Evening Star Newspaper, December 3, 1867, Page 1

oe t . ! EVENING STAR. ! PUBBIEHED DAILY (SUNDAY EXCEPTED) , aT THE STAR BUILDING, BW corner Penn’ aveaue and inh rivets. By RaKER & CO. _ ‘ | NOYES, | TD@ STARK i* eorved by the carriers to tneir | wutecriner io the City and District at Tae | Owwrs rome «eux. Uopier at the con wud ow t wrappers, Two ORNTS sack. | Pures rom MAILING :—Three months, One Doidar ani Fifty Cents; six monthe, Fhree Hol- ers; ene year, Five Dollars. No papers are sens from the office longer than paid for. } The WEEKLY STAR—pabiished om Fri- | ny —One Doilar and a Haif @ Year. \ nn re rr “PRESIDENTS MESSAG and Heat sentacives ‘Tre continued disore :Dics:t>m of the Union. | to WOich ihe President Nas se often cailed w+ 7 j ue Peisow- citic attention of Congress, i+ yet @ sudj-ct of pr found and pa:riotic Concers. We may, how ever. find some relief from that aoxiety in the Yelle tion BS: (b= painfal politics sicaaton, | pefore natried by ourse! 108, Promptly accepted, anve Department. but by the lopary Sic'#s themselves, and res cors- the firs: moment of ¥ WAS De. Ten aS mas, Rowever, theo dently anterciined nied by legisiniion from wDicb insu rie: tou, in . to wil hRuld my sesen Te & #ource of profound regr-* Wich the obligation imposed dea: Dy the Comsiitniion, to give Union, | am anabdle to comma- mieate avy deflusive adjusumeat, satisiaewry to the American People, of due questions which, mBer she cio the Tebellion, Rave agitated me pe bli- com p+ ie me to declare ¢ ere understood the term, to be understood by us they established can ems! © ali the States are representa central Government, strictly con- rsof national jurisdiction, apply ve Lo all the people of every sec- hh is nox the present «state of the & melancholy fact; and we all must mow ledge tnat the restoration of the States 8) Teietions with the Federal yvernment and with one avother, according te the terms of the orignal compact, would be wee gresiest temporal biessing which God, in Mee ki Baton. becomes our imperative duty wo eonsider whether or not it is impoasibie to ef- Jeo ibis most desirable consummation. ‘The Union snd the Constitution are insep- avabie. A~ long a8 ove is obeyed by all par- Mes, the other will be preserved, aud if one i< des'royed both must perish together. The de. struction of the Uopstitation will be followed by otRer and still greater calamities. It was ordained not only ‘o form a more periect anion beween the States, but to “establish jastice, ta- sere domesuc ‘tranquillity, provide for’ the eemmon defence, promote the general apd secure ‘be biessings of lide: ncial dishonor, the to- tai loss of our presperity, the general cerr won of morals, and the tinal extinction of por wiar freedom. To save our country from evi 30 appalling ss these we shouid renew our ef. sorte again and again. To me the process o/ restoration seems per fectly plain and simple. 1t consists merely in ‘@ fartBtul application of the Constitution and jaws. The execution of the laws is not now ebeiructed or opposed by physical force, There w no military or other necessity, real or pre- wended, which can prevent obedience to ons:ituion, either North or South. All rights aod a)! the obi: gavions of States and | dividuals can be protected snd enforced by means periectiy cousistent with the fanda- mental law. The courts may be everywhere open, snc, 1f open. their proce-8 would be un- au ¢. Crimes against the United States eam be prevented cr punished by the proper Jedicial au:borities, iu & Manuer entirely prac- teadie and legal. Ti is, therefore, no rea- ion should not be obeyed, powers have de- be disregarded and Jated. The mere paked will of thix Go: ment, or of some oue or more of its branch's, as ibe only obstacle that can exist to a perfect son of all the States On this momentous question, and some of the messares crowing out of it, | hay a the misfortune to giffer from Congress, and have expressed my convictions without reserve, though with becoming defere uce to the opin- jon of the Legisistve Department. Tnose conviesions are not only uochanged. but stremgibened by subsequent events aad tur- ther reflection. The wanscendaat importance Of (Be subject .witl be a suificient excuse for callog your atiention to some of the reasons wRicB bave so yedement. Te hope tuat we may all finally concur in @ mode of settlement, consistent a! once with our true interests and with t to be easily relinquished. y apprehension that the States rebellion are still members of the Kationsi Union. When did they cense to be s0' The “ordinances of secession,” adepted by & portion (m most of them a very small ortion ) of thetr citizens, were mere nullities { we sdmit now that they were valid and et- feetual for ‘he purpose intended by their an- from under our feet the whole ri é upon which we justified the war Were those States after wards expelled from the Union by the war! The direct contrary Was sverred by this Government to be its Purpose. and was so understood by all tnose bo gave their bleod and (treasure To aid in its Prosesution. It cannot be that a successiul ‘war. waged for the preservanon of the Un. ad the legal effect ofcisselving it. The vii tory of the nation’s arms was uot the disgrace ot her policy: the detear of secesstoa on Dattle-field was not the trfamph of Prineiple. Nor could Congress, wi ont the consent of the Executive, do anything Whieb would have the effect. directly or in Girectly, of separatme the States trom each other. To dissolve the Union is to repeal t Constitution which bolis it iogether, and th & power which does not belong to aay [e- partment of this Government, or toall of tham united. Tdis i iy in © plain that edged by all branca: ment oft (he Federal Gover The Executive Jy. predecessor and the heads of alt the 1 tments have upiformly inciple that the Uuion is & ved, ba: indiseolu bie. meudment of the Co Southera t only wndis- Congress submitted Turion to be ratitied Ataccepied their acts ary and lawful ex ereise of ibetr hichesi faactiom. if they were not #. oF Were Siaies ont of the Union, their consent to a change in we fundamentsi law of the Union would have been nugatory, and Congress, im asking it, committed a politi cal absurdity. TBe Judiciary bas also given the solemp sauction of its authority to thesam- view of the case. The Judges of ihe Sapreme Court bave incladed the Southe m States in their circuits, and they are constantly, in / and elsewhere, exercising jurisdiction wich does not belong to them, wuless those States are States of the Union If the Southern States are component parts of the Union, the Constitution ss the supreme jaw for them, as itis for all the other site: ‘They are bound to obey it. and so are we. The * of the Federal Government, which is clear and unquestionabie, wo enforce the Con- upon them, impltes the correiarive 1m Op OUF partto Observe its limitations and execute its guaranties. Without the Con- stitation we are 5 and un- der the Constitution we are what it makes We may doubt the wisdom of the law, we may | ot approve of its provisions, but we cannot iolate i: merely because it seems to confine oar powsrs within alte marrower thaa we could wi It fs nota quegtion of indi vidual, or cless, OF sectional interest, much less of psrty predominance, but ef duty—ef bign and sacred Guiy—which we are all sworn to per- tor { we cannot support the Constitution with the cheerful alacrity of those who love and believe in it, we must give it to atleast the fidelity of —_ servants who act under solemn obligations and commands which they @are not disregard The constitutional duty is not the‘oniy one | whieB requires the Simies to be restored. ‘There ts another consideration which, though of mi - nor taportance. is yet of it weight: Oa the tad day of July, 1561, Congress deciares, both houses. solely for the purpose of preserving the Union, ang wsirtaining the supremacy of the Federal Cocs'itedion ad , Without unpairing the | the warshould cease. | joined in making it, by my obligations tocne | «from time to time taformarion ot | providence, could bestow upom this | trongly influenced my own | uy has been acknowl. | ted upor the | Ng Star. <a WASHINGTON. D. C., TUESDAY. DECEMBER 3, 1967. dign.ty, equality, and righte of the States or Of individuals. and that when this was doo- Ido not say that this declaratepn is personally binding on those who ¥ more than individual Jomgrese are person: wr mbers of ( pays whien they voted pablie, . a ry @tound the repu: ified fit be ny i upon ation of it is to be that we are not bound det t be remembered not made te rabeis only of trae men ip the Soutn were standard by it, and bandreds of the North gave their lives ia she t would be carried ont It was on the day after the fire: great battle of ar bad heen fought and lost. All pa © Sud intelligent men then saw the neces- ty of giving such a oramce, and believed f without it the war would end ia disaster Having given that ssenrance in ¥ Of our peril, the viotation of tt . 1m the fay of ovr power, wonid bea rade | rending of that good farm which holds the ral world together: antry would ces: to Dave any claim epon the confidence of men: it would make the war not ouly @ failure, but 3 frand Being rely convinced that these views I would b= unfuithtul to my doty | if Laid pet recommena the repeal of the ac’t ot Congress which plice ten of the Southero States under the domination of military ma If calm refiectic 2 butin d'rect gonflict with the Oonstitn- tio, 1 care not it myself to doabt that | you will immediately strike taem from the statnte book To demonstrate = nnconsttrational char- refer to their ge t seen @tonce tbat they are not authorized. To bat altera‘ions sbail be made in the utions of the several States; to contra! | the elections of State legislators and State of- ficers, members of Congress anu electors ot | President and Vice President, by arbitrarily | declaring whe shall vote and who shall be ex- | chaded from that privicege: to dissolve State | Legwelatures or prevent them from assem. Diipe, to dismiss judges and otker civil fanc- tioparies of the State, and to appoint others Without regard to State law: to organize aod operate ail the political machinery of the States: to reguiate the whole admipistra- tion of their domestic and local affairs according to the mere will of strange and irresponsible agenis, sent ther for that purpose—these are powers nat granted to the Federal Government or to any one of its branches. Not being granted, we violate our trust by assuming them as paips- bly as we would by acting im the face of mn positive interdict; for the Constitution forbids 88 to do whatever it does not affirmatively a- thorize either by express words or by clear i10- plication. If the authority we desire to use does not come to us through the Constitution, | we cam exercise it only by usurpation: and usurpation is the most dangerous of political ermmes. By that crime the enemies of free government in all ages have worked out their | designs — liberty and privace right. It leads directly and immediately w the establishment of absolute rule: sor an- delegated power is always unlimited and un- restrained. ‘The acts of Congress in question are notonly objectionable for their assumption of ungrant «@ power, but many of their provisions are ip conflict with the direct prohibitions of the Constitution. The Constitution commands that a republican form of government sRall be gnarapteed to all the States; that no person shail be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law. arrested without a judscial warrant, or punished without a fair trial before an impartial jury: that the privil- ege Of Aabros corpus shall not be demed in time of peace; @nd that po Dill of attainder shal) be passed even agains: @ single individual. Yes the system of measures established by these acts of Congress does totally subvert and de- stroy the form as well as the substance of re. publican government im ibe ten States w which they apply. It binds them hand and foot in absolute slavery, and subjec’s them ton strange and hostile power, more walimited and More likely to be abused th ay other now known among civilized men. ft tram- pies down all 1 Tights in which the es- sence of liberty consists, and which a fi government is always most careful to protect. At depies the habeas corpus gud the trial jury. Personal freedom, property, and life, if assailed by the passion, the prejudice, or the rapacity ef the ruler, have no security whatever. It bas the effect of a bill of attain- der, or bill of pains and penalties, not upon a few individuals, but upon whole masses, in- eluding tbe millions who inhabit the subject States, and even their anborn children. These wrongs, being expressly forbidden, cannot be constitutionally inflicted upon any portion of | our people. po matter how they may have come within our jurisdiction, and no mauier whether they live in States, Territories, or + dis*ricts. I have no desire to save from the proper and just Consequences of iT great crime those ‘who engaged in rebellion against the Govern- | Ment; but as @ mode of punishment the meas uder consideration are the most reasons- could be invented. Many of those t; mauy kept their inted to the last; by were ineapable of any legs! offance: a jarge proportion even of the persons able to bear arms were forced into rebellion against their will: and Of those who are guilty with thelr own consent, the degrees of guilt are as various 8s the shades of their charaeier and temper. But these acts of Uongress confouna them sil together in one common doom. In- discriminate vengeance upon c'asses, sects, ard parties, or upon whole communities, for offences commitied by s portion of them against the governments to which they owed obedience, was common in the barbarous ages of the world. But christianity and civuization have made such progress that re- course to & punishment so crael and uyjost wonld meet with the | demmation ot all Tight-minded men. The | deal separacely w: itselt to the forms of law, and vind: own purity by ap impartial examination of every case before & competent judicial tri nal “If this does not satisty all our desir wilt regard to Southern rebels, let us console ourselves by reflecting that a free Constitution, Giumphant im war and unbroken im peace, is worth tar more to us andour children than | the gratification of any present feeling. I am Sware it is assumed that (his system of g*vernment for the Southern States is not to be perpetaal. It is true this military govert ment is to be only provisional, but it is tarough this temporary evii that « greater evil is to be made perpetual. If the guarantees of theCon- sututicn can be broken provisionally to serve & lem porary purpore, and in a part only of the country. we can ‘lestroy them everywhere aad for ull ime. Arbitrary measures ofteu change, but they generally change for te worse. It is the curse of desporism that it bas no halt- ing piace. The intermitted exercise of its power brings DO sense of security to 1's sub- jects: for they car never know what more they ‘Will be called to endure when it- rea right band isarmed io plague them again. No: possible to conjecture how or where po: urestramed by la ) May see its next vic- tims. The States that are still tree may be en- siaved at any moment; for if the Constitution does uot protect all, it pretects none. itis manifestlyand avowedly the object of Ubese laws to comfer upon the negroes the pri- vilege of voting, @nd@ to disfranchise such a Dumber of white citizens as will give the for- mer @ clear majority at alt Southern States. This, Bot permitted to do evil that good may con, rt evi e. But in this case the end itgelf ts evil, as wellas the means. The sul Of the States tome. gro domination woul ee eras SRder wateh the; ‘are no! | fering. 1t was believed beforehand that the | People would endure any amountof military | atgrade tnomuclvce by Sunsecuee eases @ Regro | Sie weeteear eareee cnet esti act tary omens selves. But, under the cir oply aepeculaiive point it is not proposea at they shall govern themselves, but all rule the white rv. POR this continent a great poli:tes fabric, and (oO preserve its stability for mor: While in every o' milar experiments DE can be proved it all rensoning upon evidence ts not joved, tt must be acknowledged that in the progress of nations negroes have snown less cxpacity for government than @ny other Tace of pecple. No independent governmen: of any form hae ever been saccessfal in their hands. ©n the contrary, wherever they have been left to their own devices. they have shown & constant tendency to relapse into barbarism Inthe Southern States, however, Congrese bas undertaken to confer upon them the privilege of the ballot. Jusc relewsed from sinvery. it may be doubted wBether,as a Class, they know more than thelr anceswrs Dow to Indeed, organize and regulate civil society. it is admitted that the blacks of tues vot only regardiess of the rights of propertr, bat so utterly ignorant of public affairs thai thelr votung can consist of notbing more ¢! carrying @ ballot to the pince where they are directed 1 need not exercise of an American citizen, Virtue, inteiligence, patriot government, in which the sovereign power is lodged in ths body of the people. A trust arti- ficially created, not for itsown asa means of promoting the ge: ite influence for good must necessarily depend upon the elevated character and troe allegi- ance of the elector. 1! ought therefore to be Teposed in none except those who are fitted morally and mentally ‘o administer it well; for if conferred upon persons weo do not justly ecumate ity,value and who are indifterent as to its resulis, it will only serve as a means of power in the hands ef the unpriacipled and ambitious, and m: yntuate in the com- liberty of which it ch pan haro) I urged upon your at. 40 be apprehended extension of che elective class in our country, es. pecially when the majority of that class, ‘wielding the power thas placed in their Dds, cannot be expected correctly to compre- nd the duties and responsibilities which per- tain to suffrage. Yesterd: ‘were, four millions of persons were A eondition of slavery that had existed for generations, to- pong Sem are freemen, and are assumed by law to be citizens. Itcannot be presumed trom their previous condition of servitnde, that, asa class they are as well informed as to the nature of our Government as the intelligent foreigner who makes our land the home of his ehoice. In the case of the latter, neither a residence of five years, and the knowledge of our instita- tions which it gives, nor attachment to the Principles of the Constitution, are the only conditions upon which be can be admitted io citizenship. He must prove, in addition, a good moral characier, and thus gi aple for the belief that he will be faitn. fal to the obligations which he assumes as 1 citizen of the Repu ic. Where @ people—the source of all political power—speak, by their Suffrages, through tbe instrumentality of the dailot-box, it must be carefully guarded against ol of those who are corrupt im prin- d enemies of free inst/tations, for it cam only become to our political and social ystem & safe conductor of healthy popular entiment when kept free from demoralizing i fraud and anarchy and In the hands of the patriotic and worthy, our Government ‘will be preserved upon the principles of the Constitution inherited trom our fathers. 1t follows, iberefore, that in admitting to the ballot-box a new class of voters not qualified for the exercise of the elective franchise, we Weaken our system of government, instead ot adding to its strengtn and durability.” «1 yield <o no one in attachmentto that rule of general suffrage which distinguishes our pol- icy @5 & pation. But there isa limit, wisely observed bither'o, which the ballot a privilege and s trust, and h requires of some classes @ time suitable for probation and preparation. To give it indiscriminately to a holly unprepared, by previous d opportunities, to perform the tract which it demands, is to degrade it, and finally to destroy its power: for it may be safely as- sumed that no political truth is better estab- lished than that such indiscriminate and all- embracing extension of popular auifrage mi end at last in its overthrow and destruction.” I repeat the expression of my willing- ness to join in any pian within the scope of our constitutional authority which pro- mises to better the condition of the ne- groes of the South, by encouraging them in industry, enlightening their minds. improving their morals, and giving protec. ton to all their just rightsas freedmen. HKnt the transfer of our political inheritance to them ‘would, in my opinion, be an abandonment of a duty which we owe alike to the memory of our fathers and the rights of our children. The plan of putting the Southern Siates wholly, and the General Government partial- ly, into the bands of negroes, is proposed at a time peculiarly unpropitious. The founda- tions of society bave been broken up by civil war. Industry must be reorganized, justice re-established, public credit maintained, and order brought out of confusion. To accom- plisb these ends would require all the wisdom and virtue Of thegreat men who formed our institutions origmally. 1 confidently believe ‘hat their descendants will be equal to the ar- duone task before them, but it is worse than madnes#toexpect that negroes will perform itior us. Certainly we ought not to ask their assistance until we despair of our own com- ency. Pepe feat difference between the two races in physical, mental, and moral characteristics will prevent an amalgamation or fusion of them together in one homogeneous mass, If the inferior obtains the ascendency over the evber, it will govern with reference only to its own interest=—for it will reeognize no com- | mon imterest—and create euch a tyranny as ibis continent bas never yet witnessed. Al- Teady the negroes are influenced by promises of confiscation and plunder. ‘Chey are taught to regard as any enemy every white man who has omy Tespect {or the righis of bis own race If this continues, it must become worse and ‘worse, uptil all order will be subverted, ail industry cease, and the fertile fields of the South grow up intua wilderness, Of all the dangers which our nation has yet encounter - ed, bone are equal to those which must result from the success of the effort now making to Africanoze the baif of our country I would not put considerations of mou’y in competition with justice and right. Bat the expenses incident to “reconstruction” ander tbe system adopted by Congress aggravated what I regard as tbe intrinsic wrong of the Measure itself. it has cost uncounted milliens already, and if persisted in will add Jargely to the weight of taxation, already too oppressive to be borne without just fp oes and may finally reduce the Treasury of the nation to 2 conditien of barkruptcy. We must not delude curselves. It will require a strong standing SImy, and Heng dl Tore than two bundred millions of dollars per annum, to maintain the supremacy of negro governments after they are established. The sum thus thrown away would, if properly used. form a sinking fund Jarge beets pay the whole national debt in Jess than fifteen years. 1t is vain to hope that negroes will maintain their ascendency themselves. itBout military power they are ‘wholly ineapable of holding in subjection the ‘white people of the South. I submit to the judgment of Congress whe- ther the public credit may not be ype affected system of ike tnis. ‘With our id thé vast private interests which are complicated with it, we cannot ba toe cautious of 8 policy which might, by po:- sibility, impair the confidence of the world in our Government. That confidence can on'y be retained by carefully inculentin the prin- Of justice and honor on ular tances, this is aay of July, 1961, wid! Aseurediy dimini-b apket of our piher promises. He- wiedgep Mat the nurional debt to M the States in the yers Were led to suppose, om i, GIG hand them over overned by negroes, the moral daty to may seem lees clear. 1 say it may rm jo not admit tb: ary other argoment in favor of repu be enter. rT A 1 28 Intinence on some itd the md }, If we ac! cresied, not the tax- pel them ial Dot tion, largely indebted. and with a repa form of government administers the popular choice. fe texture, ana the r followed by cach a epeakabie calamity, ery true patriot must desire to Avoid wh: ever might expose it to the slightest danger. The great interests of the country r+ quir immediate relief frowiBese enactments. Ho-. inese in the South is PXrsiy zed by a sense ot general insecurity, by the terror of contix:a tion, and the dread of negrosapremacy. The Southern trade, from which the North weuld Dave derived so great 8 profit under & gov- ernment of law, still langaisbes, and can never be revived wat it ceases to be fettered by the arbitrary power which mawee ai) its opera. tiovs unsafe. ‘Chat rich couvtry—the ricnest MM NAiural resources the world ever saw—is ‘Worse than lost if it be not soon placed under the projection of a free Constitution. Instead of being, as 1 Ought to be, 8 suurce of wealih and power. it will become an intolerable burden upon the rest of the ni Another reason for retrac doubtless be seen by Congres ‘station or steps will the late man. Of public opinion upon this sun. Jeet. We live in a country where the popular ‘Will always enforces obedience to itself, soon- eroriater. itis vain to think of opposing it ‘With anytbing short of legal authority, backed by overwhelming force. It cannot bave es. ecaped your attention that from the day on which Congress iairly and formally presented the preposition to govern the Soutnern Starer by military force, with a view to the ultimate establishment of negro supremacy, every ex preceion of the general sentiment Bas beea more or less adverse wo it. The affections of this generation cannot be detached from the institavions of their ancestors. Their determi. bation 'o preserve the inheritance of free gov- ernment in their own Bands, and transmit it undivided and unimpaired to their own pos- terity, is too strong tobe raccesstelly oppose i Every weaker passion disappear before that love of liberty and for which the American People are distinguished above all others in the world. How far the duty of the President, « ferve, protect, and defend the Co: Tequires him to go in opposing an onal act of Congress, is a very ig to the forms of the Constitu- ton by the supreme iegisiative authority, and is regularly enrolled among the public statutes of the couptry, Executive resistance to it, es- Pecially im times of high party excitement, would be likely to produce violent collision between the respective adherents of the two branches of the Government. This would be simply civil war: and civil war must be re- sorted to only as the last remedy for the worst of evils. Whatever might tend to provoke it should be most carefully avoided. A faithful apé conscienciows Magistrate will concede very much to honesterror, and something ev. to perverse malice, before he will endan the public peace; and be will not adept tor. ble measu: or such as might lead to force, as long as those which are peaceable remain open to bim or to bis constitnents. It is true that cures may occur in which the Execative would be compelled to stand on its rights, MAintaim them, regardless of all seqhences. if Congress should pass Act which is not only im paipable conflict wih the Constitation, but will certainly. carried out. produce immediate and irrepars ble injury to the organie structare of theGov - ernment, and if there be neither judicial reme- dy for the wrongs it inflicts. nor power in the People to protect themse! yes without the official Aid of their elected defender: if, for instance, the Legislative Department should pass an aecteven throngh all the forms of law to abolish 4 co-ordinate department of the Governiment —in such & case the President must take the high respovsibilities of his office, and save the life of the nation at all hazards. The so-called reconstruction acts, though as piainly uncon- sdtutional as any that can be imagined, were not believed to be within the clase last’ men- tioned. The le were not wholly disarmed of the power o! self-defence. In all the North- ern States they still held im their hands the sacred right of the bailot, and it was safe to ieve that indue time they would come to the rescue of tneir own institutions. It gives me pleasure to add thatthe appeal to our com- Mon constituents wae not taken in vain, and that my confidence in their wisdom and viriue seem not to bave been misplaced, itis well and publicly known that enormous frauds have been perpetrated on the Treasury, snd that colossal foriunes bave been made at the publte expense. This species of corruption bas increased, is increasing, and if not dimin- isbed will soon bring us into total ruin and diegrace. The public creditors and the tax- payers are alike interested in an honest admin- istration of the finances, and neither class will jong endure the large-banded robberies of the Tecent pai For this discreditable etate of things there are several causes. Someof ihe txes are eo isid as to present an irresistible temptation to evade payment. The great sums which officers may win by connivance at fravd, creare a preseure which is more than the virtue of many can withstand: and the: ean be no doubt that the open di-regard of co: sututional obligations ayvewed by some of the Dighest and most imfinential men in the coun- ty has greatly weakened the moral sense of those who serve in subordinate places. The expenses of the United States, including inte est on the public debt, are more than six times Ss much as they were seven years ngo. To collect and disburse this yast amount requires caretal supervision as well as systematic vigi- lance. The system, uever perfected, was much disorganized by the ‘Tenure of Office Bill,” which has almost destroyed official account. ability. The President may be thoroughly convinced that an oificer is incapable, dis- bonest, or unfatthful to the ( tution, but, under the Jaw which I bave named, the utmos! be can do is to complain to the Senate, and ask the privilege of supplying bis place with a betier man. If the Senate be regarded as per- sonally or politically hostile to the President, itis natural, and not altogether unreasonable. for the officer to expect ‘hat it will take his part as far as possibie, restore him to his piace, and give him 4 triumph over his Executive superior. The officer has other chances of im- ponity arieing from accidental defects of evi- dence, the mode of investigating it, and the secrecy-ef the hearing. It 1s not wonderful that official malfeasance should become bold in proportion Ss the delinquents learn to think themselves safe. | am entirely persuaded that under such 4 rule the President cannot per- form the great duty assigned to him of seeing the laws laubfully executed, and that it dis- abjes bim most especially from enforcing that rigid accouutabilily wRich is necessary to the due execution of the revenue lawi ‘The Cops'itution invests the President with Suibority to decide whether a removal should be mace in any given case; the act of Con- grees declares, 18 substance, that he shall only accuse such a8 he supposes to be unworthy of their trust. The Oonstitution maxes him sole judge in the premises; but the statute takes iction, transfers it to the Sen- ate, and leaves bim nothing but the odionsand sometimes impracticable duty of becoming a prosecutor. The prosecution is to be conducted before a tribunal whose members are not, like bim. ree} ible to the whele people, but to separate constituent bodies, and who Bis accusation with lisfavor. The Se Qe is absolutely without any known standard of decision applicable to such a case. its judgment cannot be anticipated, for itis not governed by any rule. The iaw does not de- fine what shall be deemed good cause tor re- moval. It is impossible even to conjecture what may or may not be so considered by tne Senate. The nature of the: jectforbidsclear Proof, If the charge be inc ty, what evi- ence will support it?) Fidelity to the Con- stitution mry be understood or misunderstood in @thousard different waye,and by violent party mem,in yiolemt party times, unfaith- Tulness to the Constitation may even come to be considered meritorious. If th Speke be accused of dishonesty, bow shail ft be made out? Will it be inferred from acts u connected with Seaton te = tory, or from general reputation Presiaent heme mi wate hi N°. 4.597. *ponsibility should be thrown, if it be not left Where it has been placed by the Constitution. But all rust men will admit that the Presid: ought to be entirely relieved from « = sponsibility, af be cannot meet it By ressou of Testrictions placed by law upon Bis ac ion The unrestricted power of removal from of- nd ie & Very greet one to be tra-ted even tow his acts. It is undoubted: IAG A: SOME periods of our b Dans has been abused. If - ableand coi itehould be = limited make tbe President merely @ mon mformer against other pudii- oid @t least b= permitied tonct » ty before some open iribunal, indepea tof party politics, ready to inves 5 rie Of every case, furnished w Means Of taking evidence, and bound w cide according to established ruins Woula gMarantes the «sfery of che soc when be ats in good faith, aud atthe stm~ time secure the Mehis of ibe otuer par'y. [ speak of course wiib all proper respec: tor ona present Sena, DUC it does mot seem wo me that Any Irgisiative body can be 0 constituted as to imsure ate fitness for these functions It is no" tbe tbeosy of this Goverament th: Publie Cfficee are the property or wo Dold them They are given mersiy trus for the public benefit, comeumes for Period, sometimes during good behavior. v gene! they are linble to be termina: Ihe pirdrureot the appoimting represents tbe collective Maj--'y aod spe the willof ihe people, Th» foreea An office of & subgle dishonest person m ® a fixed er wpjury 10 the publi davger io the public from the power to remove, out bower to Therefore it was the frashers of tution lett the power of removal un- while they gave the Sepate a righ: to reject ai) appoipiments which. in its opim- iop, Were not fit to be made. A iictle refiec- tion on this subject will probably sausty ail ‘¥ Do have the good of the country at heart that our best course is to take the Constitution for our guide, walk in the path marked out by the founders of the Republic, and obey the rules made sacred by the observance of our ereat predecessors. ‘The present condition ot our finances and erculating medium is one to which yourearls ce meideration 1s invited. ‘The proportion which the currency of any country sbouid bear to the whole vaiue of th annual produce circulated by its means t question upcn which political economists have pot agreed. Nor can it be controiled by legislation, but must be left to the irrevocable laws which everywhere regulate comme: and trade. The circulating medium will ev: irresistibiy flow to those points where it is in ‘atest dema! The law of demand and ipply is @s unerring as that which regulates the tides of the ocean; and .ndeed currency, like the tides, bas its ebbs and flows through- out the commercial world. At the begipning of the rebellion the bank- note circulation of the country amounted ‘o bot much more than two hundred millions of dollars; now tbe circuiation of National Bank aoies and those known as “legal tenders” is Beorly seven bundred millions. While it ix urged by :ome tbat this amouat should be i creased, others contend that a decided reda: tion is absolutely essential to the best interests of the country. In view of these diverse opin. 1ons, it may be weil to ascertain the real vai of our when compared with a ble currency. For this purpose let us inquire how much gold and silver could be purchased by the seven bun- dred millions of psper money now in circula tion! Prebably not more than nbalf the Amount of the la'ter—showimg that when our Paper currency is compared with god and silver, tts commercial value is compressed into three hundred and fifty millions. This strik- ing Jactmakes it the obvious duty of the Gov- ernment, as early as may be consistent with the principles ef sound pelitical economy, to take such measures as willenable the holder of tts notes and those of the National Banks to convert them, withont loss, into specie or its wivalent. A reduction of our paper circula: RE Medium need hot Lecessarily follow. Thi however, would depend upon the law of de- mend and sepply, though it should be borne in mind that by maxing I-tender and bank noles convertable mto coiu or its equivalent, their present specie value im the hands of tneir holders would be epbanced one hundred per cent. egislation for the Accomplishment of a re- svltso desirable 1s demanded by the highest public considerations. The Constitution con- iiorm in quality and ue. At'the time of tne formation of that instra- ment, the country bad jus erged from the War of the Revolation, and was suffering from the effects of a redundant and worthisss paper currency. Thi of that period were anx- ious to protect their posterity from the evils which they themselves had experienced. Hence, in providing a circulating medium, they conferred upon Congre:s the power to coin Money and regulate the value thereot, at the same time probipiting the States from making anything but gold and silver a tender ayment of debts. be anomalous condition of our currency is im striking contrast with that which was originally designed. Our circulation now em- braces, first, notes of the National Banks, which are made receivable for ali dues to the Government, exciuding imposts, and by ail MS creditors, excepting in Payment of inierest upon its bonds and the securities themselves; second, legal-tender nots, United State payment of all debts between citizens as of all Governments dues, excepting imposts; and, third, gold and titver com. By the operatiun of our present system of finance, hewever, the metallic cur- Tency, when collected, is reserved oniy for one class Of government creditors, who, holding ite bonds. semi-annuaily receive their interest 1m coin from the national Treasury. They are thus made to occupy an iuvidious on, which may be used to strengthen the argu- ments of those who would bring into disre- pute the obligations of the uation. In the pay- Ment Of all its Gebte, the plighted faith of the Government should be inviolably maintained. But while it acts with fidelity toward the bendhoider who loaued his money that the in- iegrity of the Union maght be preserved. it should at the same time observe good faith with the great masses of the people, who. Baving rescued the Union from the perils of rebellion, now bear the burdens of J-taxation, that the Government may be able to fulfil its engagements, There is po reason which will be accepted as satis- factory by the people, why those who defend us on the and and protect us om the sea; the pensioner upon the gratitade of the navion, bearing the ec wounds received while in its service; the public servants in the vari- ous Departments of the Governments; the tar- mer who supplies the soldiers of the army and the sailors cf the navy; theartisan who toils in the nation’s workshops, or the mechanics and lxborers who build its edifices and construct i's forts and vessels of war—sbould, in pay- ment or their just and hard earned dues, re- ceive depreciaied paper, while another class of their countrymen. no more deserving, are paid in coi of gold and silver. Equal and exact justice requires that all the creditors of the Government should be paid in a currency porsecsing & uniform value. This can only be accomplished by the restoration of the curren- cy '0 the standard established by the Constitu- tion, and by this means we would remove a diecrimination which may, if it has not al- ready done so, create a prejudice that may be- come deep-rooted and wide spread, and im- peril the national credit, ‘The feasibility of making our currence’ respond with the constitational may be eeen by reference to a tew facts derived from commercial statistics. cor- tals in the ', in. @, to $137,500.00; and from 1661 to 1867, apgregsts of product 1240, $1,174,080. regate jucts since i ‘The ammount of coined from 1849 to inclusive, was ipelusive, $125,000.000; IDC) USI Ve, 8310,000,000—] a ves ae inclusive, t exports t0 @271,000,000; trom 185¢ te 0W),000—making the of net ex. ports since 1049, ra el. ay figures show an ex: of uct over of g bi Hf the peoces tbe ret J of retiring our paper mone Of gold Bad *\! Ver te ihe 5 we J cause tbe retention at bom Iesat so much of the product apd inexbs be snfficien Untraronable corrency so long tinue ‘0 is havnels o OD With Geprenated pa r Norw noing & cornage by onr mints, noe IM48, Of exgbt hundred and seventy-fow dollars, ine people Bre Row siraug. the currency wich W&s designed for Tnse and benefit. and <pecimene of the Prectous metals bearing the matonal device aye @ridom seen, excepi when prodacea iat fy the imierest excited by thi Af d+ preciated paper is to be Cont Pr Pimaven’ currency of the com: iB is tO Become # mere article of u TeulAlion, to the enhancement ix ali tbe prive ds ‘PGispemsadle to ibe comfor: of the would be wire economy ¢ thos saving (he nation the eAprnée incident to rack esaplishmer jet Ali Our precious metals ve bon. The time ba Gove nie at the earhes pay m bavieg Government and hanks Paper tssaec by ectber Of & lex: denomtnat ay ol jars +t onld by law te ex tec from crculs top, Sovhat the people may have “he tonafic ¢ convenience OF & gold and silver corrency Wwbicb. 1 all their business transactions, will be uniform ip value at Reme acd abroad “Every man of property or industry, every Mab Who desires to preserve wha: be bonestiy postesses, or 10 obtain Wha! Be CAD bonestly arn, Das adirec: interest in cir-nlaing mediom— be res! and sub-tanti With opinions, not subject to be blows up or blowc down by the breath of speculation. ba: to be made stable aad secure. A disordered eurrency is one of the greates: political eviis. It undermines the virtues necessary for the support of the social eystm, and encourages Bappiness. it ity, frugality, andeconomy, Vil spirits of extravagance And speculation.” it Bas been asserted by owe pos Profound and most gifted statesmen, that eflectual than that which deludes them with paper money. Tis is the most effectual of ventions to fertilize the rich man's fields by the sweat of tRe poor man’s brow. Ordinary tyranny, oppression. excessive taxation—these bear lightly on the bappiness of the mass of the community compared with s traudulent currency, and the robberies committed by de- preciated paper. Our own history has recorded for our ‘pstiuction enough, nd more than enough of the demoralizing tendency, the in- justice, and the intolerable ‘on the oppression Virtuous and well-dieposed of @ degraded i eer tis paper currency, authorized by wy countepanced by Govern one of the most successful devices, peace or war, Acs G8 of the few. where they are im secret places or deposited in strong boxes under bolt= and bars, while the people are left to endure all the inconvenience, sacrifice, and demoralization resulting from the use of & de- preciated and worthless paper money. ‘The condition of our finances and the opera- tons of our revenue tystem are set forth aad fully explained im the able and instructive re- Port of the Secretary of the Treasury. On te June, 1866, the public debt amounted #3,425,079, om the 30th of June last it was S2,692,199,215, showing & reduction during the fecal year of $91,226,664. During the fiscal yearending June W, I-67, the receipts were $490.631,016, And the expenditnres $46,729,129, leaving an available surplus of 143,94 0. itis estimated that the receipts for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1805, will, be $417,161,92-, And tbat the expenditures will reach thesum of S5%),269 226, leaying i the Treasury Plus of =2i,-#.712. For the fiscal year ending June 0, 1°69, it 18 estimated that the receipts ‘will amount to $351,000.00, and that the ex- penditures will be £372.000.000, showing an excess of $1,000.00 in favor of the Govern. ment. ‘The aitention of Cengress is earnestiy in- V.ted to the necessity Of & thorough revision of oor reveiiue system Onur internal revenue law: Aud impost sytem «bould be se adjustedas to bear most heavily on articles of luxury, leay- ing be becessaries of life as free from taxation AS may be consistent with the real wants ofthe (ioverpment,economically administered. Tax- anon wi bot then fallunduly on ube man ot moderate means; and while none would be entirely exempt from assessment, ali, in pro- portion to their Poguniary abiliues, | would contribute toward the support of the State. A modification of the interBal revenue system, by a large redaction in the number of articles DOW subject to tax, would be followed by re- sults equally advantageous to the citizens snd tbe Government. It would render the law less expensive and mere certain, remove ob- struction to mdustry, lessen the temptations to evade the law, diminish the violations and fraude perpetrated upon its provisions, meke its operations less ing reduce ip numbers the Retrenchment. reform, and economy, be carried into every branch of the pul vice, that the expenditures of the Government may De reduced and the people relieved frem | d currency should | ation; a nd the pu’ fith mm regard to the national debt sacredly observed. The ac- comiplishment of these important results, to- getter wirh the restoration of the Union of che States upon the principles of the Constitutton ‘Would inspire confidence at home and abroad in the stability of our institutions, and bring to the ation “prosperity. peace, aud good will The report of the Secretary of War od ini-- rim exbibits the opersuions of thearmy and ot the several Bureaus of the War Department The aggregate strepgth of our military force, on the th of September last, was 56,315. The total estimate for military appropriations is ® including a deficiency in last year’s PP’ on Of #13.60.0W0. The payments at the Trensury on account of the service of ‘1 War Depor'ment from January | to October i867—t. period of ten months—amounted to 7,00, The expenses of the military es- ‘ehment, as well as the numbers of the my, sre now three times as great a: they have ever been im time of peace: while the dis- cretionary power is vested Executive to Add millions to this expenditure by an increase of the army to the maximum strength allowed by the The comprebensive report of the Secretary of the Interior furnishes interesting informa- ton in reference to the important branches of the public rervice connected with bis Depart. | p; ment. ‘The menacing ude of some of the war- like bends of Indians inhabiting the district of country between the Arkansas and Platte riy- ers, and portions of Dakota Territory, re- quired the presence of a large militery force in that region. Instigated by real or imagi- nary grievances.fhe Indians occasionally com- mitied acts of barbarous violence upon emi- grants andourt rontier settements;bnt se general indian war has been providentially averted, ‘The Vormmissioners under theaot of Win July, eré inyeeted full power to aby difficulties, n Po 7 treaties the disaffected bands, and select for them res- ervations remote the traveled routes be- tween the Mississippi and the Pacific. They entered without y upon the execution pent y but have not yet made any official i fi i Ban t | tender in Fie8 thore soureee during tbe preceding yoar Tin SwoUNt paid to pensioners. inc! ato expenses Of Oh dureements, WAS SIX E1095 ANG Cyirry sim Wowsand tout Dundred ind eich! yw SRmes Were added to the rolls. The envire BOMPET Of peDsioners on the FHB of June inx ‘Was one hundred and Ofty-five thowevod four rt d power of the Goveremen abd promoting commerce wnt boeine « terests of our countrymen in e¥ery par: of che World. Of the two bupdred and (hirty eqghi the present asvy of be Dited States, Gy six, carrying five bundred 4 Se ER £Uns, are in Sy US4rOr Service ing year the Bamber ef vessel« tn CoMMIaHion pas been recuced twelve, oud chere are tur teen less OP squadron duty than there were » the Gate of the ine" repor’, A large number o Vessels Were CoMMence@ 20d in (Be Course of constrection whem the war 1 rminwiet. aoa Ab bough Congress bad made "he pecencary ap- propriations for their complesos, che lepart ths either suspended work apon them or he «low comple!ion of *hestoam weesate tof Mactipery made mts. The toral @ Department tor . were #7 Bs DAS Deen MRA OF re Splember (et, iu Mey i, i, re Treasury f five mittion: be amou celwed from Alex of Vessels and orher war property, and (be remnants of former appro priations Lhe report of the Po-tmaster (eperal shows the business Of che Post Office Departmen’ and the condi'tom of the p- servine im & very fayoret'e light, and the att-nvon of Congres is called co cal recommendations The receipte of the Departmen’ tor the yor ending June W, 1-6 luding all specisi ap Propriguons tor sea and and service and for iyee Mail mater, were Si05,0u. The ox eudivEre® tor Mil Purposes were $19,235,4-1, Jen ving An uvexpended halaoce in {svor of the De 10, Which cam be applind expenses of the Department for The increase of postal rew Mped envelopes of expe res for ISe7 over those of the previous year Was owing chieny to the extension of the Iand and ocean mad service. During the past year new postal co: ventions bave been ratified and exchanges the United Kingdom of Great Britain and lreiand, Beigs tme Netheriands, Switzer land, tbe North German Union, italy, and the Colonial Governmen: at Hoag Kong. redecinr very largely the rates of ocean aud innd post. ages (© and from and within those countries The report of the Acting Commissioner of Agriculture concitely presents the cond: Wwapts, aud progress of an interes! eminen worth exhibi the forteripg care of Qougress, and =. large measure of useful resuits | the resumption of exten wi The Republic of Mexico, having been re- ) lieved frow foreign intervention, is earnestiy rngaged in efforts to re-establish her constiia towal system of government. A good under- Dal e@ LO EXIs( between our Gov- ‘With & resolution of Congress. of the good of - fices of the Government, with = view tw an amicable sdjustment of between Breai and ber allies, om ope side. and Paraguay op the other, and between Ohbili and ber al- lies, on the one side, and Spain on the other ‘Dough Kindly received, bes im neither case been fully accepted by the bellige- rents. The war in the Valley of the Parana is still vigorously maintained On the other hand, sctual bostilities between the Pac States apd Spain bave been more than a year uspended. | shali,on any proper occasion that ¥ Occur, Fenew the conciliatory recommen - dauens which bave been already made Bra- vil, with enlightened sagacity and comprehen - five etatermopebip, Da: opened the great chan - nels of the Amazon and its tributaries to uni- yereal commerce. One thing more seems peed- ful to sei Tapid and cheering progress ip South America. 1 reter to chose peaceful Babi —— — States and Nations cas- Rot, in this age, well expect materia! prosper- My orsoctal aavarcement of Universal Industry ac and seems 'o beve folly re- lized the bigh expectations of the French Goverement. Li due allowance be mage for the recent political derangement of mdusiry here the part which the ( uited States Bas borne in this exbibition of invention and art may be regarded with very nigh satisfact During the Exposition a conference was of delegates from several nations, the United States being one, in which the inconveniences of commerce and sucial intercourse resulting from diverse standards of money val were | very fully discussed, and plans were devei- oped for establishing, by universal consent, a common principle for the coinage of gold There conterences are expected to be rene wed, With the attendance of many foreign Stacer no’ tberto rep: - | esting proceedings will be submitted to Con- gress, which will po doubt justly app! the grea: object.and be resdy to adop: an measore which may tend to facilitate its ulti. | mate accomplishment. | On the 25th of Pebroary. 1-62. Congress de- clared by inw that Treasury notes withou | terest, anthorized by that act, should be legal Payment of all debi, public and private, within the United Siatrs) An anuuni | VeMIttance of $3F,(00, less stipulated expenses. accrues to claimants under the Convention Made with Spain in ISM. These remittances, sunce (Re passage of that act, have peen insucb notes, The claimants insist tha: the Government ought to require pryment in coin ‘The subject may be deemed worthy of your attention No arrangement has as ye! heen reached for { the settlement of our claims for British depre- | dations upon the commerce of the United Srates. J have felt it my duty to decline the | Proposition of arbitration made by Her Mayes~ | ty's Govermment. because it has h itherto bee accompanied by reservations and limitasions | twcompatible with the rigbts, interest, and bonor of our conntry. I! is not to be appre- | bended that Great Britain will persist in ber | refusal to satisfy these just and reasorabie | claims, which involve thé sacted principle of nop-intervepton—a principle henceforth mot | more important to ‘nited States than to | all other commercial nations | The West India Isiands were settie and colonized by European States simuliapeousiy with the settlement and colonization of the | American continent. Most of the colonies planted bere became independent nations in | [be clove of the last and the beginning of tne | present century. Our own couvtry embraces commusities which. at one period, were colo nies of Great Britain, France, Spain, Holland, Sweden, and Russia. The people in the West | Indies, wiih the exception of those of the isiend of Hayti, Dave neither aspired to in 5 dence, ~—S repared for self-defence. OUgd posses. fing considerable commercial value they have been held by the several European States which colonized or at some tim conquered them, chiefly for p | nen" War, ports ang | harbors in the West india Islands ‘were neca | by our enemy, to the great injury and embar- | Tassment of the United Stsies. We bad the | Same experience ip our second war with Great Britain. The same