Evening Star Newspaper, August 27, 1896, Page 10

THE EVENING STAR, THURSDAY, AUGUST 27, 1896—-TWELVE PAGES. . MCKINLEY'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE Campaign Issnes Discussed by the Re- publican Candidate, Free Silver Attacked, and the | Claims for a Protec- tive Tariff Set Forth. The full text of Maj. McKinley's letter accepting the republican nomination for the presidency, which was given to the press last right, is as follows: John M. Thurston and Others, Members of the Notification Committee of the Repub- Nean National Convention: Gentlemen: In pursuance of the promise made to your committee when notified of my nomination as the republican candidate ; for President, I beg to submit this formal, acceptance of that high honor, and to con- sider in detail questions at issue in the pending campa Perhaps this might be considere unnecessary in view of my re- marks on chat occasion and those I have made to delegations that have visited me since the St. Louis convention, but in view of the mcmentous importance of the proper settlement of the issu future prosperity and sta and considering only the welfare and hap- pines of our people, I could not be content to omit avain calling attention to the ques- tions which, In my opinicn, vitally affect our strergth and position among the gov- ernments of the world and our morality, s presented on our t hope of the world and the inspira- nkind. We must not now prove - ty our own high ment, ror unmindful of the noble example and wise precepts of our fathers, or of the | d trust which cur conduct in t has always inspired. f Silver. mee ISSR, if ever be- fore, there is presented to the American people this year a clear aud direct issue as to our monetary system, of vast import- ance in its effects and upon the right set- tlement of which rests largely the financial honor and prosperity of the country. It is The Free Coinage For the first time proposed Ty one wing of the democratic part and its allies, the people's and silver , to imaugurate the free and unlim- age of silver by independent ac tion on the part of the United States at a ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one ounce of gold. The mere declaration of this purpose is a menace to our financial and created universal alarm. It involves great peril to the credit and business of the country—a peril so grave that conservative men everywhere are breaking away from their old party asso- ciations and uniting with other patriotic citizens in emphatic protest against the platform of the democratic national con- vention as an assault upon the faith and honor of the government and the welfare of the people. We have had few questions in the lifetime of the republic more serious than the one which is thus presented. No Benefit to Labor. The character of the money that shail measure our valves and exchanges and set- tle our balances with one another, and with the nations of the world, is of such pri- mary importance and so far reaching in its consequences as to call for the most pains- taking investigation, and, In the end, a so- ber and unprejudiced judgment at the polls. ‘We must not be misled by phrases nor de- luded by false theories. Free silver would not mean that silver dollars were to be freely had without cost or labor. It would mean the free use of the mints of the United States for the few who are owners of silver bullion, but would make silver coin no freer to the many who are engaged in other enterprises. It would not make labor easier, the hours of labor short- er or the pay better. It would not make farming less laborious or more profitable. It would not start a factory nor make a de- mand for an additional day’s labor. It would create no new occupations. It would add nothing to the comfort of the masses, the capital of the people or the wealth of the nation. It seeks to introduce a new measure of value, but would add no value to the thing measufed. It would not con- serve values. On the contrary, it would derange all existing values. It would not restore business confidence, but its direct effect would be to destroy the little which yet remains. What It Mea The meaning of the coinage p!ank adopt- ed at Chicago Is that any one may take ® quantity of silver bullion now worth 63 cents to the mints of the United States, have it coined at the expense of the gov- ernment and receive for it a silver doilar which shall be legal tender for the pay- ment of all debts, public and private. The owner of the silver bullion would get the silver dollar. It would belong to him and to nobctiy else. Other people would get it only by their labor, the products of their land or some- thirg of value. The bullion owner, on the basis of present values, would receive the silver dollars for 53 cents’ worth of -silver and other people would be required to re- ceive it as a full dollar in the payment of debts. The government would get not! ing from the transaction. It would bear the expense of coining the silver, and the community would suffer loss by its use. The Dollars Compared. We have coined since 1878 more than four hundred millions of stlver dollars, which are maintained by the government at par- ity with gold, and are a full legal tender for the payment of ail debts, public and private. How are the silver dollars now in use different from those which would be in use under free coinage? They are to be of the same weight and ng as a nation, | tandards in govern- | industrial interests, and has already | fineness; they are to bear the same stamp of the government. Why should they not be of the same value? I answer: The silver dollars now in use were coined on account of the government and not for | Private account or gain, and the govern- ment solemnly agreed to keep them as good as the best dollars we have. The goverr- } ment bought the silver bullion at its mar- ket value and coined it Into silver dollars. | Having exclusive control of the mintage it only coins what it can hold at a parity with gold. The profit, representing the difference between the commercial value jof the silver bullion and the face value jof the silver dollar, goes to the govern- ; Ment for the benefit of the people. The government bought the silver bullion con- tained in the silver dollar at very much less than its coinage value. It paid ft out to its creditors and put it in circulation among the people at its face | value of one hundred cents, or a full dol- jlar. It required the people to accept it 28 a legal tender, and it is thus morally bound to maintain it at a parity with gold, which was then, as now, the recog- | nized standard with us, and the most en- ghtened nations of the world. The gov- errment, having issued and circulated the silver dollar, must in honor protect the ‘holder from loss. This obligation it has so far sacredly kept. Not only {s there a moral obligation, but there is a legal obligation, expressed in public statute, to maintain the parity. They Could Not Be Kept at Par. These dollars, in the particulars I have named, are not the same as the dollars which would be issued under free coinage. They would be the same in form, but dif- ferent in value. The government would have no part in the transaction, except to jcoin the silver bullion into dollars. It wculd share in no part of the profit. It would take upon itself no obligation. It would not put the dollars into circula- tion. It could only get them as any citizen would get them, by giving something for | them. It would deliver them to those | who deposited the silver, and its connec- | ton with the transaction there ends. Such are the silver dollars which would be issued under free coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1. Who would then main- tain the parity? What would keep them at a par with gold. There would be no obligation resting upon the government to do it, and if there were, it would be powerless to do it. The simple truth fs, | We would be driven to a silver basis | to T monometallism. These dollars, | therefore, would stand upon their reai | value. If the free and unlimited coinage | of silver at a ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one ounce of goid would, as some of its advocates assert, make 53 cents in silver worth 100 cents, and the silver dol- lar equal to the gold dollar, then we would have no cheaper money than now, and it | Would be no easler to get. But that such would be the result 1s | against reason, and ts contradicted by ex- perience in all times and in all lands. It | Means the debasement of our currency to | the amount of the difference between the commercial and coin value of the silver dollar, which is ever changing, and the ef- fect would be to reduce property values, entail untold financial loss, destroy con- fidence, impair the obligations of existing contracts, further impoverish the laborer and producers of the country, create a panic of unparalleied severity ‘and inflict upon trade and commerce a deadly blow. Agali such a poiicy I am tnaiterably opposed. Bimetallism, a Bimetallism cannot be secured by inde- Pendent action on our part. It. cannot be obtained by opening our mints to the un- limited coinage of the silver of the world, at a ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one ounce of gold, when the commercial ratio {s more than thirty ounces of silver to one ounce of gold. Mexico and China have tried the experiment. Mexico has free coinage of silver and gold at a ratio slightly in excess of sixteen and a half ounces of silver to one ounce of gold, and while her mints are freely open to both metals at that ratio, not a single dollar in gold bullion is coined and circulated as money. Gold has been driven out of circulation in these countries and they are on a silver basis alone. Until international agreement is had, it is the plain duty of the United States to maintain the gold standard. It {s the recognized and sole standard of the great commercial rations of the world, with which we trade more largely than any other. Eighty-four per cent of our for- eign trade for the fiscal year 1895 was with gold standard countries and our trade with other countries was settled on a gold basis. ‘We Now Have More Silver Than Gold. Chiefly by means of legislation during and since 1878 there has been put in cir- culation more than $624,000,000 of silver, or its representative. This has been done in the honest effort to give to silver, if pos- sible, the same bullion and coinage value, and encourage the concurrent use of both gold and silver as money. Prior to that time there had been less than nine mil- lions of silver dollars coined in the entire history of the United States, a period of eighty-nine years. This legislation secures the largest use of silver consistent with financial safety and the pledge to maintain its parity with gold. We have today more silver than gold. This has been accom- plished at times with grave peril to the public credit. The so-called Sherman law sought to use all the silver product of the United States for money at its market value. From 189) to 1893 the government purchased 4,500,000 ounces of silver a month, or 54,000,000 ounces a year. This was one-third of the product of the world and practically all of this country’s product. It was believed by those who then and now favor free coinage that such use of silver would ad- vance its bullion value to its coinage value, but this expectation Was not realized. In a few months, notwithstanding the un- precedented market for the silver produc- ed in the United States, the price of silver went down very rapidly, reaching a lower point than ever before. Then, upon the recommendation of President Cleveland. both political parties united in the repeal of the purchasing clause of the Sherman law. We cannot with safety engage in further experiment in this direction. The Double Standard. On the 224 of August, 1891, in a public address, I said: “If we could aave an inter- national ratio, which all the leading’ nations of the world would adopt, and the true relation be fixed between the two metals, and all agree upon the quantity of silver which should corstitute a doilar, then sil-. ver would be as free and unlimited in it: privileges of coinage as gold ‘s today. But that we have not been able to secure, and with the free and unlimited coinage of silver adopted in the United States, at the present ratio, we would be still further removed from any international agree- ment. We may never be able to secure it if we enter upon the isolated coinage of silver. The double standard implies equal- ity at a ratio, and that equality can only be established by the concurrent law of nations. It was the concurrent law of na- tions that made the double standard; it will require the concurrent law of nations to reinstate and sustain it.” ‘The republican party has not been, and is not now, opposed to the use of silver money, as its record abundantly shows. It has done all that could be done for its increased use, with safety and honor, by the United States, acting apart from other governments. There are those who think that it has already gone beyond ihe limit «f financial prudence. Surely we can go no further and we must not permit false lights to lure us across the danger line. More Than Any Other Country. We have more silver in use than any country in the world except India or China—$500,000,000 more than Great Britain, $150,000,000 more than France, $40,000,000 more than Germany, $325,000,000 less than India and $125,000,000 less than China. The republican party has declared :n favor of an international agreement, and if elected President it will be my duty to employ all Proper means to promote it.. The free coinage of silver in this country would de- fer, If not defeat, international bimetallism, and until an international agreement ca: be had every interest requires us to main- tain our present standard. Independent free coinage of silver at a ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one ounce of gold would insure the gpeedy contraction of the vol- ume of our currency. It would drive at least five hundred millions of gold dollars, which we now have, permanently from the trade of the country and greatly decrease our per capita circulation. It Is not proposed by the republican party to take from the circulating medium of the country any of the silver we now have. On the contrary, it is proposed to keep all of the silver money now in circulation on a parity with gold by maintaining the Pledge of the government that all of it shall be equal to gold. This has been the unbroken policy of the republican party since 1878. It has inaugurated no new policy. It will keep in circulation and as good as gold ali of the silver and paper morey which are now included in the cur- rercy of the country. It will maintain their Parity. It will preserve their equality in the future as it has always done in the Past. It will net consent to put this coun- try on a silver basis, which would inevi- tably follow independent free coinage at a ratio of sixteen to one. It will oppose the expulsion of gold from our circulation. Farmers and Laborers Suffer Most. If there is any one thing which should be free from speculation and fluctuation it is the money of a country. It ought never to be the subject of mere partisan contention. When we part with our labor, our products or our property we should recetve in return money which ts as stable and unchanging in value as the ingenuity of honest men can make it. Debasement of the currency means destruction of values. No one suf- fers so much from cheap money as the farmers and laborers. They are the first to feel its bad effects and the last to recov- er from them. This has been the uniform experience of all countries, and here, as elsewhere, the poor and not the rich are always the great- est sufferers from every attempt to debase our money. It would fall with alarming severity upon investments already made, upon insurance companies and their poli holders, upon savings banks and their de- positors, upon building and loan associa- tions and their members, upon the savings of thrift, upon pensioners and families and upon wage earners and the purchasing power of their wages. Unlimited Irredeemable Paper Money. The silver question is not the only issue affecting our money in the coming contest. Not content with urging the free coinage of silver, its strongest champions demand that our paper money shali be issued di- rectly by tne government of the United States. This is the Chicago democratic declaration. The St. Louis people's declar- ation is that “our national money shall be issued by the general government only, without the intervention of banks of is- sue, be full legal tender for the payment of all debts, public and private” ani be distributed “direct to the people, and through lawful disbursements of the gov- ernment.” Thus, in addition to the free coinage of the world’s silver, we are asked to enter upon an era of unlimited, irre- deemable paper currency. The question which was fought out from 1865 to 1879 is thus to be reopened, with all its uncertainties and cheap money periments of every conceivable form fi upon us. This indicates a most sta: reactionary policy, strangely at vai with every requirement of sound finance; but the declaration shows the spirit and purpose of tnose who by combined action are contending for the control of the gov- ernment. Not satisfied with the debase- ment of our coin which would inevitably follow the free coinage of silver at 16 to 1, they would still further degrade our cur- rency and threaten the public honor by the unlimited fssue of an irredecemable paper currency. A graver menace to our financial standing and credit could hard- ly be conceived, and every patriotic citizen should be aroused to promptly meet and effectually defeat it. In the Highest Degree Reprehensible. It is a cause for painful regret and so- lcitude that an effort Is being made by those high in the counsels of the allled par- ties to divide the people of this country into classes and create distinctions among us which in fact, do not exist, and are re- pugnant to our form of. government... These appeals to. passton and prejudice are be- neath the. spirit and intelligence of free people, and should: be met with ‘stern re- buke by those they are sought to influence, and I believe they will be. Every attempt to array. class against class, “the classes against the masses,” section against sec- tion, labor against capital, “the poor against the rich,” or interest against in- terest, in the United States is in the high- est degree reprehensible. It is opposed to the national instinct and interest, and should be resisted by every citizen. We are not a nation of classes, but of sturdy, free, independent and honorable people, despis- ing the demagogue, and never capitulating to dishonor. This ever-recurring effort endangers pop- plar government and is a menace to our liberties. It is not a new campaign device or party appeal. It is as old as government among men, but was never more untimely and unfortunate than now. Washington warned us against it, and Webster said in the Senate, in words which I feel are sin- gularly appropriate at this time: “I admon- ish the people against the object of out- cries like these. I admonish every indus- trious laborer of this country to be on his guard against such delusion. I tell him the attempt is to play off his passion against his interest, and to prevail on him, in the name of liberty, to destroy all the fruits of liberty.” Protection of Supreme Importance. Another issue of supreme importance is that of protection. The peril of free silver is a menace to be feared; we are already experiencing the effect of partial free trade. The one must be averted; the other cor- rected. The republican party is wedded to the doctrine of protection, and was never more earnest in its support and advocacy than now. If argument were needed to strengthen its devotion to ‘the American system” or increase the hold of that sys- tem upon the party and people, it is found in the lesson and experience of the past three years. Men realize in their own daily lives what before was to many of them only report, history or tradition. . They have had a trial of both systems, and know what each has done for them. Demanded by the Public Exigencies. ‘Washington, in his farewell address, Sep- tember 17, 1796, a hundred years ago, said: “As @ very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One’ method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible; avolding the accu- mulation of debt, not only by shunning oc- casions of expense, but by vigorous exer- tions In time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we our- selves vught to bear.” To facilitate the enforcement of the maxims which he an- nounced he declared; “It is essential that you should practically bear in mind that toward the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to:have revenue there must be taxes: that no taxes can be. de- vised which are not more or less inconve- nient or unpleasant; that the intrinsic em- ssment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (whieh is always a Choice of difficulties) qught to be a decisive motive for a-candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.” Animated by lke sentiments, the people of the country must now face the condi- tions which beset them. “The public exi- gencies” demand prompt protective legisla- tion which will avoid the accumulation of further debt by prowiding adequate rev- ghues for the expenses of the government. This is manifestly the requirement of duty, If elected President of the United States it will be my aim to vigorously promote this object and give that ample encouragement to the occupations of the American people which, above all clse, is so imperatively de- manded at this juncture of our national af- fairs. Our Condition in December, 189: In December, 1892, President Harrison sent his last message to Congress. It was an able and exhaustive review of the con- dition and resources of the country. It stated our situation so accurately that I am sure it will not be amiss to recite his official and valuable testimony. ‘There never has been a time in our history,” said he, “when work was so abundant, or when Wages were so high, whether measured by the currency in which they are paid or by their power to supply the necessaries end comforts of life; and the general average of prices has been such as to give to agri- culture a fair participation in the general prosperity. ‘Tne new industrial plants established since October 6, 18%), and up to October 22, 1892, number 345, and the extension of ex- isting plants, 108. ‘The new capital invest- ed amounts to $40,446,060, and the number of additional employes, 37,285. During the first six months of the present calendar year 135 new factories were built, of which 40 were cotton mills, 48 knitting mills, 26 woolen mills, 15 silk mills, 4 plush mills and 2 linen mills. mills, 21 have been built in the southern States.” This fairly describes the happy condition of the country in December, 1892. What has it been since, and what is it new? Of the 40 cotton Our Condition Eight Monihs Later. The messages of President Cleveland from the beginning of his second adminis- tration to the present time abound with de- scriptions of the deplorable industrial and financial situation of the country. While no resort to history or official statement is required to advise us of the present condi- tion and that which has prevailed during the past three years, 1 venture to quote from President Cleveland's first_ message, Avgust 8, 1898, addressed tc the Fifty-third Congre which he had called together in extraordinary session. ‘The existence of an alarming and extraordinary business Situation,” said he, “involving the welfare and prosperity of all our people has con- strained me to call together in extra se: S:on the people’s representatives in Con- 8ress, to the end that through the wise and Patriotic exercise of the legislative duties with which they solely are charged, the present evils may be mitigated and dan- Sers threatening the future may be averted. “Our unfortunate financial plight is not the result of untoward events, nor of con- ditions related to .our natural resources. Nor is it traceable to any of the afflictions which frequently check national growth and prosperity. With plenteous crops, with abundant promise of remuneraiive produe- tion and manufacture, with unusual invi- tation to safe investment and with sati: factory assurances: to -business enterprises, suddenly financial distrust aud fear have sprung up upon every. side. moneyed institutions have suspended be- cause aburdant assets were not immediate- y available to meet the deman.ls of fr: exed depositors. Surviving corperations ard individuals areeontent to keep in hand the money they are usually anxious to lean, and those engaged in legitimate bus ness ‘are surprised ‘to find that the secur tes they offer for loans, though heretofore satisfactory, are nodonger accepted. Values Supposed to be fixedare:fast becoming con- Jectural, and loss and failure have juvaded every branch of business.” The Cayse bt the Change. What a startling and sudden change within the short period of eight months, from December, 1892, to August, 1 What had occurred? A change of admin- istration; all branches of the government had been intrusted to the democratic party, which was committed against the prote tive policy tHat had prevailed uninterrup- tedly for more than thirty-two years, and brought unexampled prosperity to country, and firmly pledged to its complete overthrow and the substitution of a tariff for revenue only. The change having been decreed by the elections in November, its effects were at once anticipated and felt. We cannot close our eyes to these altered conditions, nor would it be wise to exclude from contemplation and investigation the causes which produced them. They are facts which we cannot as a people disre- gard, and we can onl, hope to improve our present condition by a study of their causes. In December, 1892, we had the same cur- rency and practically the same volume of currency that we have now. It aggregated in 1892 $2 In 1893, $2,323,000,000; in 1804, and in’ December, The per capita of money has been prac- tically the same during this whole period. ‘The equality of the money has been identi- cal—all kept equal to gold. There is noth- ing connected with our money, therefore, to account for this sudden and aggravated industrial change. Whatever is. to be deprecated in our financial system it must everywhere be admitted that our money has been absolutely good and brought neither loss nor inconvenience to its hold- ers. A depreciated currency has not ex. isted to further vex the troubled business situation. Good Money Never Made Times Hard. It is a mere pretense to attribute the hard times to the fact that all our currency 1s cn a gold basis. Good money never made times hard. Those who assert that our present industrial and financial depression is the result of the gold standard have not read American history aright or been care- ful students of the events of recent years. We never had greater prosperity in this country, in every field of employment and industry, than in the busy years from 1880 to 1892, during all of which time this coun- try was on a gold basis and employed more gold money in its fiscal and business operations than ever before. We had, too, a protective tariff, under which ample roc enues were collected for the government and an accumulating surplus, which was constuntly applied to the payment of the public debt. Let us hold fast to that which We know is good. It is not more money we want; what we want is to put the money We already have at work. en money is employed, men 2 ployed. Both have always been steadily and remuneratively engaged during all. the years of protective-tariff legislation. When those who have méhey lack confidence in the stability of vélues and investments they will not part with their money. Busi. ness is stagnated—the fe-blood of trade is checked and congested. We cannot restore public confidence hy an act which would revolutionize all valyés, or an act which ertails a deficiency.'in the public rev. We cannot inspire‘ confidence by adoccr, ing repudiation or. practicing dishonesty, We cannot restore éonfldence either te the treasury or to the peopfe, without a chenge in our present tariff legislation, The Tarif Acts, ‘The only measure of a general nature that affected the tréasifry and the employ- ment of our people passed by the Fifty- third Congress was, the general tariff act, which did not recetvé the approval of the President. Whatever virtues may be claim- ed for that act, there is confes which it does not possess. It lacks the wae sential virtues of its creation—the raising of revenue sufficient to supply the needs of the government. It has at no time pro- vided enough revenue for such needs, but it has caused a constant deficiency in the treasury and a steady depletion in the earnings of labor and land. It has con. tributed to swell our national debt more than _$262,000,000, a sum nearly as great as the debt of the government from Washing- ton to Lincoln, including all our foreign wars, from the revolution to the rebellion. Since iis passage work at home has been diminished, prices of agricultural products have fallen, confidence has been arrested and general business demoralization is seen on every hand. The total receipts under the tariff act of 1894 for the first twenty-two months of its enforcement, from September, 1894, to June, 1896, were $557,61: and the expendi- tures $640,418,363, or a deficiency of ,f - 035. The decrease in our exports of Ameri- can products and manufactures during the first fifteen months of the present tariff, as contrasted with the exports of the first fifteen months of the tariff of 1890, was $220,353,320. The excess of exports over imports during the first fifteen months of the tariff of 1890 was $213,972,968, but only $56,758,623 under’the first fifteen months of of the tariff of 1894, a loss under the latter of $157,214,345. “The net loss in the trade balance of the United States has been $196,- ‘983,607 -during the first fifteen months’ oper- ation of the tariff of 1894, as compared with the first fifteen months of the tariff of 1890. The loss has been large, constant and steady at the rate of $13,130,000 per month, or $000 for every business day of the year. Loning in Both Directions. We have either been sending too much The — ‘political information money out of the country or getting too |- little in, or both. We have lost steadily in both directions. Our foreign trade has been diminished and our domestic trade has suffered incalculable loss. Does this not suggest the cause of our present de- pression and indicate its remedy? Confi- dence in home enterprises has almost who!- ly disappeared. Our shops are closed or running on half time at reduced wages and small profit if not actual loss. Our men at home are idle, and while they are idle men abroad are occupied in supplying us with goods. Our unrivaled home market for the farmer has also greatly suffered because those who constitute it—the great army of American wage-earners—are with- out the work and wages they formerly had. If they cannot earn wages they cannot buy products. They cannot earn if they have no employ- ment, and when they do not earn the farm- er’s home market is lessened and impaired, and the loss is felt by both producer and consumer. The loss of earning power alone in this country in the past three years is sufficient to have produced our unfortunate business situation. If our labor was well employed and employed at as remunerative wages as in 1892, in a few months every farmer in the land would feel the glad change in the increased demand for his products and in the better prices which he would receive. Not Open Mints, but Open Mills. It is not an increase in the volume of money which is the need of the time, but an Increase of the volume of business; not an increase of coin, but an increase of confi- dence. Not more coinage, but a,more active use of the money coined. Net open mints for the unlimited coinage of the silver of the world, but open mills for the full and unrestricted labor of American working- men. The employment of our mints for the coinage of the silver of the world would not bring the necessaries and comforts of life back to our people. This will only come with the employment of the masses, and such employment is certain to follow the re-establishment of a wise protective policy which shall encourage manufactur- ing at home. Protection has lost none of its virtue and importance. The first duty of the republi- cen party, If restored to power in the coun- try, will be the enactment of a tariff law which will raise all the money necessary to conduct the government, economically and honestly administered, and so adjusted as to give preference to home manufactures and adequate protection to home labor and the home market. We are not committed tu any special schedule or rates of duty. They are and should be always subject to change to meet new conditions; but the principle upon which rates of duty are imposed re- mains the same. Our duties should always be high enough to measure the difference between the wages paid labor at home and in competing countries, and to adequately protect American investments and Ameri- can enterprises. Our Farmers and the Tariff. Our farmers have been hurt by the changes in our tariff legislation as severely as our laborers and manufacturers, badly as they have suffered. The republican plat- form wisely declares in favor of such en- couragement to.our sugar interests “as will lead to the production on American soil of all the sugar which the American people use.”” It promises to our wool and woolen inter- ests the “most ample prctection,” a guar- anty that ought to commend itself to every patriotic citizen. Never was a more griev- ous wrong done the farmers of our coun- try than that so unjustly inflicted during the past three years upon the wool growers of America. Although among our most in- Gustrious and useful citizens, their interests have been practically destroyed, and our woolen manufacturers involved in similar disaster. At no time within the past thirty- six years, and perhaps never during any previous period, have so many of our wool- en factories been suspended as now. The republican party can be relied upon to cor- rect these great wrongs, if again intrusted with the control of Congress. Reciprocity. Another declaration of the republican Platform that has my most cordial support is that wlich favors reciprocity. The splendid results of the reciprocity arrange- ments that were made under authority of the tariff law of 1890 are strikingly sug- gestive. The brief period they were 1 fcrce—in most cases only three yeat Ww rot long encugh to thoroughly test their great value, but sufficient was shown by ihe trial to conclusively demonstrate the im- portance and the wisdom of their adoption. In 1892 the export trade of the United States attained the highest point in our his- tory. The aggregate of our expo! hat year reached the immense sum of $1,030,- 278,148, a sum greater by $10,000,000 than the exports of any previous year. In_1893, owing to the threat of unfriendly tariff leg- fslation, the total dropped to $847.@55,194. Our exports of domestic merchandise de- creased $189,000,000, but reciprocity still se- cured us a large trade in Central and South America, and a larger trade with the West Indies than we had ever before enjoyed. ‘The increase of trade with the countries with which we had reciprocity agreements was $3,560,515 over our trade in 1802, and $86,440,721 over our trade in 1891. The only countries with which the United States traded that showed increased exports in 1893 were practically those with which we had_ reciprocity ar- rangements. The reciprocity treaty be- tween this country and Spain, touching the markets of Cuba and Porto Rico, was announced September 1, 1891. The growth of our trade with Cuba was phenomenal. In 1891 we sold that country but 114,441 barrels of flour; in 1892, 360,175; in 1893, 616,406, and in 18M, 622,248 barrels. Here was a growth of nearly .4k) per cent, while our exportations of ‘our to Cuba for the year ending Jure 30, 1995—the year fol- lowing the reneal of the reciprocity treaty —fell to 379,896 barrels, a loss of nearly half our trade with that country. The value of ur total exports of merchandise from the United States to Cuba in-1891— the year prior to the negotiation of the of the reciprocity agre2ment, it fell to only 312,887,661. : a y sim{lar examples might he given of our increased trade under reciprocity with other countries, but enough has _ been shown of the efticacy of the legisiation of 1890 to justify the speedy restoration of its reciprocity provisions. In my judg- ment Congress should immediately restore the reciprocity section of the old law, with such amendments, if any, as time and experience sanction as wise and proper. The underiying principle of this legislation must, however, he strictly ob- served. It is to ufford new markets for our surplus agricultural and manufac- tured products, without loss to the Ameri- can laborer of a single day’s work that he might otherwise procure. Foreign Immigration. The declaration of the platform touching foreign immigration is one of peculiar im- portance at this time, with our laboring people in such distress. I am in hearty sympathy with the present legislation re- stricting foreign immigration, and favor such extension of the laws as wili secure the United States from invasion by the debased and criminal classes of the old orld. “While we adhere to the public policy un- der which our country has received great bodies of honest, industrious ctitzens, who have added to the wealth, progress and power of the country, and while we wel- come to our shores well-disposed and industrious immigrant who contributes by his industry and intelligence to the cause of free government, we want no immi- grants who do not seek our shores to be- comes citizens. We should permit none to participate in the advantages of our civilization who do not sympathize with our aims and form of government. We should receive none who come to make war upon our institutions and profit by public disquiet and turmoil. Against ail such our gates must be tightly closed. Our Soldiers and Sailors. The soldiers and sailors of the Union should neither be neglected nor forgotten. The government which they served so well —contained in The Evening Star Almanac will prove of great value to tics. districts in the election. Sed Qoatentoatontententondeatontensent seep ote every one who is interested in poli- Init are carefully compiled tables explaining the vote by congressional last congressional Also state election returns for 1892 and 1894—as well as the electoral vote from 1789 to 1892. In addition, there are many re- liable statistics and a chapter upon the money of the United States— which-make it invaluable as a book of reference. 25 cents For sale at all news stands and at the counting room of The Evening Star. must not make their lves or condition harder by treating them as suppliants for relief in old age or distress, nor regard with disdain or contempt the earnest in- terest one comrade naturally manifests in the welfare of another. Doubtless there have been pension abuses and frauds in the numerous claims allowed by the gov- ernment, but the policy governing the ad- ministration of the pension bureau must always be fair and liberal. No deserving applicant should suffer because of a wrong perpetrated by or for another. Our soldiers and sailors gave the government the best they had. They freely offered health, strength, limb and life to save the coun- try in time of its greatest peril, and the government must honor them in their need, as in their service, with the respect and gratitude due to brave, noble and self- sacrificing men, ‘who are justly entitled to generous aid in their increasing neccssi- ties. The declaration of the re; bilean plat- .form in favor of the upbuiiding of our merchant marine has my hearty approval. The policy of discriminating duties in favor of our shipping which prevailed in the early years of our history should be again adopted by Congress and vigorously sup- ported until our prestige and supremacy on the seas is fully attained. We should no longer contribute, directly or indire to the maintenance of the colossal marin of foreign countries, but provide an efti- nt and complete marine of our own. w that the American navy is assumiag a position commensurate with our import- ance as a nation, a policy } am glad to observe the republican platform strongly indorses, we must supplement [t with a merchant marine that will give us the ad- vantages in botn our coastwise and fureign trade that we ought naturally and prop- erly to enjoy. It should be at once a matter of public policy and national pride to repossess this immense and prosperous trade. Civil Service Reform. The pledge of the republican national cenvention that our civil service laws “shall be sustained and thoroughly and henestly enforced and extended wherever practicable” is in keeping with the posi- tion of the party for the past twenty-four years and will be faithfully observed. Our opponents decry these reforms. They ap- rear willing to abar don all the advantage gained after so many years of agitation and effert. They encourage a return to methods ct party favoritism which both parties have often denounced, that experi- ence has condemned, and that the people have repeatedly disapproved. The repub- lican party earnestly opposes this reaction- ary and entirely unjustifiable policy. will take no backward step upon this que: tion. 1t will seek to improve, but never degrade, the public service. There are cther important and timely declarations in the platform which I can- not here discuss. 1 must content myself with saying that they have my approval. If, as republicans, we have lately address- ed our attention, with what may seem great stress and earnestness, to the ne! and unexpected assault upon’ the financial integrity of the government, we have donc it because the menace is so grave as to de- mand especial consideration, and because we are convinced that if the people are aroused to the true understanding and meaning of this silver inftation movement, they will avert the danger. In doing this we feel that we render the best service Possible to the country and we anpeal to the intelligence, conscience and patriotism of the people, irrespective of party or sec- tion, for their earnest support. We avoid no issues. We meet the sud- den, dangerous and revolutionary assault upon law and order, and upon those to whom is confided by the Constitution and laws the authority to uphold and maintain them, which our oponents have made, with the same courage that we have faced every emergency since our organization as a party, more than fcrty years ago. Go ernment by law must first be assured; everything else can wait. The spirit of lawlessness must be extinguished by the fires of an unselfish and lofty patriotism. Every attack upon the public faith and every suggestion of the repudiation of debts, public or private, must be rebuked by all men who believe that honesty is the best policy, or who love their country and would preserve unsullied its national honor. Sectionalinsm Almost Obliterated. The country is to be congratulated upon the almost total obliteration of the section- al lines which for many years niarked the division of the United States into slave and free territory, and finally threatened its partition into two separate governments by the dread ordeal of civil war. The era ot reconciliation so long and earnestly desired by Gen. Grant and many other great lead- ers, north and south, has happily come, and the feeling of distrust and hostility be- tween the sections is everywhere vanish- ing, let us hcpe never to return. Nothing is better calculated to give strength to the nation at home, to increase our influence abroad and add to the permanency and se- curity of our free instituticns than the res- toration of cordial relaticns between the people of all sections and parts of our be- loved country. if called by the suffrages of the people to assun.e the duties of the high office of President of the United States, I shall count it a privilege to aid, even in the slightesi degree, in the promotion of the spirit of fraternal rezard, which should an- imate and govern the citizens of every sec- tion, state cr part of the republic. After the lapse of a century since its utterance let us, at length and forever hereafter, heed the admonition of Washington, “There should be no north, ro south, no east, no west, but a common country.” It shall be my constant aim to improve every opportunity to advarce the cause of good government by promoting that spirit of forbearance and justice which is so es- sential to our prosperity and happiness, by joining mcst heartily in all proper efforts to restore the relations of brotherly respect and affection which in our early history characterized all the people of all the states. I would be glad to contribute to- ward binding in indivisible union the dif- ferent divisions of the country, which, in- deed, now “have every inducement of s ‘m- pathy and interest” to weld them together more strongly than ever. I would rejoice to see demonstrated to the world that the north and the south and the east and the west are 1.ot separated or in danger of be- coming separated because of sectional or party differences. The war is long since over; “we are not enemies, but friends,” and as friends we will faithfully and cor- dially co-operate, under the approving smile of Him who has thus far so signally sustained and guided us, to preserve invio- late our country’s name and honor, of its peace and good order, of {ts continued as- cendancy amongst the greatest government on earth, WILLIAM McKINLEY. oe THE SIXTH MARYLAND. as a Formids didate. Special Oorrespendence of ‘Ihe Evening Star. OAKLAND, Md., August 1848. Politics is the all-absorbing topic in Gar- rett county and will be until after the elec- tion. As a usual thing that subject is not of such prime importance here as it is else- where, but an unusual thing is to happen in Oakland this year, and that is that the sixth congressional district nominating con- ventions of both parties are to be held here, a thing which has not happene The convention of the democ: began this afternoon at 3 o'clock, while that of the republicans is to be held the 9th of September at about the same time in the afternoon. The two conventions begin their sessions, however, with widely dif- ferent feelings; the republicans feeling that they are sure of victory, and the democrats that only the greatest good luck will pull thelr man through. Just who these men are to be is the all-absorbing topic. The demo- cratic convention is not expected to name their candidate much before 5 e 5 or 6 o'clock this afternoon, but their choice may be predicted with more certainty than that of the republicans. It lies prac: ‘ally be two lawyers, one of whom is ¥ known to Washiagtonians. He is Blair Lee, who lives out in Montgomery county, and fs the son of Admiral Lee of the navy, but who practices law in Washington. The other candidate is Ferdinand Williams of Cumberland, Allegheny county. Up to two or three weeks ago it was almost a cer- tainty that Williams could have the nomi- nation, but since then the wind has veered somewhat, and now Blair Lee is said to have an excellent chance. Lee has the Montgomery delegation back of him, and very probably that of Garrett as weil. So far as known none of the dele ons from any of the five counties were regularly in- structed for any particular man. Ferdje nand Williams is very popular, stands squarely on the Chicago platform, but has been defeated twice by his republican op- Ponent, and this is t he sole reason tha makes the nomination of any other came date possible. The situation as viewed prominent democrats here is that Wil | ts in the lead, followed by Blair Sinema ¢x-State's Attorney Chas. A. Little of Hagerstown, in the order named. Yesterday afternoon the Garrett county republicans got together in convention, and sclected State Senator Ravenscroft of Ac. dent as their choice for the district nomic nation. The senator did not have a walk. over, however, as two or three of the twelve county districts were opposed to him, jut he captured the county celegation just the same. Garrett politicians who are opposed to Dr. Ravenscroft, and among them is one of the :nost preminent republic can officials here, say that if it is shown that he cannot get the nomination, then the delegation will cast its vote for Judge Edward Stake of Hagerstown. The official mentioned sald today that he thought Judge Stake will be the nominee, and he figures that he 1s apt to get in on either of {wo combinations. They are as follows: Washington, 3, Stake; Allegheny, 6, Geo. A. Pearie; Frederick, '6, Stake; Montgom: ery, 4, Steke;, and Garrett, 3, Ravenscro?t: total of 24, Judge Stake having Ih, or encugh to romirate. The other combina- tion is different, in that it throws Mont- gemery’s votes to the Wellington man, but gives hina Garrett in place of it. These cal- culations are not, of course, in reference to the first ballot, as that is figured as likely to be casi this way: Allegheny, 6, Pearre; Frederick, 6, Jcbn C. Motter; Garrett, 3. Ravenscroft; Montgomery, 4,’ Capt. Mac- Donald, and Washington, &, Judge Stake. The merits of the national candidates are cast in the shade at present, but their prespects as regards western Maryland are thought to be that the bolting will not amount to much, and that the voters will cast their ballots on strict party lines. Here in Oakland the president of the bank. who is a democrat, is said to have made the staterent that he will vote for Bryan, and the vice president of the bank, also of the same political faith, said the same thing to me this morning. That McKinley will receive the normal republican majority, and probably something above it, is pretcy certain. His protection views are of con- siderable aid to him in this mining section, RP. S. —.—___ TO PARALLEL THE W. AND 0. Pennsylvania Rond Said to Be About to Buy an Electric Line. It 1s reported and generally believed among railroad men here that the Pennsyl- vania Railroad Company has purchased the vncompleted Falls Church electric railroad and will extend it to Falls Church. At present the road is being operated to Fos- toria, about cne and ono-half miles east of Falls Church. It is the impression that it is the intention of the Pennsylvania com- pany to parallel the Washington and Ohio division of the Southern railway all the way from this city to the Blue Ridge moun- tains, via Falls Church, Vienna, Lee burg and Round Hill, with an electric line. To get beyond Falls Church will, however, require the passage of a special act by the Virginia legislature, so that the new cm | is not likely in any event to be an a rival to the Southern before next spring.