and value to American ccmmerce is universally admitted. 7 Commission appointed under date of July 24th last “to continue the surveys and ex- aminations authorized by th approved March 2, 1s in regard to “the proper J route, feasibility and cost of construction of the Nicaragua Canal, with a view of making complete plans for the entire work of construction of such canal,” is now em- ployed in the undertaking. In the future I shall take cceasion to transmit to Cen- gress the report of this Commission, mak- ing at the same time such further sugges- tions as may then seem advisable. BIMETALLIC COMMISSION. Under the provisions of the act of Con- gress, approved March 3, 1897, for the pro- motion of an international agreement re- specting bimetailism, I appointed on the i4th day of April, 187, Hon. Edward 0. Wolcott of Colorado, Hon. Adlai E. Steven- scn of Illinois, and Hon. Charles J. Paine of Massachusetts, as Special Envoys to represent the United States. They have been diligent in their efforts to secure the corcurrence and co-operation of European countries in the international settlement of the question, but up to this time have not been able to secure an agreement con- templated by their mission. The gratifying action of our great sister Republic of France in joining this countey in the attempt to bring about an agree- ment among the principal commercial na- tions of Europe, whereby a fixed and rela- tive value between goid and silver shall be secured, furnishes assurance that we are not alone among the larger nations of the werld in realizing the international char- acter of the problem and in the desire of reaching some wise and practical solution of it. The British Government has pub- lished a resume of the steps taken jointly by the French Ambassador in London and the Special Envoys of the United States, with whom our Ambassador at London actively co-operated in the presentation of this subject to Her Majesty’s Government, This will be laid before Congress. Our Special Envoys have not made their firal report, as further negotiations be- tween the representatives of this Govern- ment and the governments of other coun- tries are pending and in contemplation. They believe that doubts which have been raised in certain quarters respecting the pesition of maintaining the stability of the parity between the metals and kindred questions may yet be solved by further negotiations. Meanwhile it gives me satisfaction to state that the Special Envoys have already demonstrated their ability and fitness to deal with the subject, and it is to be earn- estly hoped that their iabors may result in an international agreement which will bring about recognition of both gold and silver as money upon such terms and with such safeguards as will secure the use of both metals upon a basis which shall work no injustice to any class of our citizens. RECIPROCITY NEGOTIATIONS, In order to execute early as possible the provisions of the and fourth sec- tions of the Revenue Act approved July 24, 1897, I appointed the Honorable Johr A. Kasson of Iowa a Special Commissioner Plenipotentiary to undertake the requisite negotiations with foreign countries desiring to avail themselves cf these provisions. The negotiaticns are now proceeding with several Governmenis, both European and (Continued Ninth Page.)