The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 26, 1935, Page 5

By MICHAEL GOLD NEW barbarism, vile and degenerate like the sick ravings of a decadent Roman emperor, is the recourse capital- ism uses to preserve itself. It must destroy everything that was progressive and hopeful in its own culture. It must create new wastelands of superstition and ignorance. Capitalism at any price! And capitalist intellectuals accept this foul mess. They, too, are willing to surrender their hearts and brains on the altar of the obscene and bloody Dollar God. Have we not seen exquisite and sensitive Amer- ican poets like T. S. Eliot and Ezra Pound form their alliance with Hitler and Mussolini? What can induce such seemingly disinterested esthetes to praise these crude butchers of civilization? The answer is simple: even a certain kind of poet will do anything to save capitalism, They hate the working class, and fear the danger of a work- ing class world. One saw this hatred express itself on a large scale during the Russian Revolution. The most soulful mystics, and other worldly poets, and “sensitive humanitarians,” people like Andreyeff, Merejovski, Ivan Bunin, Madame Hippius, and others, suddenly shed all their delicate mysticism, and began to scream bloody threats and curses. They who had never dabbled in “politics,” now became eager recruits in the White armies. They served undet pogrom generals like Kolchak and Denikin, they schemed with bankers and exploiters for new invasions, they defended the foulest rape and terror against the Russian people. It is they, and their like, who laid an ideological basis for the assassination of Kirov. Capitalism at any price! How dare the working class rule? Stalin is hateful to them, though he is wise and thoughtful, and has told the writers, “you are the engineers of the human soul.” But Hitler and Mussolini they can accept, despite the fantastic bombast, obvious demagogy, ignorance, and vile, murderous chauvinism that breathes from these people as from putrefying corpses. The poet bows down to the ape. Because the ape protects him from the working class. Capital- ism at any price! But let us read a few more of the priceless ut- terances of these Nazi leaders whom T. S. Eliot, Ezra Pound and their like would like to see rulihg us in America. . . * Confusing the Orthodox § I pointed last Saturday, the idea that Jesus, if anything, must have certainly been another poor Jew, evidently disturbs these frenzied Nazi Jew-baiters. “It [Judaism in theatres, movies, etc.] was pes- tilence, spiritual pestilence, worse than the Black Death,” said Hitler in his autobiography. “The Jews are a nation of outcasts. Crime is their call- ing,” says an editorial in the Nazi paper, Der Sturmer. “I treasure an ordinary prostitute above a married Jewess,” says the slimy Dr. Goebbels, who is Hitler's publicity man. es, they spread the hatred of Jews, because this is a way of making the German people forget the real enemy—which is capitalism. And fet Jpus, if there really ever was such a man, was probably a Jew. And many good church people, who want to be Nazis, yet revere Jesus, fall into confusion. So the Nazi historians solve this contradiction by coolly asserting that Jesus was not a Jew, but a good Aryan (that is, a Nazi). And his father and mother were both Aryans, Says the’ Nazi pamphlet, “Die Herkunft Jesu.” . * * More Nazi “Gems” ‘HE Nazis, like Mussolini’s henchmen, are short 4 on any real ideas, but possess a great stock of banal rhetoric. “The idea of National Socialism is an accom- plishment of the human soul that ranks with the Parthenon, the Sistine Madonna, and the Ninth Symphony of Beethoven,” orates Dr. Alfred Rosen- berg, head of the Nazi foreign office. Yes, indeed. Check it up with the following little news item from a Breslau paper: “Dr. Ludwig Cohn, after twenty-five years of service in caring for the blind in Lower Silesia— Dr. Cohn has himself been blind since early youth —has been dismissed from his post because he is not Aryan.” The Nazis believe in the inferiority of women. “The absence of all-round abilities in women,” says Dr. Rosenberg, “iS directly to be attributed to the fact that woman is vegetative. Actually in their deepest consciousness these emancipated females want nothing else than a chance to live at the ex- pense of man.” A paper in Frankfort gives its idea of childrens’ education.. “Attention! Eyes Right! Forward march! ... A four-year old boy was leading two three-year olds in the correct formation of the Storm Troops .. . In German youth, the spirit of the soldicr, always latent, has awakened.” “We begin with the child as soon as he is three years old. As soon as he begins to think, we put a little flag in his hand,” says Dr. Ley, chief of the Nazi trade unions. “If what we have done here is insanity,” said General Goering ‘to a conference of the foreign press, “then insanity becomes me.” Yes, insanity becomes them. Capitalism at any price, even insanity, Slowly but surely, the halters are being spun on which these insane criminals will hang one day. TUNING IN $$ 7:00 P. M.-WEAF—Three Oliver Smith, Tenor Scamps, Songs 9:00-WEAF—Ben Bernie Or- WOR—Sports Resume—Jack chestra: Adolphe Menjou, Filman Actor, Guest WJZ—Amos 'n' Andy— WABO—Myrt and Marge— TS WEAR—Jack Smith, ny BS WOR—Lum and Abner— WJZ—Morton Downey, WOR—Hillbilly Music WJZ—Grace Moore, Soprano WABC—Bing Crosby, Songs; Stoll_Orch.; Mills Broth- ers, Songs 9:30-WEAF—Ed Wynn, Come- Tenor; Sinatra Orch.; Guy dian Bates Post, Narrator WOR—Dark Enchantment— WABC—Just Plain Bill— sketch 1:30-WEAF—Easy Aces— WOR-—The Street. Singer WJZ—Edgar Guest, Poet; Charles Sears, Tenor; WJZ—Cleveland Orchestra, Artur Rodzinski, Conduc- or WABC—Jones Orch.; Grace Concert Orchestra Hayes, Soprano WABC—Jerry Cooper, Bari- | 10:00-WEAF—Operetta—Good tone News 1:45-WEAF—How Can the WOR—Michele Orchestra tures Help the Po- Ww ray Orch.; An- lice?—Andrew J, Kava- naugh, Vice President, International Association of Chiefs of Police; Donald C. Stone we edy and Music Wi se Carter, Com- ™mentator 8:00-WEAF—Reisman Orch. Policy Bill, by Secretarie: WOR—Borrah Minnevitch, of Congresemen « Harmonica Band; Henry WABC—Capt. Dobbsie’s nette Hanshaw, Songs; Walter O'Keefe 10:15-WOR—Current Events— H. E. Read 10:30-WOR—Wallenstein Sin- fonietta WJZ—Litile Congress; Dis- cussion, McGrath Foreign ‘WJZ—Dramatic Sketch 11:00-WEAFPak a Ta WABC—Concert Orchestra; High ite ot Frank Munn, ‘Tenor: WOR—News Bernice Claire, Soprano $:30-WEAF—iVayne King Or- chestra WOR—Variety Musicale WJZ—Lawrence Tibbett, Baritone WABC—Lyman Orchestra; Vivienne Segal, Soprano; WJZ--Lyman Orchestra WABO—Dailey Orchestra 11;:15-WEAP—Robert Royce, Tenor WOR—Moonbeams Trio WsZ—Presentation, Amer- dean Educational Award to Jane Addams, LITTLE LEFTY DATLY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1935 Patsy Gets on the Job! =a ¢ é veeen ee PAYSY ANO HER PIONEER TROOP enna coron ARE DISTRIBUTING LeAFLers terry ano || ~qe*oroTHeRdoon" || TO ALL HE Newsies / \ PEANUTS MEETING / erent — AND DETERMINED | | xe way |] 8 Bs Pesan 6 FIGHT OLD | | Weir own ||_SNOOPY ALL The | | UNION HALL, HARDER // = zi | | AND THEY'RE | PLENTY MAD || a : SEG 2 aR kot e aie’ | wi ts weer wee 1 me ce Saul | 4 Page 5 WHY HAVEN'T ‘You ) STOPPED “he { DISTRIBUTION OF + \SHESE,—!! arm MH! The Story of. William Z. Foster A Tribute on the Occasion of His Fifty-fourth Birthday | DOUBT if William Z. Foster pauses on his birthday to look back over the past; he is too closely preoccupied with the urgent prob- lems of the present, the day-to-day struggles of the working class, to | take any great interest in personal | reminiscences. | When one reviews the events of Foster's career, one is struck by the fact that there is very little of a personal nature to report. I think the finest thing one can say about | Foster is that it is difficult to write about him as an individual. His story is, in the deepest and simplest sense, the story of the American labor movement. His life is significant, not solely be- cause he has been a great leader and fighter—but because for forty years his thoughts and actions have expressed the revolutionary | development of his own class, Fos- ter’s history is the history of Amer- ican labor. | He was born in Taunton, Mas |on Feb. ‘6, 1881. In 1887 his fam ily moved to Philadelphia, During his childhood, the class struggle was developing to a new phase of lintensity, The fight for the eight- hour day was at its height. In | 1888, a Massachusetts judge issued the first labor injunction ever is- sued in this country. In 1892, the embattled steel workers made their first heroic stand against the steel trust strike. | was defeated by government forces | in association with a hired army of thugs, gangsters and cut-throats. Homestead and Pullman ushered in the modern stage of industrial | warfare: open collaboration of the state and big corporations, the use | of lying publicity, military force and brutal murder for the suppression of workers’ organizations. Wage Slave at Age of 10 In 1896, Foster took his first mili- tant step in the class struggle. At | fifteen he had already been a | worker for five long years, his fam- ily’s desperate poverty having forced |him to begin wage-slavery at the }age of ten, after three years of schooling. The Philadelphia street car work- ers were on strike in 1896. The | fight was bitterly contested and the | whole working class was stirred to active participation. At the height |of the struggle, a protest march of strikers was organized. Foster was in the crowd which cheered the men as- they marched | down Market Street to the City Hall, | wearing their working uniforms /and carrying brooms. The brooms | Were a popular political symbol, | meaning “we intend to make a |eclean sweep.” Police were hiding |in the courtyards on either side of the street; armed with blackjacks |and clubs, they made a sudden at- |tack on the marchers. A bloody | battle followed; the workers, after |a stiff resistance, were forced to | retreat into side streets and alleys. Foster, with some other workers, | Was cornered in a hallway and | clubbed unmercifully. On the following day the fifteen- year-old boy watched a fight raging |around a trolley car. He realized |the necessity of solidarity among all workers in preventing the activ- \ity of scabs. He organized twenty other youngsters. The group se- \lected a corner and waited for a jstreet car. The car was manned |by scabs and protected by the po- |lice. But the boys stopped it. Half an hour later, police reserves had ; been called into the battle and ten | thousand workers were holding the | street. For six hours the prole- of the thoroughfare, This was Foster’s first step. The quality which he showed at that time, the readiness to get into a fight and stay in it, has marked every action of his career. A Family of Fighters |, He came of the sturdy stock of toilers. His father was an Irish peasant, who had taken an active part in the Fenian movement and was forced to flee to America when the attempted rebellion failed. His. mother was born in Carlisle, Eng- land, a textile town near the Scot- tish border. She was a weaver, and her family had been weavers for generations. Foster's grandmother on his mother's side had been a leader of the textile workers in those bitter uprisings in which the workers blindly destroyed the new machines which they thought were responsible for their suffering. In Philadelphia Foster's father |in a livery stable. The large fam- \ily lived on the vety edge of star- vation. At nine, little William went to Wannamaker’s Department, Store in search of a job as an errand boy. They sent him away, because they thought the pinched, undernourished child was lying when he claimed to be nine years old. However, he found a job the next year. He went to work for a stone- | cutter, where long hours, staggering jing dust netted him a wage of one dollar per week. He spent three years on this job, his salary being in the bloody Homestead | In 1894 the Pullman strike 'tarian army kept complete control | worked as a washer of hansom cabs | |work and an atmosphere of chok- | By JOHN HOWARD LAWSON WILLIAM Z, FOSTER i } | raised to $1.75 in the second year, and to $2 per week in the third year. | A Hard Childhood There was no day-dreaming, no adolescence. The round of jobs |was endless: a type foundry, then |paper mills, chemical factories, fertilizer plants, the White Lead | Company (where most of the work- fore they could earn enough to pay for a coffin). At nineteen Foster was a qualified stationary engi- |meer and steam-fitter—and, broken jin health, threatened with con- | sumption. | Told that he would die if he re- |mained in the North, he went to | Cuba in search of work. A little later he was.employed in a fertilizer |plant in Tampa, Fla.; then .as a | laborer. for the Armor Company in | Jacksonville; then North again, where he secured work as a brake- |man on the Pennsylvania Railroad. | The next fifteen years were a saga of changing jobs: motorman on the New York street car lines; then a lumber camp on the West Coast; then three years before the | mast on a square-rigger; then many | years of railroad work. Became Socialist | But these years were also crowded ers died of chemical poisoning be- | ,; With economic and political activ- ity. In 1899, at the age of eighteen, jhe became a Socialist. He reached | this decision because of a speech he heard at a street meeting, at |Streets in Philadelphia. He re- |ceived a leaflet at this gathering, on the cover of which was a car- toon showing a huge muscular worker cringing under the lash of a puny capitalist. Foster — still speaks of this picture, which pow- erfully engraved on his mind the sense of the latent strength of the {organized workers, He labored ceaselessly to free the | talists. In the Northwest, he fought |to lead the Socialist Party out of | the slough of opportunism onto the road of militant working class ac- | tion, Failing in this, he joined the |I. W. W. In 1908, at the time of jhis arrest in connection with the |fight for free speech in Spokane, Wash., he was so severely beaten across the face by the police that |he was almost totally blind, and | Was in danger of losing his sight for several years afterward. Foster left the I. W. W. in 1912, because he disagreed with the pol- icy of complete withdrawal from work inside the A. F. of L. unions. More About'La | workers from the lash of the capi- | dy Macbeth’ He called this policy which simply results in stripping |the old unions of their militants |and leaving those organizations in jthe hands of reactionaries.” Per- |sweet sadness of youth in Foster’s|the corner of Broad and South |haps Foster's greatest service to| the working class has been his clear |insistence on work inside the old unions, his persistent vision of the possibility of developing within these organizations powerful rank and file movements of mass struggle. Meets Tom Mooney In 1912, he entered into corre- | spondence with a young left-wing Socialist in San Francisco who agreed with him on the urgent need of militant organization inside the |A. F. of L. This was Tom Mooney. The two men first met in 1914, at the home of Lucy Parsons, wife of | the legally-murdered Haymarket martyr. When Mooney and Billings were framed in 1917, Foster was one of | the first to enter the long fight for |his release; he organized the first |mass meeting ever held in protest | against Mooney’s arrest. | The Great Steel Strike | Foster's greatest and most spec- tacular fight took place in 1919: his magnificent leadership of the great steel strike is a matter of history. | By SERGEI RADAMSKY | (ARL SANDS, in the Daily Worker | of Feb. 18 and 19, has definitely | exposed the baseness and mislead- |ing judgment of the musical critics | of the New York press, in regard to the opera, “Lady Macbeth” by | Dmitri Shostakovich. Not only is it | the opinion of the oustanding musi- | cians of the world that this is the | most important opera produced ‘in | the last twenty years, but the critics themselves, while trying to confuse the issue, have admitted as much, Mr, Olin Downes of the New York Times says: “It has been many a | year since such a large and brilliant | audience has been in the Metropoli- | tan Opera House,” and that “it had an immense success with the audi- ence.” But Mr. Downes cannot ac- count for “the gales of applause that | swept through the house.” Mr. Downes wishes us to trust to his personal taste and knowledge against almost every one else of the three thousand people gathered at the Metropolitan that night. After all, operas are not written just for musical-critics, and those for whom it was intended have acclaimed it | here, as well as in the Soviet Union. Mr. Downes continues: “What would happen with a few repetitions of this work would probably be dif- ferent.” How then account for its unabated success: with the public in Moscow and in Leningrad, many of whom hear it over and over again? I, for example, heard thirteen per- formances at the two different opera houses, and found my interest growing rather than abating. Mr. its lyrical and melodious passages . +. Katerina’s Lament arouses some | emotion ... The music seldom fails | to emphasize the doings on the! stage ... The crashing brass chords | chorus of the exiled .. . stirs the | imagination.” a oe ee | (JN the sixth of February, Mr. Henderson wrote that the opera had “theatrical intensity and other excellent points... the music of Shostakovich is free and unconven- j tional . . . his score is filled with | rhythmic force and insistence jit is rich in orchestral device an jthe use of instrumental solo pas- sages for decorative effects transitions from moments of melo- dic charm, to others of crass ugli- ness ... . there is also the pressure of force and unrestrained impulse ‘ the whole atmosphere of Wozzek.” He admits, however, that “the style is different ... the im- pression left at the close of the long work is that the production had | been well worth while.” It took sev- eral days for the learned gentleman | to change his mind and call it a “bed-chamber opera.” We may concede that there were moments on the stage as well as | sounds in the orchestra which might be offensive to our conservative friends, but the fault lies with the producers who were obviously anx- ious for sensational effects — in short, the “bed-chamber opera” was fabricated in America. Mr. Pitts Sanborn in the Evening Telegram: “‘Lady Macheth of Mzensk’ is a genuine music drama it is the expression of a vigor- ous talent which shows, moreover, @ sure sense of the theatre . . . the music is fresh .. . stalwart music in its energy and free stride . . . music Stark and unashamed ... Acts III Downes admits that “the music has| and IV are engrossing . . . the last act is singularly vital and moving +. unquestionably, this ‘Lady Mac- beth’ is one of the most important operas to reach the local stage in the last twenty years.” tee effective rhetoric . . . The Mr. Liebling of the New York -| In | American finds: “Arresting novelty | with realism and sarcasm side by | side .. . melody and poetical lovely lyricizing . . . orchestration master- |ful .. . effective in the highest de- gree . .. this Shostakovich is a tre- mendous craftsman with a vital | mesage.” ‘The greatest living conductor, Ar- turo Toscanini was deeply im- pressed by the “musical poetry” of | the score. justice to Mr. Sanborn and | Mr. Liebling, we wish to record that | their acceptance of this opera as an | outstanding work was unqualified. aa ies E may mention, at random, some of its musical values, when, for | example, in the first act, the whole mood of Katerina’s hopeless situa- tion is established with the one Phrase “but I am idle, filled with ennui, all alone I sit and brood.” The long, sustained lines of Kat- erina in the second act are imbued with lyrical beauty. and pathos. The chorus and quintet, in the second | Scene of the first act, can be likened to the best pages in Verdi's “Fal- | staff,” and Wagner’s “Meistersing- ers.” Shostakovich has not imitated | only in form. The quarrel between Katerina and | her husband before the latter is | Strangled, is a gem of musical dia- j logue. The short scene between So- | metka and Sergei deriding Katerina | is stark in its callousness. The last aria of the heroine, the song of the old prisoner and the final chorus, have melodic line, | breadth and emotional depth. The | composer symphonically enfolds the | | drama, compelling the listener to follow | Nete to the last. All this he accom- plishes with fluency, simplicity and in places with the economy and re- i straint of a masteq “a process | | these composers, resembling them | his thought, from the first | |Today, when the rank and file of the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers is preparing another battle against the power of the steel trust, the lessons of 1919 are particularly sig- nificant. The strike was preceded by a brilliant organizational cam- paign. The courage of the workers was unbelievable. For the first three months the | walk-out was ninety-eight per cent effective. The workers stood firm against wave after wave of brutal | terror. The strike could have been won, Then, as now, the bureau- cracy of the A. F. of L. worked hand in hand with an “impartial” government. Gompers, head of the Federation, connived with Woodrow Wilson and withdrew his entire |Support from the workers at the most critical moment. Wilson’s brand of liberalism was just as murderous as Roosevelt's. Wilson appointed a National Industrial Conference on which the “imp: representative of the public” John D. Rockefeller, Jr. |. When members of the United | Mine Workers of America joined the steel workers on Noy. 1, 1919, St looked as if victory were assured. The solidarity of mine workers and steel workers meant that both would win their demands. Wilson whined that “a strike under these circumstances is not only unjustifi- able; it is unlawful.” On Nov. 11, John L. Lewis forced |the miners to return to the mines, declaring, true to his life-long role of defender of the mine owners |“We are Americans, we cannot fight our government.” This was |followed by a fresh wave of terror, murder and arson—and Lewis, |Gompers and Wilson had the satis- faction of seeing the strike de- feated. | Lewis, Green and Tighe are play- ing the same tricks today. And they have the same conniving part- nership with the suave gentleman in the White House, Still in the Front Line | Today again the rank and file steel workers prepare for major struggles. Today again the class lines are drawn—and in the front line of the workers’ ranks stands Foster—and the Communist Party |of which he is chairman. | Foster, deeply grounded in ex- perience of the class struggle, hav- ing analyzed and tested the weak- nesses of sacial-democracy, De Leonism and syndicalism, was quick to learn the lessons of the Russian revolution. He attended the Third Congress of the Communist Inter- national and the First Congress of the Red International of Labor Unions in Moscow in 1921. He joined the Party in. 1922. In 1924 he became chairman of the Party, being the Communist candidate for President of the United States in three successive elections. | Trade Union Organizer His most far-reaching activity during this period has been in trade union work. He organized the Trade Union Educational League, which became the Trade Union Unity League, of which he has been |the National Secretary since its foundtion. In this capacity, he |has played a leading role in the de- jcisive industrial struggles of the |Past fifteen years. His influence | has been a potent factor in the or- | ganization of militant rank and file | work inside the A. F. of L. unions. During the Presidential cam- |paign of 1932, he continued his |speaking tour in spite of a devas- tating illness which eventually |forced him to retire from active | work. Today, although he is not} lcompletely well, he is throwing himself with self-sacrificing vigor jinto the work of the Party. | Individualistic _petty-bourgeois | liberals, with an inordinate estimate | | of their own egos, concealing their | |hatred of Communism under glib | phrases, have a pet objection which | they repeat again and again: “Oh, | jthe theory's not so bad,” they say, | “but Communists have no big men, |no first-rate leaders!” Who of us| has not heard this gag time and again from all types of intellectu- | als? It is clear that these liberals | |think of leadership in terms of | theatricality and super-salesman- |ship. Curiously enough, the liber- als were saying the same thing in | Russia in 1917. They wer’ con- vinced that Kerensky was a more | | dramatic figure than Lenin—until | | events proved the farcical weakness lof their judgment. A Brilliant Leader | The annals of the American working class show that they have been richly endowed with brilliant |and devoted leaders. William Z. | Foster by no means stands alone; | he is one among the outstanding | figures in the American revolution- | ary movement of all time, a veteran | | of the class struggle whose strength and worth have been proved in the heat of conflict. His strength lies in his closeness to the masses. Today, on his fifty-fourth birth- day, the American workers greet | him with clenched fists and strong | Voices, as they march fearlessly and | with iron determination—Toward | (Soviet America Distriet Questions and This department appears daily on the feature page. tions and Answers,” All questions should be addressed to “Ques- c/o Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York City. . . . More on the Labor Party Question: How will the workers recognize the difference between a genuine labor party and a the reformists go in P. M. Because the reformists wil class collaboration policies with “revolu« tionary” phraseology and speeches, the Communist Party proposes that the candidates of the class struggle labor party shall not confine themselves to stumping the country making speeches. The Communist Party strives for a labor party, which together with its candidates will continually and genuinely fight for every need and demand of the workers, reformist party, especially if for using revolutionary phrases? Answer: ceal their to con- It is in these struggles which ally concern the welf of the masses, that the masses will learn just who retreats and betr: their fight. The test as to who is genuinely striving for the its of the workers can only be carried out ggle. The workers will soon recognize the candidates and the party which carries their fight forward to the realization of their dem The victory of the policy of furthering the cl struggle as opposed to class collaboration, must come from the actual experiences of the workers, as they distinguish between the phrase-mongers and those whe actually lead them in class battles. Question: When the Communist Party brings forward the idea of a labor party, does that mean that it does not want to build a mass Communist Party?—J. L., Newark, N. J. Answer: No! Communists wish to build up a mass Communist Party which will lead the work- ing class and its allies to the revolutionary seizure of power. It is to reach the objective of a mass party that Communists support the building of a labor party as a means of speeding up the break- ing away of the workers from the old capitalist parties. The labor party is a means of bringing the work- ers under more class conscious political leadership, and of leading them to revolutionary struggles under the guidance of the Communist Party. A c struggle labor party will serve as a bridge over which millions of workers who, at present, do not accept the program of the Communists, will go over to the Communist movement and the full acceptance of its revolutionary principles. Literature to the Masses Weak Spots on the Literature Front In the weekly letter sent by the Literature Com- mission to the districts and sections, there is a sec- tion entitled, “Weak Spots on the Literature Front.” In this section are listed those districts and sections which have not been heard from (as far as literature is concerned) for four weeks or more, and for three months, Here is the latest list: Not Heard From For Three Months City District City District —_City 4 Utiea, N.Y. 8 Elkhart, Ind. 19 Torrington. Wyo, 4 Spencer, N. ¥. 10 Sioux City, Iowa 19 Pueblo, Colo; 7 Muskegon Hts. 12 Salem, Ore. 21 N. Little Rock, Mich. 12 Eugene, Ore. Ark. & Gary, Ind. 14 Trenton, N. J, 21 Pittsburg, Kan, % South Bend, Ind. 14 Long Branch, 28 Louisville, Ky. . 28 Louisville, Ky. Not Heard From For Four Weeks or More 1 Providence, R. I, 8 Hammond, Ind. 20 San Antonio, 1 New Bedford 8 Reokford, Ml, Tex. 3 Wilkes-Barre, 8 Howell, Ind. Pa. 8 Moline, Ill. 8 Rock Island, Il, 9 Bemidji, Minn. % Springfield, Ill. 10 Davenport, Iowa & Terre Haute, 14 Elizabeth, N. J. Fairmont, Ind. 19 Ww. V: & Casey, ll. 19 26 Claire City, S. Dy 8 Indianapolis, 19 Helper, Utah 26 Mitchell, “ Ind. 26 Heecla, 8. D. A glance at the above list will show basic in- dustries well represented. Gary, Ind. is one of the biggest steel centers in the United States. Steel is produced at Hammond and South Bend also. Wilkes-Barre (where a big strike is now going on) Springfield, lll, and Fairmont, W. Va. are major mining regions, Other mining towns on the list are Middlesboro, Ky., Terre Haute, Ind. Gallup, N. M., and Helper, Utah. Rock Island, Il, is an. important railroad center, Providence and New. Bedford are textile cities which played big roles in the general textile strike last fall. In Moline, Til, are situated huge agricultural machinery plants. The tremendous Singer Sewing Machine factory is in Elizabeth, N. J, At Trenton there are numer= ous metal and machine plants as well as some tex tile factories. But the steel workers, the miners, the railroad men, the textile workers, in these cities are not being touched by our literature. No doubt the comrades in these cities are encountering great difficulties in their work. But do they think they can organize these workers, do they think they can carry on their Party work without literature? When literature distribution is considered a task in itself, then the result is what we see above. With a multitude of tasks and duties to be taken care of, literature gets lefs by the wayside. But if litera- ture distribution is considered an integral part-of the task of organizing the steel workers in the A, A, and the Party and preparing them for struggle, then not only will our Party literature be put into the hands of the workers but the organization work among then) will show more lasting results. The list of Weak Spots will soon be published again in this column. See to it that your name’is not on it. How to Prevent Reaching the Millions s There have just been published fiye agitational pamphlets for use in the campaign for Interna- tional Women's Day. These are for widest mass distribution. Here are some of the orders we got: Philadelphia—25 “What Every Working Woman Wants” (two cents), 25 “Women and Equality” (two cents), 25 “The Position of Negro Women’ itwo cents), and 20 “Women in Action” (two cents). New Haven—50 “What Every Working Woman Wants,” 50 “Women and Equality,” 30 “The Posi- tion of Negro Women,” and 30 “Women in Action.” Milwaukee—25 “Mother Bloor” (three cents), 50 “What Every Working Woman Wants,” 50 “Women and Equality,” 25 “The Position of Negro Women,” 50 “Women in Action.” To date (Feb, 23) the following districts have not ordered these pamphlets: Seattle, Minneapolis, | Bismare*