Evening Star Newspaper, December 18, 1893, Page 13

THE EVENING STAR. PUBLISHED D1 EXCEPT SUNDAY. AT THE STAR BUILD! ——— New York Office, 68 Potter Building. Rvmanwo Bran im served t subscribers in th city = 3. taste own, acrora = TDicente month. Cop! _ ey Sean Soe ot Se Gal on OF Prepsid—50 cents per Sércrva & Suzer Sr, 11.00 : i Lt ee (Entered at the Post Offices at Washington, D. C.. as second-class mail matter. ) 2-411 mail subscriptions must be paid in advance . Kates of alvertising made known on application. EXTRA! HAWAITI pee tase ee ene The President's Mes- sage Sent to Con- gress Today. —— THE QUEEN OPPOSES Why Minister Willis Has Not Acted, The Plan of Restoration Not Agreeable to Lilinokalani. THE CONDITIONS — IMPOSED A General Amnesty to All, Involved. ee > Sean RETURN TO THESTATUS QUO Mr. Cleveland Reviews the Whole Controversy. MR. BLOUNT'S CONCLUSIONS DEFENDED Minister Stevens’ Acts! Condemned. Waiting Now for the Queen’s Acquiescence. fo the Senate and House of Representa- tives: In my recent annual message to the Con- gress I briefly referred to our relations with Hawaii and expressed the intention of transmitting further information on the Subject when additioral advices permitted. Though I am not able now to report a @efinite change in the actual situation, Iam convinced that the difficulties lately created both here and in Hawaii are now standing in the way of a solution through executive action of the problem presented, render it Proper, and expedient, that the matter should be referred to the broader authority and discretion of Corgress, with a full ex- planation of the endeavor thus far made to deal with the emergency and a statement of the considerations which have governed my action. I suppose that right and justice should @etermine the path to be followed in treat- ing this subject. If national honesty is to be disregarded and a deSire for territorial extension, or dissatisfaction with a form of Bovernment not our own, ought to regulate pur conduct, I have entirely misapprehend- @d the mission and character of our govern: ment and the behavior which the con- science of our people demands of their public servants. The Aunexation Treaty. When the present administration enterea upon its duties the Senate had under con- sideration a treaty providing for the an- nexation of the Hawatian Islands to the territory of the United States. Surely under our Constitution and laws the en- largement of our limits is a manifesta- tion of the highest attribute of sovereignty, and if entered upon as an Executive act, all things relating to the transaction should be clear and free from suspicion. Addi- tional importance attached to this particu- Jar treaty of annexation, because it con- templated a departure from unbroken American tradition in providing for the addition to our territory of islands of the Bea more than two thousand miles removed from our nearest coast. These considerations might not of them- selves call for interference with the com- pletion of a treaty entered upon by a pre- vious Administration. But it appeared from the documents accompanying the treaty when submitted to the Senate, that the ownership ef Hawaii was tendered to us by @ provisional government set up to suc- ceed the constitutional ruler of the islands, who had been dethroned, and it did not sppear that such provisional government had ction of either popular revo- to suffrage. Two other remarkable fea of the transaction naturally at- tracted attention. One was the extraordinary haste—not to say precipitancy—characterizing all the transactions connected with the treaty. It Bppeared that a so-cafled committee of safe- ty ostensibiy the source of the revolt fgainst the constitutional government of Che Lvening Star. Vor 83, No. 20,758. WASHINGTON, D. C.. MONDAY, DECEMBER 18, 18983-TWELVE PAGES. TWO CENTS An index to advertise- ™@nts will be found om Page 3. Hawaii, was organized on Saturday, the 16th, the United States forces were landed at Honolulu from a naval vessel lying in its harbor; that on the 17th the scheme of @ provisional government was perfected, and a proclamation naming its officers was on the same day prepared and read at the government building; that immediately thereupon the United States minister recog- nized the provisional government thus created; that two days afterwards, on the lyth day of January, commissioners repre- senting such government sailed for this country in a steamer especially chartered for the occasion, arriving in San Francisco on the 28th of January, and in Washington on the 3d day of February; that on the next day they had their first interview with the Secretary of State, and another on the 11th, when the treaty of annexation was practi- cally agreed upon, and that on the 14th it was formally concluded and on the 15th transmitted to the Senate. Thus between the initiation of the scheme for a provi- sional government In Hawaii on the 14th day of January and the submission to the Senate of the treaty of annexation conclud- | ed with such government, the entire inter- val was thirty-two days, fifteen of which were spent by the Hawalian commissicners in their journey to Washington. An Issue of Fact. In the next place, upon the face of the papers submitted with the treaty, it clearly appeared that there was open and undeter- mined an issue of fact of the most vita! im- portance. The message of the President ac- companying the treaty declared that “the overthrow of the monarchy was not in any way promoted by this government,” and in a letter to the President from the Secretary of State, glso submitted to the Senate with the treaty, the following passage occurs: “At the time the provisional government took possession of the Government buildings no troops or officers of the United States were present or took any part whatever in the proceedings. No public recognition was accorded to the provisional government by the United States Minister until after the queen’s abdication and when they were in effective possession of the Government buildings, the archives, the treasury, the barracks, the police station, and all the potential machinery of the Government.” But a protest also accompanied said treaty, signed by the Queen and her mints- ters at the time she made way for the pro- visional government, which explicitly stated that she yielded to the superior force of the United States, whose Minister had caused United States troops to be landed at Hon- olulu and declared that he would support such provisional government. ‘The truth or falsity of this protest was surely of the first importance. If true, noth- ing but the concealment of its truth could induce our Government to negotiate with the semblance of a government thus creat- ed, nor could a treaty resulting from the acts stated in the protest have been know- ingly deemed worthy of consideration by the Senate. Yet the truth or falsity of the protest had not been investigated. Mr. Blount’s Mission. I conceived it to be my duty therefore to withdraw the treaty from the Senate for ex- amination, and meanwhile to cause an ac- curate, full, and impartial investigation to be made of the facts attending the subver- sion of the constitutional Government of Hawaitl, and the installment in its place of the provisional government. I selected for the work of investigation the Hon. James H. Blount, of Georgia, whose service of eighteen years as a member of the House of Representatives, and whose experience as chairman of the Committee of Foreign Af- fairs in that body, and his consequent fa- miliarity with international topics, joined with his high character and honorable repu- tation, seemed to render him peculiarly fitted for the duties entrusted to him. His report detailing his action under the in- Structions given to him and the conclusions derived from his investigation accompany this message. These conclusions do not rest for their ac- ceptance entirely upon Mr. Blount’s honesty and ability as a man, nor upon his acumen and impartiality as an investigator. They are accompanied by the evidence upon which they are based, which evidence is also herewith transmitted, and from which it seems to me no other deductions could possibly be reached than those arrived at by the Commissioner. The report, with its accompanying proofs, and such other evidence as is now before the Congress or is herewith submitted, jus- tifles in my opinion the statement that when the President was led to submit the treaty to the Senate, with the declaration that “the overthrow of the monarchy was not in any way promoted by this Govern- ment,” and when the Senate was induced to receive and discuss it on that basis, both President and Senate were misled. The attempt will not be’ made in this com- munication to touch upon all the facts which throw light upon the progress and consummation of this scheme of annexa- tion. A very brief and imperfect reference to the facts and evidence at hand will ex- hibit its character and the incidents in which it had its birth. It is unnecessary to set forth the reasons which in January, 1893, led a considera- ble proportion of American and other for- eign merchants and traders residing at Honolulu to favor the annexation of Ha- wali to the United States. It is sufficient to note the fact and to observe that the project was one which was zealously pro- moted by the Minister representing the United States in that country. He evi- dently had an ardent desire that it should become a fact accomplished by his agency ‘and during his ministry, and was not in- conyeniently scrupulous as to the means employed to that end. On the 19th day of November, 1892, nearly two months be- fore the first overt act tending towards the subversion of the Hawalian Govern- ment and the attempted transfer of Ha- waiian territory to the United States, he addressed a long letter to the Secretary of State in which the case for annexation was elaborately argued, on moral, political, and economical grounds. He refers to the loss to the Hawaiian sugar interests from the operation of the McKinley bill, and the tendency to still further depreciation of sugar property unless some positive meas- ure of relief is granted. He strongly in- veighs against the existing Hawaiian Gov- ernment and emphatically declares for an- nexation. He says: “In truth the mon- archy here is an absurd anachronism. It has nothing on which it logically or legiti- mately stands, The feudal basis on which it once stood no longer existing, the mon- archy now is only an impediment to good government—an obstruction to the pros- perity and progress of the islands.” He further sa “As a crown colony of Great Britain or a Territory of the United States the government modifications could be made readily and good administration of the law secured. Destiny and the vast future interests of the United States in the Pacific clearly indicate who at no dis- tant day must be responsible for the gov- ernment of these islands. Under a terri- torial government they could be as easily governed as any of the existing Territories of the United States.” °° “Hawail has reached the parting of the ways. She must now take the road which leads to Asia, or the other which outlets her in America, gives her an Amer- ican civilization, and binds her to the care l4tn day of January; that on Monday, the! lof American destiny.” He also declares: “One of two courses seems to me absolutely necessary to be followed, either bold and | vigorous measures for annexation or a | ‘customs union,’ an ocean cable from the | Californian coast to Honolulu, Pearl Harbor | perpetually ceded to the United States, with an implied but not expressly stipulated | American protectorate over the islands. I believe the former to be the better, that which will prove much the more advan- tageous to the islands, and the cheapest and least embarrassing in the end to the United States. If it was wise for the United States through Secretary Marcy thirty- eight years ago to offer to expend $100,000 to secure a treaty of annexation, it cer- tainly can not be chimerical or unwise to expend $100,000 to secure annexation in the near future. Today the’ United States has five times the wealth she possessed in 1854, and the reasons now existing for annexa- tion are much stronger than they were then. I can not refrain from expressing the opinion with emphasis that the golden hour is near at hand.” These declarations certainly show a dis- Position and condition of mind, which may be usefully recalled when interpreting the significance of the Minister's conceded acts or when considering the probabilities of such conduct on his part as may not be ad- mitted. In this view it seems proper to also quote from a letter written by the Minister to the Secretary of State on the 8th day of March, 1892, nearly a year prior to the first step taken toward annexation. After stating the possibility that the existing Government of Hawai! might be overturned by an orderly and peaceful revolution, Minister Stevens writes as follows: “Ordinarily in like cir- cumstances, the rule seems to be to limit the landing and movement of United States forces In foreign waters and dominion ex- clusively to the protection of the United States legation and of the lives and prop- erty of American citizens. But as the rela- tions of the United States to Hawaii are exceptional, and in former years the United States officials here took somewhat excep- tional action in circumstances of disorder, I desire to know how far the present Minister and naval commander may deviate from es- tablished international rules and precedents in the contingencies indicated in the first part of this dispatch.” The Opportunity. To a minister of this temper full of zeal for annexation there seemed to arise in Jan- uary,1898, the precise opportunity for which he was watchfully waiting—an opportunity which by timely “deviation from established international rules and precedents” might be improved to successfully, accomplish the great object in view; and we are quite pre- pared for the exultant enthusiasm with which in a letter to the State Department dated February 1, 1 he declares: “The Hawaltan pear is now fully ripe and this is the golden hour for the United States to pluck it.” As a further illustration of the activity of this diplomatic representative, attention is called to the fact that on the day the above letter was written, apparently unable longer to restrain his ardor, he issued a proclama- tion whereby “in the name of the United States” he assumed the protection of the Hawaiian Islands and declared that said action was “taken -pending-and aubject to. negotiations at Washington.” Of coursé this assumption of a protectorate was promptly disavowed by our government, but the American flag remained over the gov- ernment building at Honolulu and the forces remained on guard until April, and after Mr. Blount’s arrival on the scene, when both were removed. A brief statement of the occurrences that led to the subversion of the constitutional government of Hawaii in the interests of annexation to the United States will exhibit the true complexion of that transaction. The Committee of Safety. On Saturday, January 14, 1893, the Queen of Hawali, who had been contemplating the proclamation of a new constitution, had, in deference to the wishes and re- monstrances of her cabinet, renounced the | Project for the present at least. Taking this relinquished purpose as a basis of ac- | tion, citizens of Honolulu numbering from | fifty to one hundred, mostly resident aliens, | met in a private office and selected a so- | called Committee of Safety, composed of thirteen persons, seven of whom were for- eign subjects, and consisted of five Ameri- cans, one Englishman and one German. This committee, though its designs were not revealed, had in view nothing less than annexation to the United States, and be- tween Saturday, the 14th, and the follow- ing Monday, the 16th of January—though exactly what action was taken may not be clearly disclosed—they were certainly in communication with the United States Min- ister. On Monday morning the Queen and her cabinet made public proclamation, with a notice which was specially served upon the representatives of all foreign govern- ments, that any changes in the constitution would be sought only in the methods pro- | vided by that instrument. Nevertheless, at the call and under the auspices of the Com- mittee of Safety, a mass meeting of citi- zens was held on that day to protest against the Queen’s alleged illegal and un- lawful proceedings and purposes. Even at this meeting the Committee of Safety continued to disguise their real pur- pose and contented themselves with procur- ing the passage of a resolution denouncing the Queen and empowering the committee to devise ways and means “to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order and the protection of life, liberty, and prop- erty in Hawaii.” This meeting adjourned between three and four o'clock in the after- noon. On the same day, and immediately after such adjournment, the committee, un- willing to take further steps without the co- operation of the United States Minister, ad- dressed him a note representing that the public safety was menaced and that lives and property were in danger, and concluded as follows: ‘We are unable to protect our- selves without aid, and therefore pray for the protection of the United States‘ forces.” Whatever may be thought of the other con- tents of this note, the absolute truth of this latter statement is incontestable. When the note was written and delivered, the com- mittee, so far as it appears, had neither a man nor a gun at their command, and after Its delivery they became so panic- stricken at their position that they sent some of their number to interview the Min- ister and request him not to land the United States forces till the next morning. But he replied that the troops had been ordered, and whether the committee were ready or not the landing should take place. The Landing of the Troops. And so it happened that on the 16th day of January, 1 between 4 and 5 o'clock |in the afternoon, a detachment of marines from the United States steamer Boston, with two pieces of artillery, landed at Hon- olulu. The men, upwards of 160 in all, were supplied with double cartridge belts filled with ammunition and with haversacks and canteens, and were accompanied by a hos- pital corps with stretchers and medical supplies. This military demonstration upon the soil of Honolulu was of itself an act of war, unless made either with the consent of the government of Hawaii or for the bona fide purpose of protecting the imperiled lives and property of citizens of the United States. But there is no pretense of any such consent on the part of the government of the queen, which at that time was un- disputed and was both the de facto and the de jure government. In point of fact the existing government instead of request- ing the presence of an armed force pro- tested against it. There is as little basis for the pretense that such forces were land- ed for the security of American life and property.’ If so, they would have been sta- tioned in the vicinity of such property and so as to’ protect it, instead of at a distance and so as to command the Hawaiian gov- ernment building and palace. Admiral Skerrett, the officer in command of our naval force on the Pacific stattion, has frankly stated that in his opinion the loca- tion of the troops was inadvisable if they were landed for the protection of American citizens whose residences and places of business, as well as the legation and con- sulate, were in a distant part of the city, but the location selected was a wise one if the forces were landed for the purpose of supporting the provisional government. If any peril to life and property calling for any such martial array had existed, Great Britain and other foreign powers in- terested would not have been behind the United States in activity to protect their citizens, But they made no sign in that di- rection, When these armed men were land- ed, the city of Honolulu was in its custom- ary orderly and peaceful condition. There was no symptom of riot or disturbance in any quarter. Men, women and children were about the streets as usual, and nothing varied the ordinary routine or disturbed the ordinary tranquility, except the landing of the Boston’s marines and their march through the town to the quarters assigned them. Indeed, the fact that after having called for the landing of the United States forces on the plea of danger to life and Property the Committee of Safety them- selves requested the Minister to postpone action, exposed the untruthfulness of their representations of present peril to life and Property. The peril they saw was an an- ticipation growing out of guilty intentions on their part and something which, though not then existing, they knew would cer- tainly follow their attempt to overthrow the Government of the Queen without the aid of the United States forces. Forcible Possession. Thus it appears that Hawali was taken possession of by the United States forces without the consent or wish of the govern- ment of the islands, or of anybody else so far as shown, except the United States Minister. Therefore the military occupation of Hono- lulu by the United States on the day men- tioned was wholly without justification, either as an occupation by consent or as an cccupation necessitated by dangers threatening American life and prop- erty. It must be accounted for in some other way and on some other ground, and its real motive and purpose are neither obscure nor far to seek. The United States forces being now on the scene and favorably stationed, the com- mittee proceeded to carry out their original scheme. They met the next morning, Tues- day, the 17th, perfected the plan of tempo- Tary government, and fixed upon its princi- pal officers, ten of whom were drawn from the thirteen members of the Committee of Safety. Betwéen one and two o'clock, by squads and by different routes to avoid no- tice, and having first taken the precaution of ascertaining. there to. government. No sign of opposition was manifest, and thereupon an American citizen began to read the proclamation from the steps of the Government building almost entirely without auditors. It is said that before the reading was finished quite a concourse of persons, variously estimated at from 50 to 100, some armed and some unarmed, gather- ed about the committee to give them aid and confidence. This statement is not im- portant, since the one controlling factor in the whole affair was unquestionably the United States marines, who, drawn up under arms and with artillery in readiness only seventy-six yards distant, dominated the situation. The provisional government thus proclaim- ed was by the terms of the proclamation “to exist until terms of union with the United States had been negotiated and agreed upon.” The United States Minister, pursyant to prior agreement, recognized this government within an hour after the read- ing of the proclamation, and before five o'clock, in answer to an inquiry on behalf of the Queen and her cabinet, announced that he had done so. The Provisional Government. When our Minister recognized the pro- visional government the only basis upon which it rested was the fact that the Com- mittee of Safety had in the manner above stated declared it to exist. It was neither @ government de facto nor de jure. That it was not in such possession of the Govern- ment property and agencies as entitled it to recognition is conclusively proved by a note found in the files of the Legation at Honolulu, addressed by the declared head of the provisional government to Minister Stevens, dated January 17, 1893, in which he acknowledges with expressions of appre- ciation the Minister's recognition of the provisional government, and states that it is not yet in the possession of the station house (the place where a large number of the Queen's troops were quartered), though the same had been demanded of the Queen’s officers in charge. Nevertheless, this wrong- ful recognition by our Minister placed the Government of the Queen in a position of most perilous perplexity. On the one hand she had possession of the palace, of the barracks, and of the police station, and had at her command at least five hundred fully armed men and several pieces, of artillery. Indeed, the whole military force of her kingdom was on her side and at her dis- posal, while the Committee of Safety, by actual search, had discovered that there were but very few arms in Honolulu that were not in the service of the Government. In this state of things if the queen could have dealt with the insurgents alone her course would have been plain and the re- sult unmistakable. But the United States had allied «self with her enemies, had recognized them as the true government of Hawaii, and had put her and her adherents in the position of opposition against lawful authority. She knew that she could not withstand the power of the United States, but she believed that she might safely trust to its justice. Accordingly, some hours after the recognition of the provi- sional government by the United States minister, the palace, the barracks, and the police station, with all the military re- sources of the country, were delivered up by the queen upon the representation made to her that her cause would thereafter be reviewed at Washington, and while pro- testing that she surrendered to the superior force of the United States, whose mirfister had caused United States troops to be land- ed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the provisional government, and that she yielded her authority to prevent collision of armed forces and loss of life and only until such time as the United States, upon the facts being presented to it, should undo the action of its representa- tive and reinstate her in the authority she claimed as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawatian Islands. This protest was delivered to the chief of the provisional government, who endorsed thereon his acknowledgment of its re- ceipt. The terms of the protest were read without dissent by those assuming to con- there was any one Governiment building to proclaim the.new stitute the provisional government, who were certainly charged with the knowl- edge that the queen instead of finally aban- doning her power had appealed to the jus- tice of the United States for reinstatement in her authority; and yet the provisional government with this unanswered protest in its hand hastened to negotiate with the United States for the permanent banish- ment of the queen from power and for a sale of her kingdom. Compared With Texas. Our country was in danger of occupying the position of having actually set up a temporary government on foreign soil for the purpose of acquiring through that agen- cy territory which we had wrongfully put in its possession. The control of both sides of a bargain acquired in such a manner is called by a familiar and unpleasant name when found in private transactions. We are not without a precedent showing how scrupulously we avoided such accusations in former days. After the people of Texas had declared their independence of Mexico they resolved that on the acknowledgment of their independence by the United States they would seek admission into the Union. Several months after the battle of San Jacinto, by which Texan independence was practically assured and established, Presi- dent Jackson declined to recognize it, al- leging as one of his reasons that in the circumstances it became us “to beware of a too early movement, as it might subject us, however unjustly, to the imputation of seeking to establish the claim of our neigh- bors to a territory with a view to its sub- sequent acquisition by ourselves.” This is in marked contrast with the hasty recogni- tion of a government openly and concededly set up for the purpose of tendering to us territorial annexation. I believe that a candid and thorough ex- amination of the facts will force the convic- tion that the provisional government owes its existence to an armed invasion by the United States. Fair-minded people with the evidence before them will hardly claim that the Hawaiian government was overthrown by the people of the islands or that the pro- visional government has ever existed with their consent. I do not understand that any member of this government claims that the people would uphold it by their suffrages if they were allowed to vote on the question. While naturally sympathizing with every effort to establish a republican form of gov- ernment, it has been the settled policy of the United States to concede to people of foreign countries the same freedom and in- dependence in the management of their domestic affairs that we have always claimed for ourselves; and it ary governments as soon as it became apparent that they were supported by the people. For illustration of this rule I need only to refer to the revolution in Brazil in 1889, when our minister was instructed to recognize the republic “‘so soon as @ ama- jority of the people of Brazil should have signified their assent to its establishment and maintenance;’ to the revolution in Chile in 1891, when our minister was direct- ed to recognize the new government “if it was acceptel by the people;”’and to the revo- lution in Venezuela in 1892, when our rec- ognition was accorded on condition that new government was “fully established, As I apprehend the situation, we are brought face to face with the following conditions: The lawful Government of Hawaii was ‘overthrown without the drawing of a sword or the firing of a shot by a process every step of which, it may safely be as- serted, is directly traceable to and depend- ent for its success upon the agency of the United States acting through its diplomatic and naval representatives. But for the notorious predilections of the United States Minister for annexation, the Committee of Safety,which should be called the Committee of Annexation, would never have existed. But for the landing of the United States forces upon false pretexts respecting the danger to life and property the committee would never have exposed themselves to the pains and penalties of treason by un- dertaking the subversion of the Queen’s governmeat. But for the presence of the United States forces in the immediate vicinity and in Position to afford all needed protection and support the committee would not have pro- claimed the provisional government from the steps of the Government building. And finally, but for the lawless occu- pation of Honolulu under false pretexts by the United States forces, and but for Min- government when the United States forces were its sole support and constituted its only military strength, the Queen and her Government would never have yielded to the provisional government, even for a time and for the sole purpose of submit- ting her case to the enlightened justice of the United States. Believing, therefore, that the United States could not, under the circumstances disclosed, annex the islands without justly incurring the imputation of acquiring them by unjustifiable methods, I shall not again submit the treaty of annexation to the Senate for its consideration, and in the instructions to Minister Willis, a copy of which accompanies this message, 1 have directed him to so inform the provisional government. The Duty of the Government. But in the present instance our duty does not, in my opinion, end with refusing to consummate this questionable transaction. It has been the boast of our Government that it seeks to do justice in all things without regard to the strength or weak- ness of those with whom it deals. I mis- take the American people if they favor the odious doctrine that there is no such thing as international morality, that there is one law for a strong nation and another for a weak one, and that even by indirec- tion a strong power may with impunity despoil a weak one of its territory. By an act of war, committed with the participation of a diplomatic representative of the United States and without authority of Congress, the government of a feeble, but friendly and confiding, people has been overthrown. A substantial wrong has thus been done which a due regard for our national character as well as the rights of the injured people requires we should endeavor to repair. The provisional govern- ment has not assumed a republican or other constitutional form, but has remained a mere executive council or oligarchy, set up without the assent of the people. It has not sought to find a permanent basis of popular support and has given no evidence of an intention to do so.Indeed, the represen- tatives of that government assert that the people of Hawaii are unfit for popular gov- ernment and frankly avow that they can be best ruled by arbitrary or despotic power. The law of nations is founded upon reason and justice, and the rules of conduct govern- ing individual relations between citizens or subjects of a civilized state are equally ap- plicable as between enlightened nations. ‘The considerations that international law is without a court for its enforcement, and that obedience to its commands practically depends upon good faith, instead of upon the mandate of a superior tribunal, only give additional sanction to the law itself and brand any deliberate infraction of it not has | been our practice to recognize revolution- | ister Stevens’ recognition of the provisional | merely as a wrong but as a disgrace. A man of true honor protects the unwritten word which binds his conscience more scrupulous- ly, if possible, than he does the bond a breach of which subjects him to legal liabil- ities; and the United States in aiming to maintain itself as one of the most enlight- ened of nations, would do its citizens gross injustice if it applied to its international re- lations any other than a high standard of honor and morality. On that ground the United States can not properly be put in the Position of countenancing a wrong after its commission any more than in that of con- senting to it in advance. On that ground it can not allow itself to refuse to redress an injury inflicted through an abuse of power by officers clothed with its authority and wearing its uniform; and on the same ground, if a feeble but friendly state is in danger of being robbed of its indepengence and its sovereignty by a misuse of the name and power of the United States, the United States can not fail to vindicate its honor and its sense of justice by an earnest effort to make all possible reparation. These principles a} ply to the present case with irresistible force when the special con- ditions of the Queen’s surrerder of her sov- ereigrty are recalled. She surrendered not to the provisional government but to the United States. She surrendered not abso- lutely and permanently, but temporarily and conditionally until such time as the facts could be considered by the United States. Furthermore, the provisional gov- ernment acquiesced in her surrender in that manrer and on those terms, not only by tacit consent, but thrcvgh the positive acts of some members of that government who urged her peaceful submission, not merely to avoid bloodshed, but because she could place implicit reliance upon the justice of the United States, and that the whole sub- ject would be finally considered at Wash- ington. Interference of America’s Representa- tive. I have not, however, overlooked an inci- dent of this unfortunate affair which re- jmains to be mentiored. The members of the provisional goverrment and their sup- porters, though not entitled to extreme \sympathy, have been led to their present {predicament of revolt against the govern- ment of the queen by the indefensible en- couragement and assistance of our diplo- |matic representative. This fact may entitle |them to claim that in our effort to rectify the wrcng committed some regard should be had for their safety. This sentiment is strongly seconded by my anxiety to do nothing which would invite either harsh re- tallation on the part of the Queen or vio- mee and bloodshed in any quarter. the belief that the Queen, as well as her enemies, would be willing to adopt such @ course as would meet these conditions, and in view of the fact that both the Queen and the provisional government had at one time apparently acquiesced in a reference of the entire case to the United States Gov- ernment, and considering the further fact that in any event the provisional govern- ment by its own declared limitation was only “to exist until terms of union with the Uniged States of America have been nego- tiated and agreed upon,” I hoped that after the assurance to the members of that gov- ernment that such union could not be con- i-might compass a peaceful ad- Sentient of the difficulty. Minister Willis’ Instructions. Actuated by these desires and purposes, and not unmindful of the inherent perplexi- ties of the situation nor of the limitations upon my power, I instructed Minister Wil- lis to advise the Queen and her supporters of my desire to aid in the restoration of the Status existing before the lawless landing ‘of the United States forces at Honolulu on | the 16th of January last, if such restora- tion could be effected upon terms providing | for clemency as weil as justice to all parties concerned. The conditions suggested, as the ‘nstructions show, contemplate a general amnesty to those concerned in setting up| the provisional government and a recogni- tion of all its bona fide acts and obliga- tions. In short, they require that the past should be buried, and that the restored Govern-| | ment should reassume its authority as if its | |continuity had not been interrupted. These! conditions have not proved acceptable to, the Queen, and though she has been in-_ formed that they will be insisted upon, and that, unless acceded to, the efforts of the President to aid in the restoration of her | Government will cease, I have not thus far) learned that she is willing to yield them her | |acquiescence. The check which my plans have thus encountered has prevented their | Presentation to ‘the members of the provi-| sional government, while unfortunate pub-| lic misrepresentations of the situation and exaggerated statements of the sentiments | of our people have obviously injured the prospects of successful Executive media- tion. I therefore submit this communication with its accompanying exhibits, embracing | Mr. Blount’s report, the evidence and state- ments taken by him at Honolulu, the in- structions given to both Mr. Blount and Minister Willis, and correspondence con- nected with the affair in hand. In commending this subject to the ex- tended powers and wide discretion of the Congress, I desire to add the assurance tHat I shall be much gratified to co-operate in any legislative plan which may be devised for the solution of the problem before us which is consistent with American honor, integrity and morality. GROVER CLEVELAND, Executive Mansion, Washington, December 18, 1893. ——-o+—_____ GOMPERS RE-ELECTED PRESIDENT. End of a Long Contest the Ameri- can Federation of Labor. After a contest within the organization of several months’ duration and which in the closing days was marked by considerable bitterness and exchange of personalities, Samuel Gompers of New York was on Saturday night for the fifth time elected president of the American Federation of Labor at Chicago. The battle was hard fought and hard won, his majority being but ninety-two in the total of 2,536. After numerous available candidates had been canvassed, the opposition finally con- centrated upon John McBride of Ohio, pres- ident of the United Mine Workers Vice| President P. J. McGuire of New York, the president's chief leutenant, created a sen- sation by a bitter attack upon his chief in| nominating McBride. More nominations were made and declined and the contest narrowed itself down to Gompers and McBride. When the result was declared several of the delegates went wild with enthusiasm, snatching handfuls of pamphlets from their desks and throwing them info the air. The election was made unanimous, and) President Gompers on being installed| pledged his best efforts to the cause, re-| gardless of friends or foes. Several nom- inations were made for first vice president, but all were declined in favor of P. J. Mc- Guire, who was re-elected by acclamation. C. L. Drummond of the International Typ-| ographical Union was chosen as second vice | president by acclamation. James Brittell of the Amalgamated Iron and Steel Workers was re-elected as third vice president. A proposition to remove the headquarters of the American Federation from New York to the west was defeated by 980 to 143.| President Gompers and Treasurer Lennon had written their peremptory resignations in anticipation of the adoption of the prop- ositions JOINT DEBATES. Law Students Preparing to Face Kach Other in Argument and Oratery. The senior class at Columbian Law School met Thursday evening in the lecture hall of that institution. It was decided that The class should hold a banquet at some in the near future and the placed in the hands of the mittee with instructions to tion as-to cost, place, time, ete, and Port the same to the class. This which was elected at the meeting last is as follows: Mr. A. V. Taylor, chatrmany Messrs. A. D. Spangler, C. H. Wright, C. J, Hepburn, J. W. Kilis, A. M. Fuller and M, B. May. The junior class at Columbian met in the Post graduate class room on Thursday even- ing. A discussion upon the correctness the minutes of the $i, minus of he Previous eeeting gee procecaea lo DALIOL Tor LNe DasANce OF Une OF ficers, the president having been elected the previous meeting. Mr. W. T. Hu lecting a class pin discussed, motion, it was referred to the committee for their investigation port. The debating society of Georgetown versity Law School held a special Ee ilk hig SEE iH fi x Of § ! é | Ly i H i i i Hi town are the notices of which will occur next the seniors and juniors on the law of real estate; the examination on and post graduates Wednesday the la’ | west, with the following Fletcher White; W. Bonney; major, geon, John W. Shi’ Rev. Ira Brashears; | I [ as li i i Widow's Son Lodge, No. 7, F. A. held a communication Thi elected the following officers for 184. A iF ard H. Jones, W. M.; B. Ellis, W.; George W. Posey, J. W.; John T. Tur- ner, Secretary; . Daily, treas- urer; John T. Fortune, 8. D.; David Chase, J. D.; Robert Hollidy, 8S. M. C.; Josiah Mathews, J. M. C.; Henry W. Hewlett, tiller, Lebanon Lodge, No. 7, F. A. A. M., has elected and installed the officers: Walter W. Ludlow, W. 8. G. ham, 8. W.; W. F. Gatchell, J. W. Taylor, treasurer; D. G. . H. Young, M. C.; C. . H. Tatspaugh, J. D, Robert E. Constant, Allen, captain generalissimo: Allen, te (5th term); Jt ir, S ‘Walter H. J. W. liam Pittis, recorder (13th : Cham treasurer; George trustee. At the regular chaplain, D. C. Mi reporter, Benj. White; financial reporter, L. H. Hopkins; treasurer, Chas. H. Bauman; F. W. Spies; sentinel,Chas. Gersdorff; trustees, D. C. Morrison, J. T. Neely, B. E. Hen@rickh- son; representative to Grand Lodge, D. C, Morrison; alternate representative, Chas. H. Bauman; medical examiner, Thoens- sen. ——— The Pilgrim Fathers. Prof. Ewell, dean of the Theological School of Howard Uulversity, gave an ex- tremely interesting and instructive lecture posed of a goodly number of their descend- anvs from the city, He traced the pilgrim movement from Grostele of Lincoln down through Wiclif and introduced his audience to the beauties of Cambridge, where the leaders were trained. The audience was taken to the quiet little English hamlets pal across the North Sea to Holland. The curi- ous customs and unique scenery, and grand architecture and heroic history of that coun- try, with its central figure of “William the Silent,” followed, and then the pligrims’ stay in Leyden was ‘ically portrayed by tongue and picture. Next the pligrim company was followed across the broad Atlantic in the Mayflower to the wild shores © of New England, and the sufferings of the first winter, which left but nineteen men surviving, were described. Clark's Island, with the rock ingcribed, “On the Sabbath Day We Rested,” was visited, and then Plymouth Rock, forever memorable. The only authenticated pilgrim portrait, that of Edward Winslow, was shown. A’ number of old Plymouth houses, dating back te | about 1650, were visited. The country around Plymouth, which is still a wilderness haunt- 4 with deer, was explored, and ‘inally Faith monument appeared with upward » pointed finger, that told the secret of the pilgrim greatness. The lecture was ilus- trated with over sixty very choice views, | comprising scenery, statuary, architecture, quaint customs, portraits and historic paint- ings, and the story was interwoven with history and legend, poetry and humor, and had the added charm of personal experience. Toward the close the speaker demonstrated that he was separated by but one generation from the pligrims and, of course, could speak almost with the vividness of an eye witness. —»—— Dr. Benjamin 11. Rev. Dr. R. C. 0. Benjamin of Alabama, the noted colored orator, wyer and author, is {ll at the home of his friend, Editor M. L. Robinson, Alexandria, Dr. Benjamin has cancel gagements at Washiagion and elsewhere for the present.