The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 16, 1935, Page 7

pene a { DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1935 Page ? Change MICHAEL GOLD BOSTON, Governor James M. Curley has just warned justices of the peace that they must cease performing marriage ceremonies, or expect no reappointment from him. The State law of Massachusetts, as of other states, has always allowed these justices the legal right to perform a civil marriage. But the pious ward politician Curley believes only in the divine church ceremonies. He is op- posed to the separation of church and state, one of the rights for which the fathers of the Amer- ican Republic shed their blood. The next step this Governor is likely to take is to abolish the public schools, and force all the children to attend religious schools. At this late date, the capitalists are beginning to think that the whole American Revolution was a mistake. It is too bad King George is not alive, so that there might be a monarchist party calling for his restoration. Governor Curley is eligible for leader- ship in such a party, even though he happens to be a professional Irish patriot who uses the sorrows of Kathleen ni Houlihan as another cheap way of catching votes. Seagoing Night Club ND did you know that on the swanky Matson liner, the Malolo, which sails from San Fran- cisco, taking the burbling babbitts out to Hawaii, that a wonderful night club has been installed? It is the Pacific Ocean’s first seagoing night- club, the officials brag. It is called the Crystal Club, and it was installed in the space formerly oc- cupied by the ship’s library. They don’t need the library anymore, it seems. Babbitts are getting so they don’t even read detec- tive stories any longer. What they want is whisky and women and to forget, to forget, the huge, con- stant pain in the neck that tells them their cheap little world has collapsed. * . * On the Side of Mammon UD6ON, N. Y. is a small Industrial city. But it has one of the loudest clergymen on the east- ern slope, a Protestant by the name of Rev. Murphy. The Rev. Murphy has entered the war Against the bewhiskered bad Bolsheviks. He has no radio station yet, but, like the Rev. Coughlin he is out to save America’s womanhood from the “Red fate worse than death.” The success and wealth of Step-Father Cough- | lin has turned the head of many a small town hungry reverend like Murphy. The old hell-fire evangelism of the Billy Sunday type has failed as a racket; now the big cash is in pretending to fight the Bolshies. Rev. Murphy preached a long and _ illiterate sermon recently, which a Hudson, N. Y, Commu- nist sent us for the funny column. The reverend’s mind is as muddled as a plate of Bowery hash. His sermon was based on a text from Hosea, and a book by Joe Ortega, a Spanish semi-fascist in- tellectual, and quotations from Charles Evans Hughes and Ambassador Herrick. Murphy says that Communism is wrong, im- moral and unchristian, “because as everyone knows, Lenin died of syphilis.” Murphy believes in capitalism. He believes in child labor, in scabbing, in unemployment, war and chauvinism. “The minority must direct, while the masses are meant to be directed,” he says. He believes in fascism, though he does not call it by that name as yet. He wants a “first-class army and navy for a first-class country,” he says. He also wants “Amer- ica for the Americans” (does this include the Murphy clan of Ireland?). He wants the “re- institution of Christian principles in our national life.” He preaches the capitalist gospel, straight and undiluted, and some banker ought to put him on the payroll. ‘These are the kind of preachers that the Rus- sian, Spanish, Mexican masses have learned to fear and hate. Whenever the people have been murdered and oppressed by their exploiters, such preachers have always been present, not to help the afflicted, but to bless and strengthen the af- flictors. In the conflict between wealth and humanity, where does the Church stand? The Coughlins and Murphys certainly are on the side of Mammon. * . * The “Poor” Russian Peasant IN CHICAGO, recently, a five-month baby died in its mother’s arms while the woman, too poor even to ride a street car, was walking from hos- pital to hospital seeking to save its life. She was Mrs. Ella Martindale, wife of a taxi driver, and the mother of four hungry children. The hospitals would not treat the sick child. And “patriotic” Americans like Hearst or the Rev. Murphy ignored. this murder. The suffering of the American people is not their concern. They are too busy worrying about the “suffering” of the “poor” Russian peasant who must live under Communism. Marxism expounded by its founders THE CORRESPONDENCE OF MARX AND ENGELS A Selection with Commentary and Notes 4 This correspondence between the founders of scientific socialism—now translated for the first time in the English language—affords an un- rivalled presentation of Marx- ism in its most creative as- International Publishers 381 Fourth Ave., New York, N. ¥. Gentlemen: I am interested in your publications. Please send me your catalogue and book news. “In this correspondence.” Lenin wrote, “the extremely rich theoretical content of Marxism is unfolded most vividly.” Specially important for today are the letters between Marx and ae ay ae persons — Lasalle, Kautsky, Liebknecht, Bebel, Florence Kelley and Sorge, which fre- quently discuss serious prob- Jerhs of the labor movement in America. There is 8 full index and notes on persons and events mentioned in the text. : Name Address: Clothbound, 571 pages—$2.75 INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS 381 Fourth Avenue New York, N. ¥. World !| |that time and now the Party had ja clear conception of the kind of | labor party it would support—a labor party with a wide working class LITTLE LEFTY GAN “TED HOW ABOUT JOINING vP with OUR NEWSBO0VS UNION GEE WHIZ / we've Got & SWELL UNION HALL, AND IF WE STICK TOGETHER WE CANGET BETTER CONDITIONS AND — All Broken Up! NEVERMINO NOUR SALES: “TALK JUST AS LONG AS YOU HAVE A WOMAN RUNNIN YouR CLUB DON'T EXPECT HE-MEN LIKE ME To JOIN tr / by del Question: Is the | Communist work? Answer: The idea of the labor party has long been accepted as a basic part of the activity of the Communist Party. As far back as 1921 the Communist Party of the United States had the most thorough discussions with the Com- munist International on this ques- tion. At these discussions, in which Lenin participated directly, there | Was adopted the policy of further- ing a labor party as part of the work of developing the class strug- gle in the United States. The Party carried on agitation and propaganda for a labor party from 1921 right up, to 1929. During the period from 1921 to 1924, the Party actively participated in the organization of a labor party. At base and a class struggle program. | It would not support a third capi- talist party disguised as a “pro- gressive” movement. During this period the Party's | activities for a labor party were carried on at the time of the efforts |of LaFollette and others to create a third capitalist party. The Party fought then and tried to win the | workers away from their influence and bring them into a class strug- gle labor party movement. This work the Party continued until 1924. It was prepared in the presidential elections of that year to put for- ward candidates on a labor party ticket which the Communist Party could support. With the nomination of La- Follette, however, on the Progres- sive ticket, it became clear that it would not be possible to give the labor party a broad mass. char- acter. To have run labor party candidates under such conditions would merely have served to con- ceal the face of the Communist Party. The Communist Party with- drew its support of the labor party candidates and went into the elec- tion with Communist candidates who sharply opposed LaFollette and his “progressive” program. After that election the Commu- nist Party continued to propagan- dize for a, labor party. It carried this slogan into the unions and did its begt to create a labor party movement. But from 1924 to 1929 there was a gradual decline in the workers’ sentiment for a labor party movement. At the end of | this period there was no mass sup- port for such a movement, other | than that given by the Commu- nist Party. At that time the Communist Party decided to hold in abeyance the slogan of a labor party. But it stated very definitely under what conditions it would again be brought. forward. In 1923 the Commu- nist International in agreement with the American delegation to the Sixth World Congress of the Comintern stated that: “The Congress resolves that the Party concentrate its atten- tien on the work in the trade unions, on organizing the unem- ployed, ete., and in this way lay the basis for the practical realiza- tion of the slogan of a broad Labor Party organized from be- low.” _This meant that it was not pos- sible at that time to widen the in- fluence of the Communist Party and advance the class struggle in the United States by playing around with a slogan that had no broad appeal for the workers. It would have distracted the workers from the immediate struggles of the day to have pushed an abstract slogan which at that time had no prac- tical content. Today the scene has changed. Millions of workers have been dis- illusioned with the old capitalist parties in the last two years. They are breaking away from the two- party system and swinging left. By building a class struggle labor party now, it will be possible to further the development of the class strug- gle as a whole, sharpen the class consciousness of the American work- ing class, and lead these workers to the revolutionary program of the Communist Party, History of Labor Party Idea| idea of the} labor party a new development inj} LABOR PARTY e Party Democracy | Question: Why was the question | of the labor party raised by Com- | rade Browder before there was any | discussion in the Party? Was this a violation of inner Party demo- | cracy? Answer: The Political Bureau of | the Party thought that the Unem- | ployment and Social Insurance Con- | gress presented a golden opportu- | nity of presenting the question to | 2,500 delegates from all over the| country. It was a springboard from | which to launch the idea to work- ers, who would carry back to their | organizations the idea of a class | Struggle labor party as opposed to} a third capitalist progressive party | or @ reformist party differing from | the progressive one only in dema- ogy. | The enthusiasm with which the Party membership and the non-)| Party masses have received the an- nouncement of the labor party is | proof of the correctness of the deci- | sion of the Political Bureau. It demonstrated once again that the ‘Communists exercise political initia- j tive in all fields, | There was no violation of Party | democracy. The widest discussion \4s being carried on within the Party on all phases of the question. Ac- tion and discussion is being car- | tied on simultaneously. The Central Committee at its last plenum made | decisions concerning the policies of the Party with respect to the labor party movement. This decision is | being carried out throughout. the | country. At the same. time Party discussions are going on which can modify or elaborate this decision as can be done with all other deci- | sions of the Central Committee. The Political Bureau could act be- | cause it was putting forward a basic principle of the Party. This deci- sion like all other decisions is based | on the mutual confidence of the membership and the leadership, and its correctness is established by the | collective experiences of the entire Party. It should be emphasized that | the Communist Party, at those | times when immediate decisions are | necessary, acts and discusses at the | same time. ieee? deen | Labor Party Leadership | Question: Will the Communist | Party be the leaders of the labor party? | Answer: When such a_ labor) party is formed the leadership will be based on proportionate repre- sentation. The Communists propose a democratic form, with delegates from the trade unions and workers’ mass organizations actively partici- pating in the leadership. The Com- munist Party will be represented in this leadership to the extent that the Party represents mass organiza- | tions and their membership. Reformist or Revolutionary Question: Will the labor party be reformistic? If not, why do we need two revolutionary parties? Answer: There is only one revo- lutionary party—and that is the Communist Party, which fights for the emancipation of the working class from the exploitation and op- pression of capitalism. This does not mean that the labor party that the Communists propose would be reformist. It would be a labor party based on class struggle prin- ciples that would fight for the im- mediate needs and demands of the workers. Such a labor party, while not accepting the full program of | the Communist Party, would be advancing the revolutionary under- standing of the workers, and con- sequently would lead them to the Communist Party. No Clash of Interests Question: If a Communist 1s elected to office on a labor party ticket, is his allegiance to the Com- on the NOTE: There is widespread en- thusiastic discussion around the | proposal of the Central Committee of the Communist Party for a La- ber Party, to be based on the trade unions and other workers’ mass organizations, with a platform centered on the immediate issues of the class struggle. Discussions are going on within the Commu- nist Party and in many workers’ organizations on many aspects of the policies involved. Articles dealing with fundamen- tal aspects of the question are being published in the Daily Worker and The Communist, some of which have already appeared in convenient pamphlet form. They include the Resolution of the recent plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party published in the February issue of The Communist; there is the pamphlet on “How Do We Raise the Question of a Labor Party” which contains articles by Earl Browder and Jack Stachel; there is the speech by Earl Brow- der dealing with the policy en- tailed in the question of the Labor Party published in the February 14 issue of the Daily Worker. Out of these discussions and | meetings many conerete ques- tions have arisen. Below are printed a group of common ques- tions that have been asked at meetings and of the Daily Worker. The answers to the ques- tions cannot take the piace of the fundamental articles that have already appeared in the Commu- nist press, and those that will be published in the immediate fu- ture. They are published to clear up certain points, and to lead the reader to read the more fruitful | articles and pamphlets, the masses in their struggles for im- mediate demands. This is in line with the Communist policy of fight- ing for all the immediate needs of the workers. Communists will point out to the workers that their revolutionary program is the further development of the minimum policy of the labor party. They will always advocate the full revolutionary program of the Communist Party, and will at- tempt to win support for this ulti- mate aim of the workers’ move- ment. Through the experiences of the workers in the struggles for the minimum program of the labor party, the Communists will teach them to realize that the revolution- ary way out is the only solution for the crisis of capitalism. No Substitute for Soviet America Question: In bringing forward the slogan of a labor party, will the Communist Party abandon its slogan for a Soviet America? Answer: The Communist Party will continue more than ever to agitate and propagandize about the | necessity of fighting for a Soviet America. Far from dropping the slogan, the Cammunist Party will talke even more about Soviet Amer- ica. It will carry the slogan into the ranks of the workers until they recognize it as their own slogan and under the leadership of the Com- munist Party overthrow capitalism and actually set up a Soviet Amer- ica. ‘The proposal for the labor party is not a substitute for the slogan: “For a Soviet America.” On the | contrary the fight for a labor party is a struggle to draw millions more workers under the influence of the Communist Party, and in this way set them on the road to the seizure of power and the establishment of Soviet America. Through develop- ing the struggles around the class struggle issues of the labor party, the Communist Party is taking an important step toward rallying the munist Party or the labor party? Answer: There is no clash of in- terests. The labor party must lead working masses around the funda- mental revolutionary slogan of the Communist Party and the American working class—For Soviet America, Mass Labor Party | Question: Will the labor party be | only a front for the Communist Party and its sympathizers and | supporters? | Answer: No! The Communist Party does not propose such a labor party. It does not want a labor party unless it involves masses of | workers who are not now in con- tact with the Communist move- |ment. From the very beginning the | labor party should be based on |Many, many more workers than the number which at present are | grouped around Communist organi- zations. The Communist Party wants a labor party only if it will bring | Millions of workers into independ- ent political struggle for their im- mediate demands and needs. Un- less the labor party can lead a | political struggle for a class strug- |gle program on a far wider scale than the Communist Party can or- | ganize under its leadership, it will | not be the kind of labor party |that the Communists are striving | |to build up. * Relation to Other Parties Question: What will be the rela- | tion of the Communist Party to the Farmer Labor Party, the Progres- |-sive Party and other such groups? Answer: The Communist Party, |in those States where movements | such as are mentioned above have |been organized, will adopt policies entiation in these groups and par- ties. It will develop the struggle of |cies of the leadership. In Minnesota, for example, the Central Committee has given di- rectives to the members of the | based on class struggle issues. the basis of this united struggle |the Communists will attempt to | build a united labor party ticket which will fight the present mayor of Minneapolis, who is a tool of the reactionary Citizens’ Alliance. By building the united front of the workers on the basis of class strug- | gle policies, it will be possible to | effectively expose Floyd B. Olson | and the other leaders of the Farm- | er Labor Party who aided in break- ing the teamsters’ strikes of last | year. Candidates Question: If the Communist |Party supports the candidates of the labor party, does this mean that it will not put forward its own candidates? Answer: In those places where the labor party puts forward ecandi- dates the Communist Party will not put forward candidates in opposi- tion. It will support these labor |party candidates, putting them on |its own ticket. But it will protect its position on the ballot by putting | forward its own candidates in those places where the labor party has none, and will appear on the bal- lot_in one form or other. ‘The Communist Party would con- | cal campaigns. While throwing its support to the candidates of the labor party in which it was partici- pating, it would not disappear from the ballot nor discontinue political activity. The Communist Party would al ways be on the alert against any labor party leader or candidate who gave signs of betraying the work- ers. It would not support any candidate who came out with anti- working class slogans or fought against the true interests of the workers. That is why it is so im- portant for the labor party to be organized on a ‘nass trade union base. Communists and other mili- tants cannot permit such a labor party to be dominated by self- appointed leaders who wil be luke- warm about fighting for the inter- ests of the workers. which will further the class differ- | |the workers and the poor farmers | against the class collaboration poli- | | Communist Party there, to do their | |best to develop the united front i On tinue to conduct independent politi- | QUESTIONS AND ANSWER The Presence of Communists Question: Will the participation |of Communists prevent the labor | party from developing into a broad | mass movement? Answer: Communists created the broad united front fight for the Workers Unemployment and Social | Insurance Bill and the wide strug- gle against war and fascism. They will bring a more generalized po- litical struggle to the workers in | the form of a labor party, and it will be the Communists who will |keep the reformists and misleaders |from having a free field to them- selves. Far from limiting the mass move- | ment the participation of the Com- | munists will be a guarantee that a | genuine fight will be made to build | the broadest labor party which will |be a genuine working class party. | and which will lead the workers forward to the realization of their | class interests. The Red Scare Question: Might not certain members of the labor party refuse to associate with the Communist | Party on the grounds that it would | ‘smear them with red”? | * Answer: In the course of the | developments toward a mass labor party it is possible that attempts will be made by reactionary lead- ers to expel the Communists. The Communists would fight against this, but there is no assurance that they would be successful against the red baiters. Those who would lead the fight for the expulsion of the Communists would have to lean | so heavily upon the LaFollettes and their type that their party would end up as a third capitalist party. Those | who would try to exclude the Com- } munists from the labor party would be betraying the interests of the workers and negating the very pur- pose for which the party was founded. | a es |The Labor Party and the! Socialist Party Question: If the Communist Party is against having a labor party controlled by the present leadership of the Socialist Party, \then why does it propose a united |front with the Socialists? | Answer: The Communist Party \is constantly striving to establish | unity of action with the Socialist | |Party. But there is no contradic- | tion between its proposals for a class struggle labor party. In fact | the Communist Party proposes to establish the same kind of program | | for the labor party as it urges for |the united front. | It must be emphasized that the Communist Party has repeatedly |made united front proposals to the | | Socialist Party around specific | issues that would benefit the work- | tes, The reason that the united | |front has not been achieved so far \is that the leaders of the Socialist Party refuse to accept such a class struggle policy. They make a united | front with the reactionaries in the | A. F. of L. They reject the Com- munists’ offer to build the united | front of struggle, but unite with the white guards in their campaign |of slander against the Soviet Union. | | When the Communists fight | |against the conception of the Ihbor | |party put forth by Waldman and | | Oneal, it is because the party that | | they would lead would be a strike- | |breaking outfit. It would be used | | against the interests of the work- Jers; it would be used against the | |Soviet Union, it would be a third | | capitalist party. | | The Communists invite the So- | cialist Party to come into a genuine labor party with a class struggle | program. Such a party would really | fight for the best interests of the | workers. It would further the united activity of the workers in the jelections and in every other field. On both the issues of the labor party and the united front the | Communist Party is fighting for | policies that are beneficial to the workers as against the policies of the bureaucrats and labor fakers whose policies have proven harmful to the working class, The following call for a united anti-lynch exhibition has been sent out by the John Reed Club, Artists’ Union and Artists’ Committee of Action: The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People has issued a call for an anti-lynching exhibition to be held in the near future. While we are entirely in sympathy with such an exhibition, we feel that the purpose of the N. A, A. C, P, is not only misleading, but even harmful. The Wagner-Costigan Bill, which their appeal advocates and which does not even include death pen- Sa cn erin ei A Call fo e \ it tends to prevent militant struggle for a real Federal Anti-Lynch Bill, which is the Bill for Negro Rights and Suppression of Lynching. It attempts to isolate struggle against lynching from struggle for all civil rights of Negro people, (The Wag- ner-Costigan Bill carries no pro- vision for civil rights of Negro people). The N. A. A. C. P. proposal def- inttely omits from participation in exhibition the I. L. D., L. S. N. R., National Scottsboro-Herndon Ac- tion Committee and other such or- ganizations which are leading struggles against lynching. More- over, the N. A, A. C, P, has com- pletely ignored the Scottsboro case, the most outrageous crime against. Negroes, of our time—a crime which has caused condemnation of the entire world. The N. A. A.C. P. exhibition is misleading inasmuch as it evades the whole question of the oppression of the Negro people. For this reason the John Reed Club, the Artists’ Union and the Artists’ Committee of Action, sup- ported by the League of Struggle for Negro Rights, propose a united front exhibition including all the organizations honestly fighting against lynching. Subject—Any aspect of the strug- gle ee Liberation of the Negro ra United Anti-Lynehing Exhibition croppers’ Union. Scottsboro and Angelo Herndon. The treachery of the N. A, A. C. P. leaders, and of the Negro bourgeoisie. ledium—, white. February 20 to 2%, inclusive. hibition opens March 2 to 17. Place—The A. C. A. Gallery, 52 West Eighth Street. gallery. ganizations and art groups will se) race. The joint struggle of the {lect and arrange the exhibition, black and white workers. Share- | ‘Any form of black and | Participate in this exhibition:— Time—All work to be delivered Gellert, Louis Lozowick, Nicolai Ex- | Cikovsky, Anton Refregier, Raphael All work to be delivered to the A jury composed of Negro and White representatives from labor or- | ‘The following artists, several of | whom have refused the invitation | | of the N..A. C. P., upon the above | grounds have endorsed. and will! Ben Shahn, Chuzo Tamotzu, Hugo Soyer, Philip Reisman, Louis Ribak, Stuart Davis, Aron Douglas, Wil- liam Gropper, Phil Bard, Maurice Becker, A. Ha:riton, Russel Lim- | bach and others. John Reed Club Artists Union Artists Committee of Action Laboratory and Shop By RADIO FACSIMILE The transmission of by radio facsimile h the column. Materia photo-electric impulses into electric are then re-transformed ‘into impulses whi s point over a receiving shect and David Ramsey facsimi tior veloped to tion ther reproducti mile has proven a prac- N hod is on’ the of tra ng complete newspaper pages in the home to Dr. O. H. Caldwell, editor of Electronics, possible to supply news ser= vice directly to individual homes thro. the fac- simile method With the properly equipped set tuned in at night, a at stack of news pages would be run off and lie clearly printed, waiting to be read. Events all over the world could be universally broadcast to the millions of receiving sets. Dr. Caldwell asserts that a comparatively simple apparatus can be built to sell for around $25, In other words mass acces: ention is hindered only by the provoked by the competing mo: maneuver- ing for control of the new me The radio t the telephone the big news associa- t' and the big publishers are all ying to come out on top and be in a position to exploit the in- vention. Meanwhile the discovery which may revolutionize the whole business of distributing news and publications waits the vested inter- ests to decide what monopoly will tap the profits that lie in the commercial exploitation of radio facsimile in millions of homes. trust just CRISIS STORY FOR YOUNG ARCHITECTS Frederick Philip Dinkelberg the architect who designed the Flatiron Building in New York, one of the first skyscrapers, died last week in Chicago, leaving his widow 60 cents. Dinkelberg had lost ail his money during the crisis and had spent the jast days of his life on the relief rolls Dinkelberg’s story is the story of most men in his profession today. Only they never made enough to be able to put money into investments which the crisis would wipe out. Men with training and skill in the architectural field find that there is “overproduction” among professionals as well as among commodities. Capitalism can no longer extract profits from their labor, any more then it can extract profits from machines or food it stops production, destroys crops, and put architect in the street to starve a ce capitalist method of overcoming the “s professionals. rplus” of Sohm Strachey Hails Bureck’sCartoonBook ) esas cartoons perform an international ser- vice. They stamp the fascist movement with the mark of the beast. And this is what must be done by every man or woman who cares for the salvation of human civilization. Surely it needs no argument today to prove that fascism is what the organized working class movement has always said it was, namely, a force which is leading humanity back to barbarism and the dark ages. Already, with the June massacri Germany is reproducing in almost all its rev ing details the conditions of the Roman Empire in its extreme decadence. Blood-drenched orgies and internecine massacres are the daily life of its leaders. In Italy the process is less dramatic, but there, too, Fascism is slowly, but equally surely, strangling every possibility of civilization. But Burck’s pencil also shows us that fascism is not confined to Italy and Germany. Capitalist crisis is breeding it in every corner of the world. Indeed, fascism in one form or another is today the only resort of the ruling class. Ever more un- mistakably mankind is faced by the alternative, Fascism or Communism? Let those who still hesitate look carefully at these cartoons; let them think over whether they are exaggerations, whether they do or do not exactly and realistically depict the reality of fascism. John Strachey (From “Hunger and Revold: Cartoons by Burck”) ENS aN TUNING IN 8:30-WOR—Phi Alpha Delta w Fraternities National Night; Speaker. Ernest E. L. Hammer, Justice New 6:00-WEAF—Coakleyp Orch. | WOR—Uncle Don | WJZ—From | pinieri Band: Speaker, | Taly; Royal Count Galeazza Ciano | | —_York State eme Court WABC—Dancing Lessons— | WJZ—Kansas State Collese Arthur Murray; Earl Ox. | Funders Day Celebration, ford, Songs Manhattan, Kan 8:43-WABC—Mary Courtland, 6:30-WEAF—Press-Radio News WOR-—To Be Announced Songs; Armbuster Oreh.; Male Quartet WJZ—Press-Radio News 9:00-WEAF—Rose Bampton, “ oy Contralto; Scrappy Lam WABOC—Sports—Eddie Dooley magni 6:34-WEAF—Peg La Centra, Shilkret Orch, WJZ—Ranch Boys, Songs Songs; WOR--Hiilbilly Music | | | | |. bert | | | 6:45-WEAF—Sports — Thorn- | Wwyz Radio city Party, ton Fisher; Jack Dempsey With John B. Kennedy? WOR-—Ionian Qi Black Orch.; Jane Proe WJZ—The Mas | man, Songs WABC—Beauty — Margaret WABC—Richard Bonelli, Brainard | Baritone; Kostelan 6:55-WABC—Press-Radio | Mixed Chorus AF—-The Gibson Fame ity—Musical Comedy, with Conrad Thibault, Baritone, Lois Bennett, Soprano WOR—Canadian Society of s 7:00-WEAF—Religion News WOR—Sports Resume—Stan Lomax in the wJz—John Herrick, Bart: | New York Dinner, Hotel Biltmore; Speakers, Sec retary of State Cordell WABC—Valley Forge—Sketch 7:18-WEAF—Jack Smith, WOR—Russian M wJZ—King Orchestre 7:30-WEAF—Variety Musicale WOR—The Street Singer WABC—Arden Oreh.; Gladys Baxter, Soprano; Walter Preston, Baritone 7:45-WJZ—Grace Hayes, WOR—Vecsey Orchestra Hull; Richard B. Bennett, Prime Minister of Cane ada, and Others. WJZ—National Barn Dance WABO-Himber Orchestra 10:00-WABC—Reminiscences —~ William A. Brady, Theae trical Producer 10:15-WABC—Variety Musicale 10;30-WEAP—Cugat, | | tone | | | | d= 8:00-WEAF—Concert Oreh., man and Murray Orch, Romberg, Conductor-Com- (Until 1:30 A.M) poser; Stuart Churchill, | | WOR—Johnson Orchestra Helen Marshall, | WJZ—Coleman Orchestra William Lyon | WABC—California Melodies Phelps, Narrator 11:00-WOR—News WOR—Organ Recital | WJz--Denny Orchestra WJZ—Phil Cook Show Shop | WABC—Gray Orchestra WABC—Roxy Revue: Con- cert Oreh.: Mixed Chorus, 8:15-WOR—Wintz Orchestra | 11:15-WOR—King Orchestre |{21:30-Wsz—Dance Music (aise { WABC, WOR, WMCA) SUNDAY, FER, 17 2:30-WEAF- Chamiee, Tenor WJZ—To Be Announced — | 3:00-WABC—New York Phil- | harmonic?8ymphony, Ar- turo Toscanini, Conductor 3:00-WEAF—Concert Oreh.; Mme. Schumann-Heink, Contralto; Others 7:00-WJzZ—Jack Benny, Com: edian; Frank — Parker ‘Tenor; Bestor Orchestr WABC—Alexander Woolcott, Story Teller; Armbuster Orchestra 7:30-WIZ—Joe Penner, Mom- Merio Quartet; Pickens: Sisters, harles Winninger, 8:00-WEAF—Opera. * Announced; Deems Taylor, Narrator | e WABC—Eddie Cantor, Come edian.