The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 8, 1935, Page 6

a DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1938 J munist of America, has now e. Hearst this week spla over his papers, an article in ¥ Daily, Worker EUTRAL ORGAN COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.4 (SECTION OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL? Only Working Class Daily Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING C@., INC., 56 E. 13th “America’s Build D. €. Telephone: National 7: Wells St, Room 705, Chicago, Til South rn 3981 Subscription Rates: By Mail: (except Manhattan and Bronx), 1 year, $6.00; 6 months, $3.50; 3 months, $2.00; 1 month, 0.78 cents. Manhatta: and Canada: 1 year, $9.00; 8 mont! 00 By ly, 78 cents. Be ‘0; 6 months, 78 cents, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1935 More Pressure for H.R. 2827 RESIDENT ROOSEVELT is attempt- ing to stifle an ever-growing mass de- mand for the Workers’ Unemployment, Old Age and Social Insurance Bill (H. R 2827). He is rushing through the fraudu- lent Wagner-Lewis Bill. This measure denies the unemployed any jobless insur- ance. In order to make this wage-robbing ire more acceptable to the employers, elt’s spokesmen have stated their willingness to strike out all benefits to the domestic, casual and agricultural workers, a blow aimed especially at the Negro people, per cent of whom are employed in these categories. While the hearings on the Workers’ Bill (H. R. 2827) are under way in the House Committee on Labor, and side by side with the campaign for the enactment of the Workers’ Bill by the various states, every worker and his organization has be- fore him the job of making the members of the House Committee know of the tre- mendous mass support which is rolling be- hind the workers’ measure. olutions pointing out the total bank- ru of the Wagner-Lewis Bill, which gives not one penny to the jobless and places its burden squarely upon the backs of the working population should pour into the House Committee on Labor at once. Post cards, letters and even telegrams should be initiated demanding the enact- ment of the Workers’ Bill. Defeat Tishe’s Exvoulsions IKE TIGHE, president of the Amalga- mated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers (A. F. of L.), has launched a campaign of expulsions designed to en- force his traditional policy of refusal to organize the masses of the steel workers. Tighe threatens to revoke the charters of seventy-eight lodges and exnel four h red union members who took part in a conference of the A. A. locals on Feb. 3. This conference, called in accordance with the A. A. constitution, decided on a mass campaign to build the A. A. and to prepare for strike. The steel workers must at once answer this attempt of Tighe to destroy their union. Every district, every lodge and every steel worker must refuse to obey Tighe’s wrecking expulsion policy which would remove from the union all fighting elements and the majority of the member- ship. Every A. A. lodge and other A. F. of L. locals should immediately adopt resolu- tions of protest to be sent at once to Tighe. Every lodge should endorse the deci- sions of the Feb. 3 conference. Every lodge and every steel worker should demand that Tighe carry out the union decisions and call the 60th convention of the A. A. Every lodge should pass motions en- Coast Bosses OHN L. LEWIS, head of the United M joined the Hearst anti-Com- ticle by ch Lewis boasts of his | | | | employer might well get each other.” Here is the secret of ia—he knows that the C Lewis all expulsions of “Reds” and ¢ ng for expulsions of all Communists from the A. F For “labor and the mear This isan. < d story with Lewis. In 1923 he dis- ate tinguished himself by writing a pe 4 1 which he of nting the employers already showed the meaning of his anti-Communist ac- policies of class struggle. tivity in the U.M.W.A ‘The: history. of Lewis At that time Lewis wrote quite naively, “On this dorsing and backing up the delegation which the Feb. 3 conference is sending to the A. F. of L. Executive Council, demand- ing action to organize the unorganized steel workers into the A. A. and to pre- pare for strike. Above all, the A. A. lodges must build the A. A. into a mass union and prepare for the coming strikes, Ss Preparing for War Ve it comes to war preparation, the Roosevelt government splurges in the most extravagant manner. For example, Rear Admiral Christian Peoples is proposed to head the Ad- ministration’s so-called new works pro- gram, with its proposed outlay of $4,000,- 000,000. Now an old admiral’s mind naturally turns to thoughts of battleships, and war planes. And that’s precisely why he is chosen to supervise this gigantic sum— to see that the munitions manufacturers get the most of it. Doing his part in the New Deal war scheme is Gen. Douglas MacArthur, who proposes to more openly militarize tie C.C.C. MacArthur's idea is to force 100,- 000 youths in these camps to undergo in- tensive military training for two months. Clearly, Roosevelt is preparing for war. Joy A Traitor to Labor R. DANIEL J. TOBIN, president of the A. F. of L. Teamsters’ Union and no- torious “red baiter,” has just contributed $10,000 of the workers’ money to help de- fray the deficit of the Democratic Party. He accompanied his check with a letter lavishly praising the Roosevelt New Deal. The Roosevelt administration and its whole company union apparatus is under heavy fire from workers in strategic in- dustries. Even President Green of the A. F. of L. and John L. Lewis of the United Mine Workers of America have been com- pelled to utter sharp words about the anti- union policies of the administration, and have singled out Donald 'Richberg for special attack. And Roosevelt, rushing to the defense of his aide-de-camp, has made an open at- tack upon the entire labor movement by defending Section 7-A, which made com- pany unionism a flourishing activity It is at this point that Mr. Tobin comes forward with his certified check and ful- some praise for the Democratic Party. Can treachery to the workers and sub- servience to capital go further? Tobin’s shameless action shows the real character of the “non-partisan” po- litical policy of the A. F. of L. officialdom. It reveals the urgent need for a genu- ine class Labor Party which would put these scavengers in the labor movement to rout and carry on a relentless struggle for the rights of the Amerjean working class. P “Reside Still Waters” fae “Kiplinger Letter,” issued from Washington, is a special service for business men. It is not intended for mass consumption, and can therefore afford to be frank from time to time. Tn its latest message to business the Kiplinger Service has a few meaningful words on the activities of Father Cough- lin, the radio priest. “Father Coughlin, despite his wild talk,” says the Kiplinger Letter, “is re- garded in Washington as less radical in his ultimate purpose than he sounds. He uses demagogic methods to lead the mob, but he hopes to lead it beside still waters.” Quite so! The bosses know their man. | fascist bills designed to suppress | inal Syndicalism Law. These bills | | and outlaw the Party | Aim 13 Bills | At Militants (Special to the Daily Worker) SACRAMENTO, Calif. Feb. 7— Terrified by the rapid growth of the Communist Party in California as evidenced in the last elections and further alarmed at the Com- murist leadership in strikes dur- | ing the past year, the reactionary and wealthy interests of Califor- nia are attempting to railroad through the legislature thirteen Three of the these vicious bills are aimed at keeping the Party from participation in the primary elections; two more would deprive every revolutionary worker of the tight either to vote or to hold of- fice. Other bills would set up a fascist dictatorship in the schools and col- leges under which all student or- Ganization would be suppressed and under which students or teachers who might criticize the capitalist system and present form of govern- ment would be declared guilty of a misdemeanor punishable by a fine of from $500-$1,000 or six months in jail. There are four other bills, every ; one of which is more vicious in its Provisions than the present Crim- —_ | if passed would outlaw every work- | ing class activity, including organ- izing, meeting, speaking, printing, writing, reading, displaying flags, | possessing literature, etc. | There is another bill which pro- | vides for the creation of a Bureau | of Criminal Identification and In- | vestigation for the purpose of fin- gerprinting and spying upon the activities of working-class leaders. Another would make it a felony to display a red flag, banner, badge, device, etc. Workers and farmers from all | parts of the State are protesting | these Fascist bills and are deter- | mined that they will not be rail- roaded through when the legisla- ture reconvenes the later part of February. situation (namely, the “Red menace”) labor and the together instead of fighting Lewis’s anti-Communist hys- ommunists are the most per- sistent enemies of his attempt to help “labor and the employer to get together instead of fighting each other.” employer to get together” , in practice, for the miners to surrender to the s of the operators. It means to give up the policy through the strike, through in the U.M.W.A. has been a long history of union-wrecking gangsterism and wage- Party Lite | Shop Fraction Work Building a Slate Ensuring Honest Count MHE following is an excerpt! 1 from a speech by a com- rade active in a trade union, made at a Shop Conference in Detroit: | “We started to carry on our work leading up to the} election of officers in my local, about four weeks previous to the elections. We had a long consul- | tation with the section organizer, and built up a good fraction. The fraction worked out plans on how | we were to carry on the work; we | decided on a program and decided |who should be on the slate. Of course, all this work was done through the fraction, in order to | determine who would be the strong- lest candidate for certain positions on the slate. The program was drawn up, introduced, accepted and | printed. “We did not have enough in our | group to have a complete slate. In | order to fill the slate we had to | Maneuver candidates on it. The manner in which we did it was the | following: We first decided on those | whom we wanted to get on the slate. Then we found the one who would not oppose being put on the slate. We contacted that fellow; then went down the line and finally | these fellows were all on. | “Then we had a lot of work to do. We had to contact men and| | elect committees from the opposi- | | tion, and had to make the right | kind of an approach. Here is one thing that I think is good to know, | and that is on the system of nomi- | nating candidates. With a big slate |as that you have to have a system | whereby all these candidates will be nominated. Somebody can slip and | your candidate will not be nomi- | nated, “In our opposition meeting we would give a certain name to a | comrade who he was to nominate for that particular office—instruct- |ing him that he is to nominate so |and so and no one else. The one| | Who had accepted to run for that office was to decline all other nomi- nations for other positions. We then called a meeting of all the candidates who were nominated. |The machine was so terrified be- | cause they knew that a bunch of| | Tank and filers were fighting against | them, that they came up to the last | meeting we had and tried to get jin. “Tt was necessary here to warn. | the candidates that they should not be too sure that we were going to win; that it was necessary to go out and get votes; ballyhoo doesn’t mean a thing, You might lose by one or two votes; if you have a friend, brother, etc, bring them | down to vote. | “The machine was worried and when it came to count the votes, the president stated that we can’t | count the votes until tomorrow, be- cause of the fact that he was afraid they had lost. But the candidates took up the issue, and the votes were counted there. We got Party members on the election commit- tee and there was no dirty work on the counting of ballots. The count was honest. I went out myself to glance over the ballots, “The result was that in the final analysis I did lose by two votes, and I tied another fellow for delegate to the Central Trades and Labor Council. I know of some members in my unit who came down to vote | Without bringing anyone with | them.” Join the Communist Party 35 East 12th Street, New York Please send me more informa- tion on the Communist Party. NAME ADDRESS: Senator Wants Loyalty Oath ALBANY, N. Y., Feb. 7 (UP).— Students entering New York State colleges, supported in whole or part by public funds, would be required to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution, under a bill introduced by Senator Joseph D. Nunan, Queens Democrat. “Tt is time the State stopped pay- ing for the education of young men and women who hold beliefs which endanger the fundamental principle of our government,” Nunan said. cuts, Lewis rules in the U and fraud. -M.W.A. only by terrorism What Lewis set out to do in 1923 with his anti-Com- munist scare, he is still doing under the N.R.A. It was Lewis who sold the code to the miners, a code which has steadily been used to beat down wages in the mines. It was Lewis who signed th mine strike in Pennsylvania, company unions have flourished And now in Hearst’s hatred against the Commu the miners against the code “convinced operators of its e agreement in the captive an agreement under which papers, Lewis writes with nists because we warned which, he admits happily, benefits,” that is, fattened profits and smashed wages! GETTING READY! | John L. Lewis Joins Hearst’s Anti‘Communist Drive U.M.W.A. LEADER BOASTS OF UNITY WITH COAL OPERATORS AGAINST “REDS” IN UNION 1e Workers | In his expulsion drive, Lewis is only following the policy of the Wall Street reactionaries and coal oper- ators. He is helping the fo rees of reaction who hate the trade unions and are working to smash them. Wall Street reaction knows that to smash the labor move- ment it must first attack the “reds.” Lewis, hardened betrayer of the miners, takes his place in this steadily growing line-up of reaction. Lewis, the U.M.W. official, clasping hands with Hearst, the multi-millionaire, bitter and ruthless enemy of the trade unions—could anything portray more con- vincingly the fascist menace Communist poison? that lurks in Lewis’s anti- by Gropper Letters From Our Readers A Del Strip Open to Chauvinism Charge New York, N. Y. Comrade Editor: It seems to me that your cartoon of Little Lefty in the issue of Feb- ruary 5 of the “Daily” Sharp criticism. have a similar idea in regard to Lefty (that is, reluctance to bathe, etc.) but when applied to Peanuts, the little Negro boy, it is absolutely impermissible, If a worker who had never seen the Daily Worker before were to read this cartoon, it would have been indistinguishable from any anti-Negro cartoon in a capitalist sheet. Can we depend on “explana- tions” and produce “former issues” of the paper, etc.? This is ridicul- ous. Our paper should never be placed in a position where the re- formists and other enemies of the working class have such a grand opportunity to distort our meaning and intention, to say nothing of the | effect, as aforementioned, on a new reader, Tt is unnecessary to go into the fact that such a cartoon as under discussion here only serves to sup- port the anti-Negro lies and sland- ers of the capitalist class, that “Negroes are dirty,” etc. Del, with such a large group of readers of his comic strip, should especially take care to see that no such errors are repeated, F. W. Guardsman Tells How to Recruit Comrade Editor: Although I am a member of the | National Guards I am a reader of | the Daily Worker. This is how it happened: Riding in the subway one night, to drill, I happened to pick up a copy of the Daily Worker left on the seat by some reader, and that particular issue happened to carry @ fine story by Michael Gold on the life of a soldier, The story in itself impressed me on account of it being so true to life, so I tore it out and handed it to a fellow sol- dier who insisted on getting the name of the paper in which it ap- peared, Since that day I have never missed an issue of the Daily Worker and I’m wondering if this year it will be possible to have it in camp if the bosses give us camp life again before they offer us the trenches, In that issue of the Daily Worker deserves | It is all right to | Because of the yolume of letters re- ceived by the Department, we can print only those that are of general interest to Daily Worker readers. How- ever, all letters received are carefully read by the editors, Suggestions and criticisms are welcome and whenever Possible are used for the improvement of the Daily Worker, I also noticed that some readers had written in, praising “Why Commu- nism,” by Olgin, and I made the journey to the Workers’ Book Store and purchased this book. In the | book I found an answer to the very problem I was confronted with all along—the problem of finding a way out of the present depression and our role as national guardsmen in strike areas and in war time. I, and most of all the other bud- | see the position we are now in, but we are determined, now that we are in, not to leave the Guards until we see this damnable farce played out to a finish, for among other | reasons, we have in the ranks many honest working lads, who, if ap- proached in the right manner and spirit, would wholeheartedly work for the destruction of the system that holds them in bordage. I am sure the same holds good in the Army, Navy and Marines, Now I am sure there are many readers of the Daily Worker who know some friend in some one of these four forces. I have talked to several men in the National Guards and indirectly asked them the ques- tion, if they knew any “Reds,” and without exception, each one did know one or more, but unfortunately I met many who were not impressed Party as outlined by the particular person the soldier met Many, on the other hand, were impressed. To avoid the mistake in the fu- ture of imparting the wrong mean- ing of Communism verbally to these men, I would here suggest that all readers of the Daily Worker who might happen to know a worker in either the National Guards, Army, Navy, or Marines should take it upon themselves to pass on a copy of “Why Communism,” (which I understand is soon to sell in a five cent edition), and I assure you that Money spent in this direction will reward you one hundred fold. Remember we are workers en- gaged in a basic capitalist industry. We are human flesh cutters for the bosses, and the working class is the body they want us to hack. A NATIONAL GUARDSMAN. Required Reading for Mr. Hearst | dies I have given the book to, clearly | by the program of the Communist | | Headlines and Features to Attract New Readers | New York, N. ¥. | Comrade Editor: My suggestions for the improve- ment of the Daily Worker are, briefly: 1. Only news that appeals to and attracts workers not yet sympathetic to the movement for the front page. 2. Excerpts from the works of revolutionary writers on human re- lations, education, culture, etc., that for the “Home Life” column. 3. A novel in serial and short stories, whenever possible, for the feature page, and perhaps some more cartoons and comic strips. I would like to elaborate on point one, with regard to headlines. To any worker not close to the |movement, the headline the other day, “Benjamin Gagged At Hearing” is just plain Greek. He doesn’t know who Benjamin is and what hearing |you are talking about. Had that headline read something like this, “Fighter for Genuine Social Insur- ance Gagged At Hearing,” it would have meant something to him, he would have been interested. If we hadn’t had this story, “Mayor Plots to Break Truck Strike” would have made a good headline too. One more thing: Do you think that a worker who has read the Hearst papers all his life will feel the urge to buy a Daily Worker when he sees a headline like, “All Out on Union Square Saturday Noon?” On the other hand those workers who are class-conscious, and participate in demonstrations, are daily readers and would find the call in a less conspicuous place. For a mass circulation. Ww. Co. Full Product of Labor Belongs to Workers Amsterdam, N. Y. Comrade Editor: Here’s a piece from Elbert Hub- bard’s Scrap Book which may inter-, est you, a quotation from Abrahan/| Lincoln: “Inasmuch as most good things are produced by labor, it follows that all such things ought to be- long to those whose labor has pro- duced them. But it has happened in all ages of the world that some have labored and others, without labor, have enjoyed a large pro- portion of the fruits. This is wrong and should not continue. To secure to each laborer the whole product of his Jabor as nearly as possible is a worthy ob- ject of any good government.” ABRAHAM LINCOLN, This is an argument for a Work- ers’ and Farmers’ Government. bah <7 “This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing govern- ment, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.” —ABRAHAM LINCOLN. would appeal especially to women, | World Front By HARRY GANNES | “Impatient With Russia” | Truth and Hypocrisy |Hull Points the Road |QOME pointed truth and stilt | more hypocrisy is con- tained in the article on Soviet |relations in the New York | Times of Thursday, clearly in- spired by, if not the actual jwords of the State Depart-~ |ment. The New Deal in U. S.< | Soviet relations turns out to be at present a deliberate provocation of Japan to attack the land of advanc- ing Socialism. The Times declares that Roose velt and Hull “and other officials have lost patience with Russia.” Perhaps these gentlemen had heard of Trotzky’s counter-revolutionary tripe about the failure of Socialism in the Soviet Union and believing it, as they would be inclined to, ex- pected they could now ram the Czarist and Kerensky debts down the throats of the Russian toilers, dust as the Daily Worker pointed out yesterday, the Times’ State De- partment publicity admits that the demonstrative action in cutting down the U. S. Embassy staff in Moscow is just a hair's-breadth this side of withdrawing recognition. But worse still. It has a definite war aim, as can be seen even through the hypocrisy of Roosevelt jand Hull—the type of hypocrisy which the auto workers are now | feeling in the government-imposed | company unions, * ed “HAT the rest of the world will interpret the situation in this spirit (that is, of hostility to the U.S.S.R.—H. G.) is recognized .. .” says Hull, though without quota- tion marks in the columns of the New York Times, “Japan viewed the granting of recognition by the United States as tantamount to a rapproche- ment and probably will interpret the frigidity in Soviet-American relations as extremely in the op- posite direction,” continues the Times - State Department inter- pretation. Now General Minami, who is at the head of the Kwantung Army in Manchuria at present marching | towards the Soviet border; General | Araki who wants war immediately | against the Soviet Union, and has | the leading imperialist clique and army gang behind him; and Gen- eral Hayashi, War Minister, do not need the dome of the U. 8S. capitol to fall on their heads in order to appreciate what is going on. They will take the Washington hint And this is where Hull (with the aid of the Times) tries to cover up his deliberate war provocation. Here's how he does it: “This (that is the possibility of a Japaneses im} war against the U.S.S.R.—H.G.) was carefully considered before the new American attitude toward Russia was revealed. It was felt that Japan had been pursuing consistently a settled policy in the Far East ever since she invaded Manchuria in 1931, and that there would now be no acceleration in the policy, as there has been no modification of it in the last four- teen months.” . 'HIS mealy-mouthed lie is of a piece with N.R.A. promises to the workers. Everybody knows that Japan has followed a flexible policy in| Manchuria There was the period of Chang Tso Lin, a long period of ruling through bribery and the Chinese militarists. Then there was Sept. 18, 1931, with a sudden bloody at« tack on Mukden. Later there was a distinct divi< sion in the whole perspective in Manchuria. This is marked by the two well known military drives— one northward, towards the Soviet Union, during the famous Nont Bridge attack; the other southward, against China, (in the sphere of the American and British pres serves)), marked by the Shanghais kwan and Chinwantao battles. Both the Jatter marked two pose sible courses: 1) Drive into China, and not against the Soviet, Union, typified by the Shanghat-Chapei war; and 2) Major and sole attack against the Soviet Union. Hull and Roosevelt remember that when Japan was moving northward, Hoover assisted them. When they moved southward, the then Secre« tary of State Stimson began send- ing letters and finally the U. S, fleet into the Pacific. Which makes Roosevelt’s present ‘hypocrisy the more shameless, as With Japan moving into Inner and. Outer Mongolia, and nearer and nearer to the Soviet border, the New Deal liars know that their ace tion will be taken as definite en- couragement and inspiration to con- tinue this move to its logical con- clusion—war against the workers’ fatherland,