Evening Star Newspaper, November 11, 1897, Page 11

THE EVENING STAR. sd PUBLISHED DAILY EXCEPT SUNDAY. AT THE STAR BUILDINGS, ‘1101 Pennsylvania Avenue, Cor. llth 8t, by The rE Atreaean Frese eee Few York Ofice, 49 Potter Building, ‘The Evening Star is served to subscrihers t1 the ity by carriers, on their own account, at 10 cent: per week, o- 44 certs per moi Copies at counter 2 cents each. ‘answhere in United States or Canada—pestage prepaig—50 cent: per menth. - Saturday Qvintuple Sheet Star, $1 per year, with foreiza postage added. $3.C0. (Entered at the Post Office at Washington, D. C., as seccnd-cla. 3 mail matter.) 57 All mail subscriptions must be pald in advance. Rates of advertising made known on application. Part2. Che Fy ening Star. Pages 11-14. WASHINGTON, D. C,, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1897-FOURTEEN PAGES. DICTATOR OF GOTHAM Boss Croker to Rule Supreme Over Greater New York. 0 FIGURE IN NATIONAL POLITICS The Line Sharply Drawn Between Bryan and Croker. HOW THE BOSS GOT CONTROL a Special Correspondence of The Brening Star. NEW YORK, November 11, 1897. Dozens of the New York state papers since the recent election have commented upen what they call “The Passing of Senator Piatt.” If they -are searching for the dra- matic as well as the true, the picturesque as well as the dangerous, they would con- sider instead “The Coming of Croker.” In the midst of this play of passions, this swirl of forces. one name stands out clear and distinct. It is the name of Richard Croker. If the recent election in this city has demonstrated any one thing i: is that Croker is a power in this land today. Re- sist it as one will, despise it as one may, nevertheless from now on Tammany Hall is a power to be reckoned in national poli- ties. And with the exception of William Jennings Bryan, who, as the leader of the democratic party in the last campaign, 1s still recognized as ahe official head of the organization, there is in all probability not a democrat in this country who can com- pare with Croker in influence. This was demonstrated in a practical way the other day when the mere rumor of the death of Croker was sufficient to send stocks kiting downward on the New York stock ex- change, only to soar aloft again when the rumor was officially denied. ‘fhe death of a cabinet minister or the downfall of a United States senator would not do more than that. From State to National Politics. And all this within a month. It require no brilliant flights of the imagination to fore- see for “ ** Croker of New York city a ate politics. » it is not too much to predict his triumph in national poli se of the predomi ing in- fluence of the empire state in of the nation. The upbuilding ing of Platt in New York st publican side of t Nel. Only w een years of work, night and day, sinc ‘onkling and the death of field,. Croker gi promise ef performing in sixteen months u It seems only yesterday since Croker stepped off from the ocean steamship fresh from his defeats on the English race tracks. mbering that in a few weeks’ time Croker proved himself the absolute master of Tammany Hall, has nominated a mayor and secured his election by an unprecedented majority; that from now on for the next four years he will be the dictator of the second largest city in the world, the practical master of 35,000 mu- nicipal employes, the man who holds in the hollow of his hand the forces which have charge of the expenditure of $300,000,- 0003600 for every voter in the Gre: Tv ew York—one commences to wonder con- rning the manner of man Croker is. With these triumphs of a month to his credit, it is not too much to predict that an effort’ will_be made to secure his elec- tion as United States senator from the empire state to succeed Edward Mur- phy, jr. Croker would not dare to run for mayor or governor in a canvass before the people, but in the manipulation of a legis- lature he would be in his element. His Leave-Taking. If you are looking for contrasts, draw @ parallel between Croker’s leave-taking, kis home-coming, and contrast these with his recent departure with some Tammany intimates for the pleasure resorts of the south. It had been a period of universal indignation in the city. Senator Lexow and the investigating committee had been in session for weeks, and day after day the populace had been regaled with new sensations. The “Pantata” system had been exposed; the blackmailing of the pool rooms and the race tracks, the gam- bling houses and the disorderly houses had been brought out. The probe of John W. Goff, the counsel for the Lexow in- vestigating committee, had gone down deep and the citizens of New York were shocked at the revelation. The election of Strong as mayor and Goff as recorder followed, n breathed easier for a time. . who has a record as a general er yet led the Tammany Hall army to defeat, saw what was coming. He de- cided to neither bend nor break under the storm. He had fought: now was the time to run away. e another day and fight- ing would ‘The farewell banquet to Croker should not be forgotten in this connection. John C. Sheehan, formerly a public official in the city of Buffalo, was selected by Mr. Croker as the new boss. At the banquet, just as the loving cup was presented to Mr. Croker, and while other loving cups were being passed around among the assembled leaders, the tall form of John Reilly of the Eleventh congressional district loomed up. Anger was in his heart, and the query, “Who made this man Sheehan a boss ov: us?” cau: a sensation, and even Croker was taken aback. But the one idea upper- most in the minds of all was that Croker’s mission in New York city was at an end, no matter what might be the future of Tammany Hall. The banquet was in con- sideration of past services, not in consid- eration of favors in the future. Out of sight is out of mind, even within the sacred portals of Tammany Hall. In all the organization there remained not half a dozen men faithful to the memory of their old leader. One of these was Con- gressman Sulzer, another was John Car- roll; still another, though in a different sort of way, was the Croker-appointed leader, John C. Sheehan. The incoming of Mayor Strong and the reformers convinced Mr. Croker that New York city would not be a congenial place for him. The Chicago convention, the tri- umph of the south and the west in the democratic national councils, the nomina- tion of Bryan made the wisdom of his choice doubly apparent. Mr. Croker pre- dicted the defeat of the democratic party in New York city and state last year. He Was certain of the defeat of Bryan. He had a horror of defeat himself as the leader of Tammany Hall, but he was will- ing that Tammany Hall should go down to ‘at as the champion of free and unlim- Ited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 under the leadership of John C. Sheehan. His Home-Coming. Hence it happened that after three years’ Residence in England Mr. Croker had been supplanted to all intents and purposes by Ickn C. Sheehan. Not one Tammany lead- er in a dozen ever dreamed that Mr. Cro- ker intended to return to this country per- ™manently. Not one person in hundred deubted his stereotyped phrase, am out of politics.” Not one man in a thousand who even gave the matter a second thought had anything except a hazy notion that Mr. Croker had gone abroad for his health, and the general impression was that he was having too good a time to think of re- turning. Racing in Europe is the sport of kings, and it was merely reported in this country that the ex-boss of Tammany Hall Was enjoying himself “like a dj ‘The announcement of his intention to re- turn to this country ttle general interest. The return itself attracted little attention. He was utterly astonished to find that not a single old-time friend was on hane to greet him when he stepped on shore at the conclusion of his ocean voyage back from Europe. Mr. Croker drove at once to the Murray Hill Hotel in- stead of to Tammany Hall, and when John C. Sheehan and several of the local demo- cratic leaders called to see him several hours later they found the boss in one of his angriest moods. He hurried to his farm at Richfield Springs and remained over Sunday, a ionely man so far as the powers of Tammany Hall were concerned. Then occurred one of the most remark- able things in the history of American pol- itics. The day of Richard Croker was again at hand. Mr. Croker by sheer force of will compelled all of the minor !eaders fo submit to him. John C. Sheehan was the only man who could have withstood his conquering march. Sheehan refused. The reasons for that refusal are unknown. Sheehan yielded to Croker. The rest was one mad, wild gallop for office and the city hall. But not uncontested was that race for office and the spoils. With the desperation of Custer in that Bad Lands battle with Rain-in-the-Face, with the heroism of Houston in that contest with the Mexicans at the ramparts of Alamo, with the daring of Horatius at the bridge, Henry George attempted to check the rush. His speech of acceptance of the nomination at Cooper Union read in the light of recent events scunds like a philippic. His denunciations at Kings Bridge when he announced that if snecessful he would start the machinery which would compel Croker to divulge and disgorze, which would land the Tammany Hall “boss” in prison, since the recent eles- tion sound like ancient history. Already have the charges of the man who tore the mask from the Tammany Hall judges and accused them of paying $35,000 each for neminations been forgotten. Croker and Van Wyck. There are those who predict that Judge Van Wyck will be able to withstand Rich- ard Croker. The trouble with this prophecy is that Mayor-elect Van Wyck has an- nounced that he will put none but organi- zation democrats on guard. Though Cro- ker may not contrel Judge Van Wyck in a manner he is certain to control him by in- direction. Fer, even though Croker and Van Wyck were the bitterest enemies, and it goes without saying they are not, the mayor-elect cculd do little or nothing with- ont the “boss.” If the mayor-elect selects his appointees from the organization, as he says he will, and Croker controls’ the organization Van Wyck is powerless so long as Croker remains the “boss The man who occupies the desi tion of go-between between mayor-elect is no less a personage than Leader Carroll. Though John C. Sheehan, on acccunt of his executive ability, filled the post of “boss” during Croker’s absence in Europe, Mr. Carroll was really the trust- ed and the cenfidential adviser of Mr. Cro- ker during those three years. Not a week P i that Carroll did not send Croker a written report of sayings and doings. And this is the reason why, upon the return from his foreign tours, some of the men who really imagine that they are entitled to the good things going have fow difficult to get the car of the “bos Carroll has kept Croker posted concerning the bad things which these same men have said about the patron of the English race tracks during his absence. Hence, what Was more natural than for Croker, upon his return to the position of commander of Tammany Hall, to select the man picked out by Carroll. Mr. Croker was compelled to pick a men who cou in. In order to ent a bolt it was necessary to select © one who had not taken a decided d either with the gold democrats or the iver democrats last fall. Judge Van Wyek, on account of his judicial position, ¥ not supposed to mix up in politics to any great extent. He was supposed to have supported the nominee of the Chicago con- vention, William Jennings Bryan; but to this day no man knows his opinions con- cerning the bimetallic propositions. Car- rell’s man, Van Wyck, was good enough to win with, and he was regarded as a good enough democrat to appoint only democrats to office in the event of his election, and that was good enough for “Boss” Croker, who controlled the organizations and the delegates to the city convention. Ir no other organization in the world could Croker have fonght his way to the front in a month’s time as in Tammany Hall. In én absolute monarchy the office of bossship could have only been secured through “The Divine Right of Kings.” In a constitutional monarchy king and people might have combined to have made him the power behind the throne. In the or- dinary political parties in a republic, Mr. Croker would have found a vast deal of preliminary work and agitation necessary to have secured a reputation as a leader among men. But in Tammany Hall, which is after all only Caesarism in politics owing to the enforcement of the unit rule, it was necessary for him only to capture the sachems and the leaders through bluff, bulldozing or intrigue. His control of the Greater New York convention then was absolute. ‘The swirging of the pendulum democraticward this year did the rest. From City to State Control. The extension “of Tammany Hall over the borough of Brcoklyn, the borough of Bronx, the borough of Queens and the borough of Richmond has been accom- plished almost without a struggle. Local democratic leaders in all of the boroughs except Brooklyn have been only too willing to curry favor with Croker by surrendering to him, and in ail Brooklyn there is not a leader able to stand up against Croker alone to say nothing of inability to cope with the combined power of Tammany Hall and the Van Wyck administration. Up the sta the strings are scattered around loose, waiting for a strong man to ecme along and pick them up. Ex-Senator Hili, who might have held out against Croker and Tammany in the event of his own ~olitical life being at stake, is mori- bund. Nowadays, when Hill attempts to revive that old personal machine of his, an erganization, which was the wonder of the practical politicians of the country, the Bryan democrats all over the state start up ready to annihilate the man whose proud motto cnce was “I am a democrat.” Senator Murphy is half a Tammany man at heart, his son-in-law, ex-Mayor Grant, having managed Van Wyck’s campaign. Mayor Malloy of Troy, ex-Mayor Kirk of Syracuse and Norman E. Mack of Buffalo, the leaders in their respective cities, have reputations that are merely local and could not possibly make any combinations which would hold against the “boss” of the Greater New York. Elliot Danforth, the state chairman, is a man of putty, who could be easily moided by a man like Croker. From Sag Harbor to Sacketts Harbor there is not a democrat who could resist Croker’s power in conventions or his blandishmetts cut of conventions. Once in control of the democratic party of the state under the unit rule, Mr. Croker will be able to vote the delegates en bloc in national conventiors. The seventy odd votes absolutely at the disposal of this one man will always be sought by the men seeking to control the democratic national conventions. Croker’s intervention will also be sought and his advice heeded in all national legislation pending in Congress. Bryan and Croker. There are those who predict that the next Iqcking of horne will be between Will- iam Jennings Bryan and Richard Croker. Mr. Croker, on account of, his absence on the English race tracks, missed the so- called educating influence of the last presi- dential campaign. He caught little or nothing of the spirit of the influences which captured the Chicago convention for Bryan and the “new democracy.” He can- not be expected to know anything of the Bryatt_« personal folowisg beeneaica ° an—a perso follo' unequalled or unexcelled by any — le posi- “boss” and ideas. Bryan believes that finance, frée silver included, is the issue; Croker can see no issues really worth fighting for ex- cept the offices. If Croker is turned down in the next democratic national convention, as Whitney, Hill and Flower were discard- ed in the last convention at Chicago, it will be interesting to see whether Croker will follow Hill into absolute silence, Whitney and Flower out of the party, or whether he will, like Murphy, stand by the organi- zation. There are those willing to wager that he will even take his race horses back to England and spend the balance of his life in foreign lands. Meanwhile the question suggests itself to the practical politician, with two srrecon- cilables, like Croker in the east and Bryan in the west, what chance will the demo- cratic party have of winning the next pres- idential election? ——E EE DINGLEY TALKS OF THE TARIFF. He Claims Prosperity and Protection Are Always Coincident. The annual dinner of the Home Market Club was held at Mechanics’ Hall, Boston, last night. Fully 1,000 people attended. The most distinguished guests were Con- gressmen Nelson Dingley of Maine, Con- gressman Charles A. Russell of Connecti- cut, Congressman Jonathan P. Dolliver of Iowa, and Senator Henry Cabot Lodge. Senator Hanna sent a letter of regret, after the reading of whtch three cheers were given for him. Congressman Dingley in his address said: “A great many people in this country are wiser than they were five years ago. Some, who study maxims rather than markets, deny that there has been any restoration of confidence or any revival of business. Others who are not entirely blind to facts admit the improvement, but insist that it comes in spite of protection, from what they call ‘natural causes.’ ‘Still others, like Bryan, contend that the improvement is only temporary because of a short crop of wheat abroad, and that business will presently grow worse unless we have 16 to 1 free silver on our own hook. “I leave our free trade friends to recon- cile their antagonistic explanations of the failure of their theories, simply remarking that the common sense of the people con- cludes that the repeated coincidence be- tween the protective policy and prosperity and between the overthrow of that policy and adversity, this establishes the relation of cause and effect. “I know that some of our free trade friends claim to see in the result of the recent elections evidences of popular dis- satisfaction with President McKinley and the new protective tariff. Wnen, however, it is considered that a failing off of the ag. gregate vote has always been an inevitable result of the relaxation from an intense strain, and that in every state in which an election was held the democratic managers: carefully avoided the tariff issue, and gained their only victory in a protective state through an absurd attempt to run two republican candidates for mayor of New York city, while the republicans cap- tured a protection United States senator in Maryland, heretofore arrayed against pro- tection, it is difficult to see on what grounds it can he justly claimed that the result of the recent elections gives any pport to the ciaim that it shows popular cissatisfaction with the successful adminis- tration of President Mc! Kinley or with the new protective tariff.” Senator Henry Cabot Lodge was the next speaker and was followed by Congressmen. Russell of Connecticut and Dolliver of Iowa. SS DAUGHTERS OF THE CONFEDERACY. Virginia Division Admitted at An- nual Convention in Baltimore. The anrual convention of the Unitea Daughters of the Confederacy began in Baltimore yesterday morning, and will last for three days. Delegates from 140 chap- ters in variouy parts of the country, both north and south, were present, including some of the most distinguished women in both sections. Mrs. Fitzhugh Lee, the president of the association, being unable to attend, Mrs. D. G. Wright called the convention to order at 10 o’clock in Leh- mann’s Hall, and then the following pre- gram was carried cut: Opening prayer, Rev. William M. Dame, D.D.; address of welcome, Mrs. D. Giraud Wright; response, Mrs. Augustine ‘T. Smythe; roll call of chapters, appointment of credentials committee, appointment of nominations committee, report of creden- tlals committee, reading of minutes. Re- Ports from state presidents and chapter presidents (three minutes each): Arkansas, Mrs. C. A. Forney; Alabama, Miss Sallie Joneg; California, Mrs. William Pritchard; Florida, Mrs. E. G. Weed; Georgia, Mrs. H, A. Rounsavill Mississippi, Mrs. Annie W. Duncan; New York, Mrs. B. S. Gail- lard; North Carolina, Mrs. William M. Parseley; South Carolina, Mrs, llison Capers; oe Mrs. J. T. Currie; Ten- nessee, Mrs. S. F. Wilson; Virginia, Mrs. E._H. O'Brien. = # The most important event of the day was the admission by acclamation to the. organization of the grand division of the Daughters of the Confederacy in Virginia. The division numbers 2,000 women, and is represented by about ninety delegates. The officers of the division are: President, Mrs. James Mercer Garnett; first vice presi- dent, Mrs. General J. E. B. Stuart; sec- ond vice president, Mrs. N. V. Randolph; third vice president, Mrs. Robert T. Meade: recording secretary, Mrs. John W. Brown: corresponding secretary, Mrs. Virginius Hall; inspector, Mrs. J. N. Barney; his- torian, Mrs. Colenel William A, Allan; chaplain, Mrs. Mary Stuart Smith; treas- urer, Mrs. A. D. Estill. The Georgia dele- gates arrived in a body after the conven- tion had opened, and were warmly wel- comed. Mrs. Ellison Capers of South Carolina spoke feelingly in her report upon the sub- ject of histories that treat of the civil war in southern schools, many of which were extremely partial. At the afternoon session an address was made by Mrs. William H. Felton of Georgia, in which she made an eloquent appeal for the education of children who are descendants of confederate soldiers. The Maryland chapter gave a reception to the visiting delegates last night at Leh- mann’s Hall. ———_+e+—______ Deer on Railroad Track. From the New York Herald. Hunters near Poughkeepsie have reported from time to time having seen deer in the mountains of Dutchess ceunty, but little credence has been placed in the stories. This morning a train on Russell Sage’s Poughkeepsie and Eastern railroad nearly, struck a beautiful deer at Upton lake, a few miles from Poughkeepsie. The deer came out of the woods to the lake to drink and stood as if bewildered on the track. as the train was approaching. The engineer stopped his train so as not to hit the animal. The deer hesitated a moment, and, in full view of the passenge:s and train men, turned back from the lake, bounded over the fence and into the woods | again. During the last few weeks deer have been seen in Dover, Pawling and Fish- kh Hills. . : ———+0+-____. Saved By Prayer Book. od From the Philadelphia Press, The fact that he carried his ,Mother’s prayer book in the breast pocket of his coat saved John Gallagher of Brooklyn from instant death. Gallagher, with a number of friends, celebrating Van Wyck’'s election last Wed- nesday morning, when he was attacked"by a party of Italians, one of whom rane lunge at him with a stiletto, but the turned the blade. In the battle which fgl-, lowed Gallagher was cht several eee ‘Two have been arrested, wil charged withthe It matters —whether “want™ in’ thé Seviaté had been already establish- ed, as that of an: honest, well-balanced, sensible, vigorous and able self a sound adviser and an able manager. ocratic senator, and f of a tariff bH would vf" every democrat: And it was he -who cratic tariff since the war. Yer, senator ts Cockrell 0: te honesty and ye en Tones, hers a thoroughly ARE REAL LEADERS The Men Who Control Legislation in the Senate. WHAT THEY THINK OF EACH OTHER Does Not Always Agree With the Public Estimate. IN AND OUT OF COMMITTEES Who are the real leaders in the United States Senate? What men control the legis- lation of that august body? Every good citizen in the country will be interested in these questions, but how many can answer them correctly? Ask your neighbor to mame the most influential senators. Then ask some senator to do the same thing. The chances are nine out of ten that your neighbor and the senator will entirely dis- agree. ‘The truth is that the public in general has a very slight, and usually wrong, idea of the actual strength and influence of the different members of the United States Sen- ate. This is necessarily so. For only a senator can estimate another senator at nis real worth as a senator. The asublic can hear and read his speeches and esti- mate him as a speaker, but how he stands as a senator, only other senators can tell you. Speechmaking is but a small part of a congressman’s official life. His real work is done in the committees, and is seen and appreciated by only his committee associates. ‘Thus it is that men who rarely make a speech, who are seldom mentioned in the newspapers, often possess the very great- est influence in the Senate. And often senators who are regarded by the public at large as leaders have comparatively small influence in the Senate. The estimates made in this article of dif- ferent senators are not the writer’s opin- ion but selely those of the senators them- selves. A conspicuous example: of the difference between public prominence ard senatorial prominence may be found in Senators Hanna and Aldrich. A Public Figure. Perhaps the most conspicuous republican in the Senate today is Mark Hanna. As Mr. McKinley's representative, as an able party manager, Mr. Hanna has great pow- er, but as a senator, as a controlling ele- ment in the shaping of legislation, he has very little influence. This is no reflection on Mr. Hanna, for no man who has been in the Senate only a year has any. great in- fluence. It is simply a mattcr of fact, how- ever, that a most prominent member of the Senate, a man who is spoken of as hav- ing made President, has comparatively little influence in the Senate. On the other hand, Mr. Aldrich, whom the country seldom hears of, except when he is managing a tariff or fimance bill, is one of the strongest men in the Senate. He is one of the workers of that body. He has done most of the work on all the recent republican tariff and’ financial measures presented to the Senate. It is said that he Was as much responsible for the passage of both the McKinley bill and the Dingley bill as was either one of the gentlemen whose names went to these measures. He is a well-posted man, and is influential with both republicans and democrats. Mr. Quay’s position has been somewhat like Mr. Hanna's. Now, however, Mr. s been in the Senate long enough ociates to recognize his shrewd- d_ good sense. He is a thorough , and his influence is chiefly in his party. Nevertheless the democrats find him a good man to get along with, be- cause he does just what he says he is going to do, and his opponents can rely on his word, whether he says he is going to fight them or help them. An IntcHectual Force. Of an entirely different character from the influence of Senators Hanna and Quay is that of Senator Hoar. Senator Hoar is a scholarly, clear-héaded and able states- man. He has had the best of academic training, and has cultivated in every way an already broad intellect. As might be expected, he has much influence in the Sen- ate on any matter that is purely intellec- tual in character. His power is exerted through his ideas, rather than through his personality. Speaking of administration men, there is @ man on the other side who during Mr. Cleveland’s last administration was the strongest, supporter that administration had in the Senate. This is Senator Gray. Mr. Gray was a democrat, a strong goid man, id a strong defender of President Cleveland, and yet he always retained the respect of the silver democrats. This was because, while he was a sincere advocate of Mr. Cleveland’s measures, and withal was courageous and independent in thts advocacy, he was not regarded as having betrayed a silver constituency for the pa- tronage with which such betrayal would be rewarded. I once asked a democratic silver senator, who was well acquainted with both Mr. Cleveland..and Mr. Gray, why the Presi- dent did not appoint Senator Gray to one of the late vacancies in the Supreme Court, when he seemed to find it so difficult to find: a man-who would suit both himself and the Senate. The answer to my ques- tion came quickly-and emphatically. Independence and Force. “For no other reason except that Gray is a man of independence -and force, who has not been and will not be dominated by Grover Clevelard.” The reply is char- acteristic of the way both Mr. Gray and Mr. Cleveland were regatded by the silver senators. Among these democratic silver senators there are scme stréng men. One is Jones of Arkansas. Before he was made chairman of the democratic na- tional committee Senator Jones was but little heard of. Neverthéless, his position own man. He could be relied upon never to make any blunder —either political oré otherwise—was always willing to work hard fos his constituents and his party, and constantly proved him- It was he who in 1894 went to each dem- just what sort id the support then prepared and arrai the amend- mefits which made possi! the first demo~ Another distinctly stromg democratic sil- e f Missourl. You rarely see his name in print, outside of a Missouri paper, yet he has been in the Senate twenty-four years, and, in the con- trol of legislation, is one of the most pow-. men in the country. Hard work, ab- sincerity, great polit- ical foresight and ap solzment that is 1e- ‘kably~eound iblased are chiefly Like Senator committee on appropriations. Moreover, he is a worker, and a good one. His judgment is sound and conservative, and his ability, both as a politician and a statesman, is decidedly. high. He has a little tendency if a perplexing and disputed party question is up to take a quiet seat on the fence, pro- vided the fence is not too conspicuous. Nevertheless, many senators considered him the very best man the republicans could have nominated in 1888 for the presidency. And today, taking him all in all, and con- sidering everything, senators generally re- gard him as probably the ablest man on the republican side. There is one man whom the public is right in regarding as a leader of his party in the Senate. That is Mr. Gorman. The character of this leadership, however, is far from being understood. He is a leader be- cause of his keen political insight and sa- gacity, because he has great executive abil- ity, because he is a man who is trusted by his followers and because, paradoxical as it ™may seem, he is not a “leader.” Mr. Gor- man does not try to dictate party policies. He advocates that party policy which he believes to be best, but if his party asso- ciates adopt an entirely different policy he works just as earnestly to carry it out as if it were his oven. A Party Manager. He has not the influence on general legis- lation that some men in the Senate have. His great influence is in his party, in ar- ranging party measures and getting the most important of them through Congress. Many senators consider him the ablest party manager in America today. A republican whose influence is much like that of Senaters Allison and Aldrich is Frye of Maine. Mr. Frye is a vigorous, conservative, sound-thinking man, with plenty of Drains. He is a good parliamen- tarian, is president pro tempore of the Sen- ate, and makes a most excellent presiding ofticer—his decisions are clear, prompt and impartial. Senator Frye is an especially important man in his party, and in any proposed measure his judgment has great weighi. There are several men in the Senate who talk little, but who, figuratively speaking, saw lots of wood. Among these are Wal- thall of Mississippi, Jones of Ne ja and Proctor of Vermont. Senator Walthall is level headed, conservative and popular on both sides of the Senate. He is an in- tense partisan, and yet never says any- thing that hurts himself or the soutn. Senator Jones speaks less on the floor of the Senate than almost any other senator. Some of his silver speeches, however, show the work of a profound scholar. Senator Proctor is a quiet, earnest worker. Senator Proctor’s colleague, Mr. Mor- rill, is an able, clear-headed, high-minded gentleman, whose intellect is still keen and vigorous, after his forty-two years of corigressional service. Strong in Partisan Oratory. But if a republican senator is really look- ing for concentrated vigor and keenne: combined with the most superlative sar- casm, he should arouse Senator Vest, and he will get all he wants. Probably no man in the Senate is considered his equal in partisan oratory. T men who have decidedly good repu- tations among their associates for fine brain work anf able discussion of import- ant questions are Senators Daniel and Tur- ie. maa Turpie, though an old man, has a mind that is of the first quality, and some of his arguments delivered on the floor of the Senate rank very high. Mr. Daniel's reputation has been made chiefly on silver speeches. During the fight on “unconditional repeai” in 1893 he was regarded by some as having made the finest speech, both in substance and de- livery, on either side. There is one man in the Senate who has been a lifelong republican, who now strict- ly belongs to no party, and yet who has Yery great influence in all parties. This is Senator Teller. Sincere and earnest as a man can be, hard working, practical, and with his whole heart and life in the fight for what ha and his people believe right, such is Senator Teller. When he speaks in the Senate, all listen, for they know that he speaks from his inmost convictions, and that what he“says has received the careful thought of a brainy man. There are several able and influential senators who have not been mentioned. If called upon, however, to pick out the few most influential members on each side most senators would probably choose Alli- son, Frye, Aldrich, and Teller, Gorman, Cockrell and Jones of Arkansas. —_—>__ TO DISCUSS MISSION WORK. Presbyterian Church Representatives Meeting in Indianapolis. Of the committee of fifteen who met in Indianapolis today to discuss the mode of operating the home mission work of the Presbyterian Church of the United States eleven are ministers, as follows: Rev. John L. Withrow, at Chicago; Rev. W. P. Kane, Bloomington, Ill.; Rev. John McIntosh, Philadelphia; Rev. Samuel_J. Nichols, St. Louis; Rev. J. McCluskey Blaney, Frank- fert, Ky.; Rev. R. M. Hayes, Portland, Ore.; Rev. John McHolmes, Albany, N. Y.; Rev. D. S. Tappan, Cleveland; Rev. Wm. H. Logan, Baltimore, and Rev. Geo. L. Spinning, Orange, N. J. The other mem- bers—Goy. Mount of Indiana, Charles E. Vandeburg of Minneapolis, Victor L. Lane, Michigan, and John B. Minnis of Tennessee ~—are ruling elders. Classified according to their leaning toward the “state’s right” and “national” plans, the nationalists are in the majority. While the contest has been warm so far, and may continue so, it has not aroused anything approaching as bitter a feeling as the Briggs controversy. The home mis- sion board, it is averred, has heen better off financially under the state plan of man- aging home missions, as practiced in In- diana,and a few other states, for, while it has been relieved of looking after the mis- sionary work in these states, it has receiv- ed more money out of the surplus than it formerly got when all the coliections were scnt to it direct. But the board and its sympathizers in- sist that the broad national spirit that a church should have will disappear under the Indiana plan, and instead of one great church there will be many little churches, especially if the state plan of handling the home missions should be used in doing also the work of the other six boards of the church. That the leaven of the plan is at work is shown from the fact that some of the.presbyteries have already had under consideration the holding and dispositien of the collections of money for foreign mission as well as for home mission duty. ——+o+—____. RICHARD FOLSOM CLEVELAND. Son and Helr of the Ex-President is Named. = The Princeton collegians were greatly disappointed when it became known yester- day that’ Grover Cleveland’s son is to be Grover Cleveland, jr., on the day of his birth, and ho} it would stick to him. So, too, are the Roane of Princeton disap- pointed. They had hoped that the child would —— the — of his father. oe name upoi chard Folsom, given in honor of Mrs. Cleveland's father. PAS AL ES New York Politics. From the Boston Transcript. In 1825 George Ticknor and a foreign gentleman made a call upon the venerable CARE OF THE SICK' Plan to Provide Trained Nurses to Poor Patients, CENTRAL UNION MISSION’S PROJECT The Service Afforded in Baltimore and Other Cities. A LOCAL SOCIETY FORMED eee The authorities of the Central Union Mis- sion are considering a plan which they hope soon to put in operation for extending to poor people the care which can only be given by trained nurses, but from which ail except the wealthy or well-to-do have here- tofore been excluded by reason of the high rrice that the average trained nurse is able to command for her services. Just how soon the plan will be made ef- fective depends principally upon the length of time necessary for the mission people to raise the requisite funds, but that such a scheme is an urgent necessity in this city is fully demonstrated by interviews had by a Star reporter with many prominent peo- ple. A movement entirely independent of but in line with that projected by the Central Union Mission has been started here by some young women, each of whom is a trained nurse and graduate of one or more hospitals and training schools. Some thir- ty of those referred to have formed them- selves into a society, each member of which has pledged herself to go to the aid of per- sons who may call upon her in cases of proper sickness, even if it is understood that the family of the patient cannot pay large fees. They will be content to charge and be paid at a moderate rate for the time actually employed in the home of the patient. ‘The members of this society, as stated by one of its leaders last evening, have been actuated in the steps taken by the belief that the time has arrived when something must be done to bring about a better state of affairs than has for a long time ex'sted between the rich and the poor, and one way to do this, they think, is to extend better care to the sick among the poor. The Plan Indorsed. The plan of the young women has the indorsement of humanitarians in every sec- tion of the city, and an effort will be made to secure a conference between representa- tives of the society and officers of the Cen- tral Union Mission, in order to see if a plan of operations cannot be agreed upon. and put in operation without unnecessary delay. The alumnae association of the Johns Hopkins Training School for Nurses, Baltimore, has adopted a_ plan fer extending its benefits to the sick poor. The association has been brought to formulate this plan by observing the increasing de- mand for nurses in houscholds where the payment of the customary rates would be a heavy, and in many places an impossible, tax upon their resources, and for the addi- tional reason that frequently a nurse's full time is not needed in a household. The plan outlined provides that a nurse will be sent by the association to families, schools or to sick persons in lodging or boarding house by the hour, and a moder- ate fixed price by the hour will be charged for her services. The nurses will endeavor to instruct some member of the family, so that the work may be carried on success- fully during her absence. Infectious dis- eases must necessarily be excluded. By this arrangement a nurse will be able to visit several patients during the day, and the care which is now limited to one per- son may be distributed among many. Movement in New York. In New York an initiative step looking to the accomplishment of the same ends has just been taken by the Young Wo- man’s Christian Association, which has formed a class for instructions in the du- ties of caring for sick persons, women be- tween the ages of twenty and forty. The course is conducted by a lady who was formerly a nurse in one of the leading hos- pitals, and the practical work of nursing is to be done under the supervision of the physician in charge of the case. The course consists of eight lessons and nursing in hospitals and in the homes of the poor under the direction of the physician. References of high character and gen- eral intelligence are required, and marked adaptability for the work is necessary in order to receive the diploma, which is to presented to each student who passes successfully the examination at the end of the course. A pupil will be dropped from the class if she is absent without good cause froth lessons or fails to attend prop- erly to the patient in her charge, if she does not show a willingness to learn and to obey instructions, if she does not fol- low the orders of the attending physician in caring for a patient, or if she does not give satisfactory evidence of ability and character, The student after graduation will not be allowed to charge more than $7 per week oe ant — the a year of service. ‘erward she may cl e $10, $12 5, according to her duties. oe ee (Lourse of Stuay. The course of study includes personal hygiene, sick room hygiene, methods of ventilating. sweeping, dusting, care of uten- sils, temperature of room, bed making for bed patients, frequency of bathing, care of teeth, hair, nails, prevention of bed sores, foot baths in and out of bed, douches, ex ternal applications, hot water bags, hot water bottles, flannels, salt bags, poultices, mustard plasters, stupes, iodine, liniment, etc.; diet, preparation of food, temperature of body, reading aloud, writing notes, pack- ing a trunk, emergencies. The student must be good-tempered, well educated, orderly, trustworthy, cheerful and willing and when she becom trained attendant will be lef charact complaisance or demonstrative Value of Good Nursing. That the trained nurse—that scientific luxury of the wellto-do invalid—is of in- calculable value at times no one who has ever had recourse to her services will deny. She receives always $21 a week, or from $25 to $35 if constant amd delicate care de- mand all her time, night and day. But the question of expense must needs obtrude itself in some families, even when life depends more on the constant atten- attendant teen oper the’ prescription an the physician. such a case the 5 If you want to buy, sell or exchange anything, lease property =or rent rooms, want a situation or want help, it will pay you to announce the fact in the advertising columns of The - Star. They are closely studied by more than three times as many people as read any other paper, ting the services of professional nurses within the reach of the poor is excellent. The poor need such services quite as much, or more, than the rich do, and any plan which makes it possible to avail themselves: ef skillful nursing is desirable. In some cities benevolent organizations have qdop:- ed what is known as the district plan. A nurse is assigned to a district, and is ex- Pecied to pay daily visits to the sick in poor families, spending an hour or moro a day in each family in making the sick comfortable and in giving instructions for their care for the remainder of the day. © services for the nurse are paid for by the month out of funds subscribed for the Purpose. In some cities, I understand, the municipality pays the salaries, the same as in the case of physicians to the poor. In our city, no provision has yet been made to provide nurses for the poor, but the Central Union Mission has given some attention to the subject, and will probably, adopt a plan very soon’ as an experiment, if funds for the purpose can be secure: ——~___ EDITOR CANALESJA’s VistT, He Describes the F; mex im Regarding the War. Jose Canalejas, editor of El Madrid, former minister of j liberal ministry, and closely identified with Premier Sagasta and the new liberal re- sime in Spain, is on a visit to W: shington, accompanied by Capt. Vega and Mr. Alex. Saint Aubin of Madrid. Much ij st at laches to Senor Canalejas’ visit on account of the facility it affords fore conference with Senor Dupuy de Lome, the Spanish minister, and Mr. Calderon Carlisle, coun= sel for the legation. Senor Canalajas has made the following statement in regard to the cond area: © itions in Madrid. 1 Heraldo of justice in the Feeling in Madria. “The feelmg there is one of expectancy, but there is little or no feeling that a serious crisis will present itself between the United States and Spain, and there is no thought in well-informed circles that ex- treme measures, or a resort to war, will result. On the contrary, the action of the Spanish government has given every hope of @ continuance of the most friendly rela- ticns with the United States, and of a satisfactory conclusion of the Cuban con- flict. A complete change of policy has re- sulted from the accession of the liberal ministry, and the aggressive policy exe- sted by Gen, W jer is now su. ol by the more conciliatory methods of that peaceful soldier, Gen. Blane He s but jest landed in Cuba, and e is little op- portunity thus far to judge of the mila tnd beneficial policy p> is charged with ecuting, but we in Madrid, who know his high character and the desires of those who send him, feel assured that good results will come from his mission. s to the autonomy which Spain now of- fers to Cuba, it is autonomy of the gem character, and it is tendered in ihe sin cerest good faith, believing that it affords the surest guaranty peace to Cuba and giving pr island, In all internal aftair h a policy in view and with G tion, to put it into ¢ there lo all in he Ty ase r power ore peace and pi Moreover, we look with of that policy: We that our friends in ze the compl: changa occurred, and should co-operate with us in having it bring the beneficial results we look for. Gen, Blanc Senor Dupuy de Lome, the Spani ister, has received the following cable mes= sage from Gen. Blanco, governor general* of Cuba, in regard to reconcentrad “Extensive zones of cultivation have been organized, daily rations are provided by the state, work is furnished: they will be well treated and can be employed by the plante ers; they have free transportation and ara protected in every provincial protec- tive committees have been formed, have already entered upon their functions; they will continue being organized in the remaining provinces with the objec curing the necessary relief funds. peen set on foot to relieve verything that is human- y possible is being done. “An edict is published today not only ‘ion to grind sugar, but ad- be done, and offering the necessary military and civil protection. Not a moment is lost in attending to all imme- Giate needs which form the object of my personal attention. It is impossible to do more than I have done in the time that has elapsed.” Message i eee CONDITION OF THE CROPS, Summary of Reports to the Agricul tural Department. The report for November iss Department of Agriculture, according to the preliminary returns of the correspond- ents of the dep: shows an yield per acre of corn of 23.7 busheis, onding preliminary estimate and that of 1895, age yield the is as follow New. Pennsylvania, 36.0; Ohio, Illinois, 31.5; Iowa, 29: 25.0; Kansas, 19.0; Nebras! 29.0. Tne averege per cent of quality is 86.3, as compared with 88.4 in 1896, and £2.3 in 1805. The preliminary estim yield of buckwheat is as compared with 18. and 20.1 bushels in 1895. The averages in New York and Pennsylvania, the twa states of principal production, are 22 and 21 bushels per acre, respectively. The average per cent of quailty is 94.3, as compared with 94.7 in November of last year. The average yield per acre of tobacco is 646 pounds, against 679 pounds per acre last year, and 743 pounds in 1895. The estimated Average yield per acre of Irish potatoes is 6 bushels as compared with 86.8 bushels last year, and 100.7 bushels in November, 189 The average per cent of quality is 81.3, against 89.2 in November last and ‘4.8 in November, 1895. The average yield of hay is 1.42 tons per acre, against an average of 1.21 tons per acre for the last fifteen years. In point of quality the average is 92.8 per cent as com- pared with 92.9 per cent in November, 1896, and 91.3 per cent in 1! Missouri, te of the average bushels per acre, bushels year,