The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 25, 1935, Page 5

} i | By ALFRED HAYES Batting for Michael Gold HERE she is. She is carrying the cups of tea. She is putting the little cakes with the black jam at the heart of them on the table, She is carrying the plates | with the pastrami and the corned beef | and the potato salad to the long tables that reach around the room. She is past fifty and her hair is all gray now, and the party at which she is doing all the work is being given for her. They are celebrating her forty years of revolutionary activity. Forty years. Not | the three years you've been in the movement. Not | the five months you've been going to lectures. Not | the year and a half you've been discussing the | principles of Marxism. Not the six theatre benefits and the two New Year’s Balls and the five dance | recitals you've attended. But forty years. Forty years that reach back to the beginnings of the Bolshevik party in the days of the Czar, back to the time when Lenin first came up from the provinces to Moscow, a young man who had been doing organizational work among the peasants. ‘When she was sixteen years old, she was bring- | ing food to the political prisoners in the dungeons | of the Czar. She brought it in a special pot a | tinsmith made, and on top was the soup, but in | a false bottom were leaflets and cigarettes and pamphlets. At home, the table was set and the candles were lit for a religious holiday, but she was far away. Her people were celebrating the escape from Egypt, the freedom from bondage. She wasn’t there to pray. She was carrying to political prisoners chained in the dungeons of the Czar food in a pot with a false bottom. * ® A Secret Printing Press ATER, in Smolensk, there was a stocking shop and her sister and her brother-in-law kept the little store. In front the machine ran and the sister sat and spoke to the customers and to the gen- darmes who came nosing around. For in the back of the store, hidden, was a secret printing press. At one time, she had to carry a box of type (they had no mimeograph machines then, the presses were hand-presses) wrapped up in a small package and disguised so as not to attract attention in the streets. She was seventeen, and the type was heavy, and she had to walk along the street swinging it as though it was as light as a package of ribbons. When she came to America, she saw old revolu- tionaries who had been jailed and imprisoned by the Czar, turn bourgeois in the land of promise and installments, become petty little shopkeepers, become grubby little owners of real estate. She saw the friends of her youth drop out of the move- ment, hearc them laugh at her, mocking, saying: “You're still a child, you'll learn better,” because she never deserted the working class. She can remember the days when Socialists turned patriots with the declaration of war, though she was neither confused nor tricked by the leadership that had sold itself to the bankers and the munitions manu- facturers. * . * A Few Words ‘ NE by one, her comrades in the party unit and in the LL.D. rise to say a few words. Some of them make long speeches. Some are simple, and recall incidents of her history. This one laughingly complains that he can’t enter her house nor leave it without buying some literature. This one recalls the time when, in a stationery store she ran for a while, she sold more propaganda than merchan- dise. This one recalls how, rain or shine, snow or sun, whatever assignment she was given, was carried out. She sits there and says: “What are they talking so much for?” And to cover her embarrassment, she hurries to bring in more cups of tea and more plates with the little cakes on them. Then they ask her to speak. To say a few words. Organizers have spoken. Important people. Doing big work. Doing important work. She says she can’t speak, she’s not a good speaker. It’s a party, why should she speak? Speak, speak. She gets up and says: “Comrades, I think the comrades gave this party because they thought maybe I’m getting old and maybe I need a little pep.” Eyen the kids, the pioneers, are quiet and smil- ing. She is standing under the red banner on the wall. Lenin's face is behind her, the portrait of Lenin with the half quizzicai smile on his face. She says: “They thought maybe I'm getting a little tired now and I need a celebration or some- thing to put some pep into me. I remember, com- rades, when Steve Katovis was shot. They fired the bullets, the police, and we ran, but then the com- rade said, you go, a woman, maybe they’ll let you in to him. And I went. The police all around and in the middle of them on the street Katovis there with his hand up like this around his head. I got sick when I saw the blood. But when he saw me, comrades, do you know what Comrade Kotovis said? Do you know what he said to me lying there in the gutter all his blood out of him? He said, ‘don’t worry about me; go do your work!” She pauses, the pioneers are not smiling, the workers along the wall are listening quietly, some with their heads bent. “Till never forget that, comrades, what Com- rade Steve Katovis said. I'll never forget how he looked lying there in the gutter, shot because he was fighting for the workers. And when I see a thing like that, do you think you need to give me pep? Do you think I need parties and celebrations and praises to make me do my work? D® you think I need speeches?” She pauses again, glancing around. We don't Bey to hear the slow answer to her own question, “NOI” ‘Trotsky’s “History” of Russian Revolution Refuted THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION By Joseph Stalin Stalin analyzes the main periods in the Bolshevik , Itermational Publishers, Revolution, singe 1817 and 1 gt ous Aveta, significance. = ee I am interested in your Speeches and articles writ- a tele ron) tate ten in October and in the | logue and book news. course of the polemics with Trotsky refute the his- torians of anti-Bolshevism. | agarose CLOTH ...... $1.00 INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS 381 FOURTH AVENUE @ NEW YORK, NW. Y. | Aecives Reveal LITTLE LEFTY MY PAL, Facts in Famous | es cd ’ Beiliss Case THE DECAY OF TZARISM: THE BEILISS TRIAL, trans. from the Russian by A. B. Tager: The} Jewish Pub. Soc, of America, $2.50. Reviewed by ALEXANDER GODIN H basa history of the class-struggle is replete with criminal provoca- tions on the part of dying autoc- racies and decayed ruling classes | fighting to retain power; the most recent of these, a provocation in the traditional sense of the word, was the Reichstag fire, the purpose of which was the thwarting of the rising tide of the revolution in Ger- many. In staging this provocation, the Nazi assassins identified themselves openly with the recently buried Romanoff dynasty and the feudal nobility of which it was the figure- head. And in all their subsequent acts and utterances, the Nazis bear a striking resemblance to their spiritual father and guide. You need only compare the Browning wisdom of Hitler, for instance, with the solicitous words of Nicholas The Bloody upon hearing that the courts of Russia, which were themselves tarred with the same brush, could no longer allow the oven banditry and lawlessness inaugurated by the Black Hundred horde, to know this. He said: “I know that the Russian courts are too severe towards the partici- pants in the pogroms. I give you my imperial word that I shall al- ways lighten their sentences on the application of the Union of The Russian People, so dear to me!” These words were uttered on the eve of the War, and when the de- cay of Tzarism, like that repre- sented by Hitlerism, made itself smelt over the wide world. ea fae T THIS time, the ruling reac- tionaries, threatened with the abolition of the Pale of Settlement by the Third Duma, staged what is known in history as the Beiliss trial, ifs crowning infamy. Previous to the staging of the Beiliss trial, based on the medieval and lying dogma that Jews use the blood of Christian children for ritual purposes, other such trials had taken place in Russia. None of these, however, had so much as- sumed the character of a life-and- death struggle, as the Beiliss trial. From this it was clear that Tzar- ism was making a desperate effort to rehabilitate itself in the eyes of the oppressed population, that it was making a last attempt to in- ject the counte: revolution with new blood, and thus sidetrack and de- Jay the approaching revolution. For lack of space, it is not pos- sible to repeat the details of the story; suffice it to say that the case of the government was by its own members recognized from the very beginning as impossibly weak; also, that the real murderers of the Christian child in the case were known and shielded by the govern- ment, and belonged to those very Black Hundred “so dear” to the heart of Nicholas IT. Novertheless, and in spite of these facts, the government dragged the trial out for more than two years; and during this time the en- tire opposition press, which ‘n- cluded practically all but a few re- actionary-owned papers was muz- zled, and their editors were tried on charges of libelling the charac- ters of “honest people,” meaning the real murderers, the identity of which was known to all. At the same time, the government con- tinued to organize pogroms from above, having in mind the success- ful conviction of Beiliss, Beiliss was freed; however; but it was not until after the Revolu- tion, which ovened the archives containing the records of this case and which were carefully ex- amined and checked for a good many years by the author of this book, comprising most of its ma- terial—that the extent of the per- jury and lying practiced by the government, the methods used in eliminating all but the most ignor- ant peasants from the jury and then spying on its individual members to discover reliability, and even tampering with it, as well as the wholesale manufacturing of evi- dence, became really known. Added to this, the ring-leaders of the con- spiracy were brought to trial, liv- ing witnesses of this infamy; and, on the strength of their own tes- timony as well as the newly-opened archives, they paid the price of be- trayers of the people. The chief value of this book, how- ever—and every worker as well as revolutionary intellectual should be- come acquainted with this most brazen provocation of all in a his~ tory which contains many of them —lies in its photostat reproductions of the most important letters in the case, which had been hidden under the dust of archives. These are in Russian, of course, but ade- quate translations of them are fur- nished in the books; and while a gteat deal of material was crimi- nally destroyed, as witnessed by these very reproductions, they are a sufficient indictment of Tzarism EULA NG acratbdeh desde mu earlier, even, than when it was, MR. GNOOPNY You've HAD & THROWN OUT DAILY WORKER WE NE LEFTY, SOMETHIN' BESIDES BASE- é BALL GAMES N' CHRISTMAS PRESENTS’) WE WANT $1.50 A HUNDRED PRPERS INSTEAD OF 85 CENTS! Scrambled Two!! NEW YORK. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1935 by del | WSBOYS WANT - ALSO WE WANT “To BE ABLE “TO RETURN ALL UNSOLD PAPERS IN- STERD OF HAVING “fo PRY FoR “HEM! WE DEMAND — i # FINISH— YEY femme Proposed Law Against ora -Menaces Rights of All Workers Mme. Perkins’ Idea of| ‘Humanizing’ De- portation Laws By DAVID LEVINSON “(ENERAL, a delegation from the Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born to see you, sir.” We were ushered into an immense room in the magnificent new $15,- 000,000 Depvartment of Labor build- ing at Washington. “Oh yes, I know your secretary, Mr. Morgan,” said Colonel Mac- Cormack, the Commissioner General of Immigration, as he advanced to- ward us with outstretched hand |, and the broadest of smiles. He threw several packages of cigarettes to us across the table with a cheer- ful, “help yourselves, my friends. Now, what can I do for you?” “Mr, Commissioner,” said Morgan, “our delegation represents 65,000 workers; citizens as well as aliens.” “Why citizens?” asked the Gen- eral. “Because we realize that once the ecpnomic and volitical rights of the foreign born are taken away, the rights of workers who are citizens will soon follow as hapvened in Hitler Germany and fascist Italy.” The Colonel puffed vigorously on his cigarette. “You know,” he said, turning to me, “we have been doing all we could to help the aliens.” “By devorting them?” I asked. The Colonel There was a moment of silence as he sat straight up in his chair. “Madame Perkins told me,” I con- tinued, “the day she was appointed, that she intended to ‘humanize and liberalize’ the deportation laws.” ‘The Colonel relaxed. “Quite so,” he quickly agreed. Arresting Aliens Without a Warrant “But tell me, Mr. Commissioner,” I said, “is it true that your Depart- ment is asking Congress to pass a Jaw which you have drafted, giving any employee of your Department the right to arrest aliens without a warrant?” The Commissioner puffed furi- ously on his cigarette. “Why — er —— why — er — yes.” “And do you regard this as ‘humanizing and liberalizing’ the deportation laws?” “Why — er es you see — Of course. Sure. Our agents have been arresting them without war- stopped smoking. | Ellis Island—Prison for Deportees we stopped them; but we were severely criticized for it by some very powerful organizations. Two thousand six hundred aliens slipped through our fingers last year be- cause they were arrested without warrants and we had to release them. But if this law is passed, we would be able to deport them.” “That is,” I said, “you want to legalize, what is at present, illegal.” “Why—something like that.” The Commissioner appeared considers ably less cordial than when we had entered. Used Against Strikers “Haven't the deportation laws been used against the strike strug- gles of workers?” inquired one of the delegates. “As a practical matter, yes,” ad- mitted the Colonel. “Wouldn’t the new law make the situation very much worse?” I asked, “How do you mean?” the Com- missioner asked. “Well,” I said, “suppose there was a large strike in the textile indus- try or the automobile industry or among the miners or longshoremen, couldn't the agents of the Labor Department immediately arrest hundreds of workers, keep them locked up for investigation and in this way, try to break the morale rants, but that was illegal and so > | | to do that, Admits That 34, of Frisco Arrested Were Citizens “why — er — I don’t think they | would do that,” he said. “Wouldn't they be given the right under the new law, which you are asking Congress to | pass?” “Yes — yes, but I don’t think they would use it that way.” “But it could be used to break up strikes, picket lines, demonstra- tions and even for raids on private homes, lodge meetings, etc.; especi- ally by a less liberalizing and humanizing administration than yours, couldn’t it?” Considerable of geniality had gone. “Is it true that in San Francisco of the 400 who were arrested more than 300 were found to be citizens?” I asked. “Yes, that’s so.” Violating Rights of Citizens “The practical effect, therefore, of your proposed law would be not only to arrest aliens, but to violate the Constitutional rights of citizens, against being arrested without a warrant, wouldn't it?” For the next half hour the Com- missioner talked. He talked about the “pressure” brought to bear on his Department by “patriotic” societies, by “industrial organiza- tions,” etc., etc. Finally, turning to the Solicitor | General of the Immigration Bureau, | W. W. Brown, he asked, “How many |grounds do we have under the present law, Mr. Brown, for deport- ing radical aliens?” “Three thousand six hundred,” | was the prompt reply. “Three thousand, six hundred,” the General's reasons for deporting aliens! Radi- cal aliens. Three thousand six hundred reasons for deporting “aliens” de- manding an “American” standard of living! This proposed “arrest without a warrant” iaw directed against aliens, together with the proposed federal sedition laws directed against citizens, is clearly the be- ginning of a fascist drive against native and foreign-born workers, Negroes as well as white. Against this shameless and brutal assault upon the fundamental liber- ties of the American people, all working people and liberals should unite in a vigorous protest. Fascist Terror Fails To Halt Work of Revolutionary Theatr By BEN BLAKE (IN almost every country of the world today—including fascist Germany and the China ruled by | the white terror of Chiang Kai-shek —on the bare platforms of workers’ meeting halls, as well as on elabo- rately equipped professional stages, there are revolutionary working class theatres participating in the fifth annual International Theatre Week of the International Union of the Revolutionary Theatre (I.U.R. T.). Active all year round in drama- tizing the lives and struggles of the masses for their daily needs and against imperialist war and fascism, the revolutionary theatre from Feb- ruary 15th to 25th demonstrates its international solidarity, reviews its world-wide work, and seeks to ac- quaint the broadest possible public with the role of the theatre in the education and organization of the masses, Five years ago, when the I.U.R.T. was first formed as the Interna- tional Workers Dramatic Union, no capitalist country except Germany and Japan had an organized work- ers’ theatre movement. Single groups existed in many places, but carried on their work in isolation from each other. As the bourgeois theatre shrank and withered under the blight of the capitalist crisis, as at the same time the Soviet theatre and bloomed, as some of the best theatre workers and artists became dissatisfied with the stagna- tion of their art, revolutionary workers amd intellectuals came to- gether and formed the world’s first international organization of the theatre, with its center in Moscow, the theatrical capital of tite world. The International Union at once began to contact all revolutionary dramatic groups, organized the ex- change of their experiences, pub- lished helpful material, and gave great impetus to the movements for the formation of country-wide thea- tre organizations as national sec- tions of the I.U.R.T. in many lands. (tie cultural crisis of capitalism and the rise of the revolutionary | labor movement had already pro- vided the basis for such national organizations, Germany pioneered, building a Workers Dramatic Union | with agit-prop troupes in all large|The “underground” German anti- | cities. In 1930, Chinese writers and intellectuals formed a League of | Workers of the Revolutionary Thea- tre, Czechoslovakia organized a large | Union of Workers Theatres. The Workers Theatre League of France was established. The Proletarian Theatre Union of Japan was one | of the earliest and best sections of the LU.R.T. To the United States, in the New Theatre League (for- merly the League of Workers Thea- | tres), goes the honor of having the strongest section of the I.U.R.T. to- day. There are smaller sections in many other countries, some with in- dividual groups of high artistic quality. Music, film and dance or- ganizations of many lands are also affiliated with the 1U.R.T., which has special bureaus to deal with these related arts. Most significant, too, is the fact that in more and more countries whose revolutionary theatres were until recently entirely amateur and narrow, there are now large influxes of professional theatre workers and artists who wish to place their talents at the service of the masses, and from whom they in turn re- ceive a better understanding of the social function of their art. The barbarous cultural reaction of fas- cism in contrast with the advance of culture in the Soviet Union has made clear to them that only the working class today cherishes and defends the cultural heritage of mankind, and only the working class today offers inspiration for great art. The revolutionary theatre in many countries carries on its work in the face of brutal police terrorism and censorship. How many martyrs of culture have perished in this way will only be known in the fut- ure. The most outstanding case is that of the great German actor Hans Otto, blue-eyed blond Aryan, co-star of Elizabeth Bergner and Werner Krauss on the stages of the finest German theatres, leader of the struggle for a militant policy in the actors’ union, and devoted or- ganizer of the German workers’ and, failing, murdered secretly, wh ORS Germany has failed to halt the work of the revolutionary theatre, theatre, a man whom the fascists at | first tried to win over with bribes, | IE terror in China, in Japan, in| fascist theatre is writing a glorious |and heroic chapter in the history of modern culture. Its story is told in the March issue of New Theatre, Its experience in the fight against fascism is becoming the property of the workers of all lands. One of the major activities of the international revolutionary theatre is that of building a united front— of workers’ theatres of different po- litical shadings, bourgeois ‘“‘little and fascism as the twin destroyers of culture. The New Theatre League, like the revolutionary theatre abroad, has done successful united front work in a number of local in- stances, and is now preparing this work on a national scale. Y.M.C.A. and Y.MH.A. dramatic groups, church groups, A. F. of L. and revo- lutionary trade union groups, So- cialist-led groups as well as Com- by side, aided each other, and been aided with technical equipment and repertory. New Theatre magazine now each month carries the message | war and fascism to 10,000 readers | of otherwise diverse political opin- | ions, | The theatre of the American masses differs from that of most other capitalist countries in that it is itself really an international thea- tre in minfature—like the Soviet theatre, of which this is true, of course, on a vast scale. Besides the theatres performing in English, and existing in most cases long before them, there are literally hundreds of workers’ dramatic groups or clubs with dramatic activities or- ganized by the various nationalities. Chief among these are the groups of the Finns, Hungerians, Jews and Ukrainians; but almost every other nationality, however slightly repre- sented in the American population; has its workers’ dramatic groups. Some of the best foreign-language groups have appeared on the same Program with En:lish-language groups in several cities during In- ternational Theatre Week. ‘There is steadily increasing cooperation between the nationality and the English-speaking ones, in the true spirit of international work- ing class solidarity, theatres,” and professional theatre | workers and artists—against war) munist-led groups, have worked side | of a united theatrical front against | theatres | '|Vital Material | In AF of L Rank And File Journal A. F, of L, FEDERATIONIST, Feb- | ruary issue, 5 cents a copy. HE A. F. of L. Rank and File Federationist, the official organ of the A. F. of L. Committee for {Unemployment Insurance and Re- lief, is chuck full of factual material and interesting articles of vital im- portance to workers in the A. F. of L. and to all workers generally. Written in clear and simple lan- guage and set up in attractive form with lively illustrations and head- lines, the Federationist deals with the looming steel strike, the split lin the building trades, the. victory of the rank and file in the Paterson textile union, carries news of the | activities of the rank and file com- mittees throughout the country and takes up many other problems af- | fecting the workers in the A. F. of L. unions, | ‘The Congress for Unemployment and Social Insurance, held in Wash- ington recently, is featured in two |interesting stories which give im-| |petus for a further fight for the | Workers’ Bill, H. R. 2827. Elmer) Brown, chairman of the Congress, | and rank and file leader in the) Typographical Union of New York, | | gives a vivid picture of the Congress. | “William Green Was Out” pre sents a lively account of the recep- | tion given to the A. F. of L. delega- | tion in the chambers of the Execu- | tive Council of the A. F. of L. Inj | pungent and no uncertain language | the speakers of the delegation ex- | posed the policy of the A. F. of L.| | top leadership as regards unemploy- | |ment insurance, pointing to the) |meed for a bill which would meet | |the problem of unemployment and safeguard the interests of the work- | |ers in the A. F. of L. unions. | | Valuable lessons for every class- | | conscious worker and for the entire | | tank and file movement, are brought | out in the story of the Paterson Dye Workers. | Of utmost importance at this mo- ment is the article dealing with the | split in the building trades depart- | | ment, and its subsequent result, the administration proposal for a $50) wage on all relief projects. Louis | Weinstock, national secretary of the | A. F. of L, Committee, shows that | the split is a result of the fight be- | | tween the top leaders who are out) for political and personal glory. | rae, ar’ | YJITH a nation-wide steel strike | | looming, and with Mike Tighe’s | | bureaucratic expulsion of mijitant | leaders of the steel workers, “Steel | | Strike Looms” and “Steel Labor and | the N.R.A.” are very timely and important articles to study. “Steel Strike Looms,” written by a member | of the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers, who | | has been in the thick and thin of | the struggle of the steel workers gives a clear picture of the condi-| | tions which led up to the present rebellion of the membership in the | steel lodges. | | The second article written by al member of the staff of the Labor | Research Association, is oanclusive | | proof that the Steel Labor Board is | merely an establishment to keep | | back the resentment of the workers | | against the steel barons, and that at | ;no time has the board coridemned | the anti-labor actions of the big steel trusts, despite testimony of | | workers exposing the rotten meth- | | ods of intimidation, terrorism and | |spying used by the companies against the workers. One successful fight for rank and file control in an A. F. of L. union | is told in a splendid account by a| | member of the Butte miners Local | No. 1, Also of great value and in-| terest is the page “Rank and File, in Action” which gives a brief re- view of the activities of the various j7ank and file committees through- jout the country. In all cities the! workers in the A. F. of L. are car- | rying on a fight for unemployment | |insurance, for trade union democ- jracy and for rank and file control | with many good results recorded. It |is, indeed, to be regretted that no news is carried of the activities of | the rank and file in the South, par- | | ticularly of the Negro members in| | the A. F. of L. So serious a short- coming should be overcome immedi- ately and Negro problems and ac- tivities given careful attention. “Open Forum” is one feature which will be very popular with the | workers in the A. F. of L. The pur- pose of this columN is to stimulate discussion among the rank and file on all questions of greatest interest | to them in the form of cantributing | letters to the Federationist. | The A. F. of L. Rank and File) Federationist throughout its sixteen | pages, carriés a message Of action | to the thousands of workers in the A. F, of L. unions. It is an invalu- able weapon in the hands of the rank and file in the A. F. of L. to push the enactment of the Workers’ Bill H. R. 2827 and to win better conditions and higher wages. The Federationist is an educator and or- ganizer which must reach every corner in the country and point the | way to the thousands of workers in the A. F. of L. unions that the only | way to make the unions instru- ments of struggle for the benefit | of the workers is to wrest control | from the top officialdom and place the rank and file in the leadership of the unions, Page 5 Questions and Answers a ener hn eae This department appears daily on the feature page. All questions showid be addressed to “Ques- tions and Answers,” c/o Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York City. . . * Training Leaders Question: How do Commur educate and train workers to become leaders? Can youe give the an- swer in the form of a quotation from some pam- phlet on organizational questions? - J.B Answer: A simple and very valuable pamphlet on the kind of question asked above is Orgwald’s “Tactical and Organizational Questions of the Com- munist Parties of India and Indo-China.” Below is printed the answer given by Orgwald to the ques- tion asked by J. B. as an example of the informa- tive material contained in the fifteen cent pamphlet, all given in the form of questions and answe: “There is no factory for turning workers into leaders, but if the workers work well some of them will develop into practical organizers, propagandists and writers. The Party organization must place these working class members of the Party in such conditions of work that will not lead to th ture arrest. But I do not suggest that one should evade arrest if such evasion is harmful to the ne work. For instance, suppose it is necessary for some of them to speak at a big meeting where there is @ possibility of having the Party line carried and winning over the workers. In such a case one should take the risk and be prepared to go to prison for a while, and upon leaving prison to start work again, “It is necessary to send these workingmen to apply themselves to all the branches of Party and trade union work. It is necessary to learn how to put questions properly, to choose rapidly and core rectly the right moment, to correct the line in good time, to write a good article, good not in the sense of style—although good style wouldn't be a bad thing either—but in the sense that the questions in the article are put in a proper way so that they are quite plain to the workers. “They should work all the time among the masses. They should be made to understand that they must have an ear for what the masses say, but they should not always do what the masses pro- pose. On the contrary, they should tell the masses what the masses have to do. Then real leaders will arise from the workers themselves. With such workers the Party and trade union organization will not be isolated from the broad masses, and there will be no separation of the leaders from the mass of workers.” Michael Gold’s Statement In Burck’s Cartoon Book H Brean trzcndl a major catastrophe, worse than any earthquake, fire or flood, grips Amer- ica today. Some sixteen million men and women and their families are without work or food or hope. Capitalism has created this enormous famine, but like a hardened murderer, it hides its guilt by bluff, bribery and intimidation, The starving masses are bewildered by the at- tacks made on them from every side. An army of capitalist labor leaders, ministérs, politicians, gunmen and intellectuals are engaged in a vast campaign whose object is to keep the unemployed in a state of confusion, fear and apathy. Capitalism fears its victims. Those it canhot conquer with demagogic lies, it tries to make snb- missive with the blackjack and machine gun. Each unemployed man thinks himself weak and powerless. And yet, organized as a mass, the un- employed can make demands that no capitalist dares ignore. Tt is the Communist Party that first begari to organize the unemployed in America. Without this party, and the agitation it began as far back as 1930, not a cent of relief would have been spent on the unemployed. The capitalist class tried to keep the problem hidden away in the dark slums of the land. Let the workers starve quietly and patriotically, was the capitalist slogan. But nobody can buy or in- timidate the Communists. And they brought the unemployed out into the streets and led them in hunger marches to all the capitals. It was they who forced the capitalists to recognize the unem- ployed. Capitalists never willingly surrender a penny of their dishonest wealth. They have no human féél- ings, except greed and fear. The Communists have at least taught them to fear the unemployed. Capitalism is a failure, as is proved by its great wars, and the present unemployment crisis. The time is coming soon when Communists Will be able to lead the hungry workers to something bigger than unemployment relief—to the organi- zation of a world without these useless and danger- ous profiteers, a world where there is leisure and wealth and dignity for every human being. It can be won—just as the unemployed can win their immediate demands if they organize and fight. MICHAEL GOLD, (From “Hunger and Revolt: Cartoons by Burck.”) TUNING 1:00 P. M-WEAF—A Tax to Throttle Progress—Col. Willard Chevalier, vVice- President McGraw-Hill Publishing Company WOR—Sports Talk—Jack Filman WJZ—Amos 'n' Andy WABC—Myrt and Marge— | Sketch 7:15-WEAF—Stories of the Black Chamber WOR—Lum and Abner— IN WdZ—Minstrel Show WABC—Lucrezia Bori, prano: Kostelanetz Orch,s Mixed Chorus 9:30-WEAF—The Haydng— Sketch, with Otto Har- So- bach, Librettist WOR—Kemp Orchestra WJZ—Soreen Test at Ten— Sketon WARC—Gluskin Orchestra; Block and Sully, Comedys Gertrude Niesen Sketch 10:00-WEAF—Eastman Orch.3 WJZ—Plantation Echoes; Lullaby Lady; Male. Robison Oreh.; Southern- Quartet aires Quartet WABC—Just Plain Billi— Sketch 1:30-WEAP—Easy Aces— Sketch WOR-~Johnson Orchestra WJZ—Jackie Heller, Tenor WABO—Wayne King Orch. 10:15-WOR—Current Events— H. EB. 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Hill, WJZ—Dance Music (To 1 Conimentator AM.) 8:30-WEAF—Nelson Eddy, WABC—Four Aces Contract Baritone; String Orch.; 7 | Bridge Instruction Mixed Chorus | 11:03-WABO—Dance Music WOR—Jack Arthur, Baritone | 11:15-WEAF—Jesse Crayford, WdZ—Carefree Carnival Organ WABC—Kate Smith's Revue WOR—Moonbeams Trio $:45-WOR—Boys Club Pro- rae We ners Musi (To gram 1 AM.) bee 9:00-WEAF—-Gypsies Orch. WOR—Dance Music (fo 1 WOR—The Witch's Tale AM) oe