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AFL Leaders Rebutfed by Roosevelt Page Union Brive is Pledged by Chiefs Who Renew Faith in F.D.R. (Continued from Page 1) held fully the Auto Labor Board and told the A. F. of L. to keep its hands off all his decisions which have entrenched the company union in the auto industry The letter of President Roosevel upheld all the anti-labor acts of the Auto Labor Board and showed that at this time Roosevelt is directly and openly working through the company unions and is disregarding the A. F. of L. officials completely. Roosevelt said, “The Board was established by the government and not as a board of arbitration created by the parties to an agreement.” This was in answer to a letter of Ogburn, which declared that since the Auto Labor Board was set up under a pact on March 25, 1934, to which the A. F. of L. officials were a party, that the withdrawal of the A. F. of L. officials from this pact makes the Auto Labor Board il- legal. Okays Company Union “The ‘principles of settlement’” said Roosevelt of the March 25, 1934 pact, which prevented the auto strike, “at that time not only rec- ognized the possibility but the probability that groups of employes | in this industry might choose dif- ferent representatives or organiza- tions to act in their behalf. Provi- sion was made for the N.R.A, to set up a ‘board responsible to the presi- dent of the United States.’ and in the ‘principles of settlement’ it was stated that ‘the government makes it clear that it favors no particular union or particular form of em- ployee organization or representa- tion.’” Roosevelt's letter is in direct line with the pact of March 25, 1934, which legalized the company union. Roosevelt continues, “The Board so established is responsible to the President and it is for the President to determine whether the board is fulfilling its duties and how long the existence of the board should be continued. The board was not established in the code. But it will be noted that the authority under which the board and the code were both established expires June 16, 1935.” The authority of the Auto Labor Board was “confirmed and con- tinued by President Rooseveli’s de- cree of a few days ago which ex- tended the anti-labor auto code with the open shop “merit clause” included. Backs Strikebreaking In yesterday's letter, Roosevelt, in effect, approves every strikebreaking act of the Auto Labor Board and gives presidential backing to the driving speedup and the extension of the company union carried through by the board. The elec- tions held by the board, which were framed up in order to defeat the A. F. of L. unions, are given en- dorsement in Roosevelt's letter. He declares that the Auto Board “is engaged also in the very important work of holding secret elections, whereby through secret ballot, un- der government supervision, all em- ployees are being given a full and fair opportunity to designate their representatives, choosing them either as individuals, or as representatives of a labor organization. The result of these elections must be to provide for the first time conclusive evi- dence of how and by whom the employees desire to be represented.” The March 25 pact and the sub- sequent union smashing actions of the Auto Board, legalized the com- Pany union, allowed these employ- ers’ unions to spread a reign of ter- ror in the auto plants, and framed | the elections so that “individuals” and company unions, and not the real unions of the workers “won” in the framed up balloting so far held. Roosevelt, on the basis of these “elections,” challenges the right of the A. F. of L. to speak for the auto workers. He says, “Under these circumstances it would seem that any organization of employes in this industry or any organization claiming to represent such employes would avail itself fully of the op- portunity to establish the authentic character of its representation.” Trachtenberg Aids Defense Accompanied by a check for $24, received for jury service, Alexander Trachtenberg has sent the follow- ing letter to the I. L. D., received yesterday. “Please find herewith $24, which I should like to contribute to the Scottsboro-Herndon De- fense Fund in response to the ap- peal, and following the example of Comrades Earl Browder and James W. Ford. “The amount was just received by me as compensation for time spent serving on a jury. I can- not think of any better way of using this remuneration than to send it to the fighting fund in behalf of the victims of capitalist justice, Angelo Herndon and the Scottsboro boys. “The fact that Angelo Herndon is even at this moment condition- ally free and the Scottsboro boys are still alive is due to the great mass struggles organized and led by the I. L. D. More power to the I. L. D. “Fraternally yours, “A, TRACHTENBERG.” Funds, urgently needed for the U. S. Supreme Court appeals in these cases, should be rushed to the national office of the I. L. D.,| Room 610, 80 East 11th Street, New York City. Votes Against Crown DUBLIN, Ireland, Feb. 6 (U.P.). —The Irish Citizenship Bill, abol- ishing allegiance to the Crown, was passed through its report stage to- day by the Free State Senate. iy Union Grows Militant Fight and Partial Victory PARIS, Feb. 6.—After eight weeks of heroic struggle, the strike of the Roanne textile workers against a partial but very significant victor: The work: contract for six months including the following points 1. The withdrawal of the 12 per cent cut for workers earning less than 300 francs a month (this ap- plies to about 60 per cent of the workers). For the others, a wage cut of only 9 per cent. 2. The employers have promised to respect the basic rates. Thi: means a wage increase for man! workers, since until now the em ployers did as they pleased with | the price lists for piece-work. 3. There are to be no dismissals. If the work slackens, it is to be di- vided among the workers. The em- ployers’ policy had been to lay off a part of the workers, make the others work full time, and, since their wages would thus mount to | more than 300 francs, operate their 12 per cent cut. 4. In the finishing and dyeing plants, where workers had already been fired, the workers are to be re- hired through the trade union exist- ing in that branch. 5. The employers have aban- doned their plans of introducing the four-loom system. On the other hand, a workers’ delegation elected by the workers will discuss with the employers all questions concerning wages and working conditions for | the workers who were already on the four-loom system before the strike. 6. Rehiring of all strikers with- out discrimination. The failure to win all the demands and particularly to defeat the whole | wage-cut, is due to the reformist leaders who spread pessimism among the workers, even threaten- ing to break the workers’ united front. The workers of the biggest mills | have unanimously decided to form united trade union sections on the basis of the left trade union plat- form. The Central Strike Committee wiil continue to meet regularly for a cer- tain time once a week in order to maintain the unity attained during the strike and make sure that the employers hold to the agreement. J apanWarned | By Mongolia (Continued from Page 1) Republic does not seek armed con- flicts—it only desires to assure peaceful labor for the herdsmen of the Republic. “Under no circumstances,” he ‘announced firmly, “can we agree with the occupation of the Khalkhin Sume District by Jan- anese - Manchurian troops. We consider this fact as a violation of the frontiers of the Mongolian People’s Republic, as a forceful occupation of a part of our ter- ritory. “Desiring to attain the restora- tion of the rights of the Mongolian People’s Republic in a peaceful way, our Commander-in-Chief, in ac- cordance with the entire policy of the Republic, instructed the frontier | guards of this district not to enter into battle with the invading Jap-| anese troops and within certair bounds to retreat. | “The Japanese-Manchurian press repeatedly indicated alleged tempts to regulate the incident on Jan. 24 in a peaceful way and the authorities of the Mongolian Peo- | ple’s Republic allegedly did not ac cept these proposals and ignoved them. Up to the present the goy- ernment of the Republic is not aware of any case when one of its representatives refused to accept the emissaries of the Manchurian government or rejected its official written approach. The government of the Mongolian People’s Republic” concluded Premier Gendum, “does | not object to proving by negotia- tions with Manchuria the lack of foundation of any claim to this dis- | puted district.” (Special to the Daily Worker) ULANBATOR, Feb. 6 (By Cable). —Giving the details of the second invasion of the Mongolian People’s Republic by the Japanese troops, Premier Gendum and Minister ot Foreign Affairs of the Mongolian People’s Republic vividly depicted to press representatives here the ex- treme patience of the Mongolian | army in retreating before this ve-| peated onslaught of the Japanese | imperialists. “After several days of quiet since the incident of Jan. 24 on the Outer | Mongolian-Manchurian frontier, on Jan. 31 at 8 a.m., a detachment of frontier guards of the Mongolian People’s Republic, stationed at Lake | Bor-Nor on Mongolian tervitory |near the frontier, noticed Eschalcn motor trucks with soldiers, accom- | panied by 50 cavalrymen, approach- | ing from the Manchurian side. After |a detachment occupied the frontier | point, they began to advance upon | Mongolian territory. | “In view of the fact that the Manchurian authorities, endeavor- |ing to explain their unjustified ac- | tion, informed the whole world that the Khalkhin Sime district osten- | sibly always belonged to Manchuria, and in order to convince foreign | countries of their rights, stated | that a proposal had allegedly been |made by them to Mongolian au- | thorities to enter into negotiations |on the question of frontiers in this | district — the government of the Mongolian People’s Republic, in view of that fact that the Khalkhin | Sume district has belonged to the territory of Khalkhask Mongolia from time immemorial, fully agrees to enter such negotiations with the | Manchurian government.” Through al wage cut of 12 per cent ended with | obtained a collective at- | |Tothe AF | (Continued ff, signed this same code and agreed to Board, We Communists at that time DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 1936 FRENCH TEXTILE WORKERS WIN GAINS IN BIG STRIKE iC. P. Leader Gets Term (Continued from Page 1) L Couneil ‘rom Page 1) the set-up of the Automobile Labor already declared this an attempt to prevent the unionization of the auto workers and the preventing of struggles for improving the conditions. This was also the policy of Mike Tighe, who ieads the same fight against the members in the American Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers, and all steel workers, as President Roosevelt and Richberg lead against the whole trade union movement. What follows from this? Two | ful unions, independent of the demo: We Communists declare, as we unions, ways: EITHER you carry on the policy of the last two years, preach con- fidence in capitalist politicians, cooperation with the bosses, expel the Communists and the militant elements, prevent well-organized and prepared struggles; then you will be responsible in history for helping those who try to destroy the American labor movement; OR you help to bring about a united front. in the labor move- ment of all who try to organize the American working class in Ppower- ralizing influence of capitalist poli- ticilans, of the capitalist government, of gangsters, to establish in the unions real working class democracy, organizers and most self-sacrificing workers, and open the doors of the unions widely to every honest worker. , which will bring forward the best declared to the 54th Convention, that we will do our utmost to help to beat back the attacks on the We will support the unionization drive of the unorganized workers into the A. F. of L. We will help to make the unions powerful fighting organs of the American working class, We are ready to cooperate with everybody, no matter what polit- ical opinions he may have, who places one question uppermost—how to strengthen the unions, how to destroy the company unions, how to make unions powerful fighting organs for improving the conditions of the working class. We propose, as the best answers to the attack of Roosevelt, two things: First, a powerful drive in the automobile industry for union- ization of the auto workers and in preparation for strike, In such a drive we Communists will support every measure of the A. F. of L. which works in this direction, Second, to support with all means the movement of the majority of members of the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin workers, expressed in their conference in Pittsburgh, for a powerful unionization drive of the steel workers. We declare we will support fully and self-sacrificingly every at: tempt of the A. F. of L. and its members in carrying out this difficult but great task. Fraternally yours, Sudlntan a CENTRAL COMMITTEE, C.P., W. Z. Foster, Chairman; Earl Browder, General Secretary W. Z. Foster, Chairman; Earl Browder, General Secretary There is no time to be lost. The bosses and the government are | attacking on the whole front, Build the united working class front to defend our living conditions, our rights, and our trade unions! U.S.A. nd Fascism (Continued from Page 1) would mean another upward swoop of prices of necessities. | President Roosevelt has already chopped about 40 cents out of the dollar. “How does your crowd get to-/| gether with Coughlin when. Cough- | lin is supposed to be for the na-| | tlonalization of certain industries?” |I asked. Thomas. “Well,” he replied readily, “ ‘we don’t agree with Coughli {just side-step for the moment, leav- |ing those matters for future study and education. You see, this is an| evolutionary program. mind you, not a revolutionary one.” “And that part of the Coughlin Program with which your crowd doesn’t agree, you just don’t take | seriously enough to avoid working with Coughlin?” | “I don't think so,” he said. “You} know Coughlin proposes nationali- zation of natural resources. Well, I'm from an oil state, and of course I wouldn’t dare take a position on | that, which I’m not sure of. But | 88 I said, where we don’t agree, we just put that aside for the future.” I pointed out to Thomas that James H. Rand, Jr., Chairman of the Committee for the Nation, has been very active lately in the Na- ional Association of Manufacturers and other open-shop employers’ outfits which have demanded sup- | Pression of the Communist Party, | | more ruthless deportation of militant | foreign-born workers, universal com- pany unionism, new wage-cuts, a form of compulsory arbitration, and | | ® citizens’ army. I asked whether | | this didn’t show the activities of| | all these people are dovetailing in a | general offensive against the labor | | Movement, especially against in-| dependent trade unionism whose| | leaders the employers call “outside | agitators,” Profits Protection Slogan “Well,” Thomas replied, “I really wouldn't have any comment to make on that.” | “Why did the Committee for the! | Nation, following the San Francisco }and the general textile strikes, | adopt the broad slogan ‘to protect the rights of profits and Property’?” Thomas declared that was only, “incidental.” But when T recalled | that Rand himself has gone around to the Crusaders and urged getting together to fight radicalism, Thomas said emphatically, “Why, our whole | Monetary program is designed to offset Communism!” After a pause | he attached an afterthought: “We want to get people back on their feet so they won't go Communist, |The way to combat Communism is| | t0 get people on a different plane, | give them money, give them hope.” | I pointed out that, however, the Thomas crow's program won't give | anything but false hope to the great | majority of the people, for instead | | of giving, inflation actually takes | buying power away from them, | Gold Decision | I asked him whether the forth-| coming “gold decision” by the Su- preme Court mightn’t upset his ap- ple cart. He laughed. Then, em-| phatically: | “Not a bit! The Supreme Court | won’t go against us. And I don't | care what the Supreme Court holds. | If it disarranges matters, why. we jin Congress will just rearrange them |and go ahead. Legally, of course! | You know, the National Economy | | League (certain ‘anti-inflation’ cap- | italists) would be with us if they} thought our present program were | as far as we would go.” | Asked how he liked the Hitler | and Mussolini dictatorships, Thomas said, “I'll say this, they | took hold at a time when some- body had to take hold—and if we don’t do something here, some- body will have to take hold of us too, for there will be strikes, milk riots and more strikes until some- body will eome along with one of those—what do you call ‘em?— coups.” I asked him whether the Commit- | tee for the Nation group, though | originally made up of big farmers, speculators and people who have commodity holdings, or “debtors” hadn't been appealing to the bond- | holders or “creditors,” and succeed- ing in getting in important indi- viduals of the second group. “Oh. I should say so!” he ex- claimed. “Why, I could name many individuals who were viciously against me, but who are now with us 100 per cent.” It was then he told about his dinner with Morgan Partner Leffingwell. The Wall Street Tie-Up These same financiers. landlords, industrialists and big publishers who | out their long-established, belliger- back the Committee for the Nation, | the evidence in this series shows, |have mutual financial interests with |the Morgan men who conspired to | persuade General Smedley Butler to build them a fascist army of 500.000 men at a cost of $3,000,000 to $300,- 000.000. But the McCormack-Dickstein Congressional Committee. set up to investigate such activities, de- liberately whitewashed them. It suppressed vital testimony on the Wall Street dictatorship plot—tes- timony which adds greatly to the conviction General Butler’s proof carries. This suppression by the| Committee was the climax of a policy it adopted from the begin- ning—a Policy of turning its guns against militant labor, especially its vanguard, the Communist Party and of soft-pedaling relevant evi- dence of reactionary fascist activ- ity involving the acts or the in- terests of the biggest open-shop employers and financiers. Suppressed Evidence The Committee also pussy-footed on related fascist activities on which it had testimony. It avoided in- stead of investigating them. Its chairman admits that they made no investigation of the political sig- nificance, economic background, or historical development of the fas- cist movement, although it did pro- fess to do this with respect to mili- tant labor movement. The fact is, it flagrantly misrepresented the lat- ter. Its members announced, months before completing their job, they would propose curbing the militant labor movement; but instead of sug- gesting any such action against the capitalists who backed the fascist dictatorship plot and other anti- working class activities, it actually covered up their names, This happened because the Con- gressional Committee itself is dom- inated by the very capitalists who are in the conspiracy. The com- mittee was steered by representa- tives of Banker Felix M. Warburg, who has many mutual interests with Morgan, and who is executing the fascist policies of his more powerful associates—to the extent of helping to promote the anti-Semitic Father Charles E. Coughlin. Pope Dines Dickstein Committee Member Dickstein, just before dropping the question of Italian Fascist diplomats’ persecu- tion of American workers, privately banqueted with Generoso Pope, Fas- cist power in Tammany Hall, direct- ers of the Elks and American Legion, the Hearst press and other Jingo groups which are whipping up a@ lynch hysteria against organized labor and the Communist Party, in particular. | The copper bosses already haye a | drastic anti-labor weapon in the/ Oregon Riot Law, which makes it | illegal for two or more persons to assemble to discuss labor conditions. | But Sanchez slipped through their fingers. Therefore the move for a more drastic law. This fierce onslaught on the work- ing class includes also the use of the deportation weapon against mil- | itant foreign born workers. Maria Bejareno Gonzales was last week deported to Mexico on the grounds of her membership in the Commu- nist Party. An order for the de- Portation of Gabriel Rendon, on | similar charges, has already come | | through from Washington. Also threatened with deportation are Ru- fine Rendon and Jose R. Pedilla. The copper interests have just in- troduced a bill in the Arizona Legis- lature calling for wholesale deporta- | tion of all foreign born militants in the State. The ILD. has won a stay for | | Gabriel Rendon, and is preparing to | | Secure writs of habeas corpus in the | | two other cases, It is also initiating |@ broad united front defense cam- | paign for the release of Naff, the| | dropping of all charges against the | 27 other workers and halt to the deportation terror. Another Spy In Trial of 18 (Continued from Page 1) turned to this State about Oct. 1 last year and was then introduced by Dazey to Gernsey Frazer, head | | of the Associated Farmers of Cali- | fornia, a reactionary group back- | ing the frame-up of the eighteen | defendants. He became a stool-| | pigeon for the Associated Farmers |to ferret out and report organiza- tion activities among the exploited and impoverished itinerant farm | laborers of the State. He was on | the payroll of the Associated Farm- ers from last October. After the agricultural strikes, | which won wage increases and bet- | ter conditions for the agricultural laborers, and which were led by the defendants, Harris returned to Sac- | ramento and continued his spy ac- | tivities in the labor movement, ly linked with the Fascist dictator- ship in Italy. | The suppressed testimony and | other facts assembled in this series | show that the dictatorship con- spiracy is of much more serious import than is. indicated by the testimony published by the Con- gressional Committee. It shows that this secret plot was not an isolated incident, but part of a | general open conspiracy by the finance capitalists to get out of the crisis at the workes.’ expense. It shows that, to do this, the big capitalists at least two years ago | began to resort to weapons of min- | gled demagogy and terrorism | which led step by step to open | dictatorship. It was in anticipa- | tion of the day when the anti- Jabor policies now in action could | no longer be put over under “New \ Deal” demagogy that the specific | Wall Street dictatorship plot was conceived, The same crowd who backed the | | fascist army effort have been seek: | ing a mass base, to help them carry ent policies against labor and | against liberal as well as radical in- tellectuals and all other dissente:s, | ever since the Bonus March of 1932. They had been trying for two years | to get Butler to lead such a force. | The U. S. Secret Service knew that Butler had received many overtures |of this kind. Among the most im. portant new potential Fescist | ganizations backed by Bw Business are the American Liberty League, Crusaders, Committee for the Na- tion, and the Union for Social Jus- tice. All of these are sponsoring | programs essentially fascist in that they employ popular-sounding | phrases and fake promises to ad- vance the most reactionary objects. Seck Mass Base The telltale mark common to all of them is that they try to mobilize masses behind the defense of prop- erty rights to the point of guns when necessary. They are drawing in key military men and wealthy | boys from private military acad- |emies. Their Fascist portent is fur- ther demonstrated by the way in which most of their leaders ex- pressed admiration for Hitler and Mussolini, opposition to working class leadership, and skepticism as to the existence of a fascist offen- sive. They stand also for some of the main elements of this fascist offensive, especially the lowering of the living standard and the restric- tion of the civil rights of the masses. The reason why the capitalists re- sort to such semi-fascist measures is that they stand in terror of the people’s struggles for bread and work and against war. These mass struggles have taken on unprece- dented aspects in recent years, pro- ducing such militant climaxes as the Bonus March, the farm strikes, the student’s national anti-war strike. Last year’s industrial strike wave especially enraged and frightened the Wall Street lords, for in it the workers struck and restruck over the heads of their own bureaucrats, and despite the use of extreme cap- italist violence against last year’s strikers, thousands of workers in basic industries are on the picket line again today. Striking, many of them against the Roosevelt labor machinery’s attack which was so elaborately bundled up in “New Deal” demagogy. In addition, the numbers and influence of the Com- munist Party have grown. Developments in the fascist of- fensive in the United States paral- | investigating the debts, National Opened for Postcard Drive Workers Bill MoreSupport Given to the Workers Bil Benjamin and Johnse Report to Committee on Labor Copy of Postcard Used in the Campaign National Joint Action Committee Calls for Deluge of Messages as Likelihood Grows That Measure Will Be Reported In initiating a new post-card campaign for the enact-| ment of the Workers Unemployment, Old Age and Social In- surance Bill, H. R. 2827, the tee for Genuine Unemployment Insurance has printed post cards to be addressed to individual Representatives at Con- gress demanding that they support the measure. With the likelihood that the Workers’ Bill will be reported out of the House Committee on Labor and to the floor of Congress for a vote, the National Joint Action Committee has urged that all or- ganizations obtain supplies of the Post cards. Committee Members Back Bill Four members of the House Committee, its chairman, Represen- tative William P. Connery, Jr., Democrat, of Massachusetts; Rep- resentative Vito Marcantonio, Re- publican, of New York; Representa- tive Ernest Lundeen, Farmer-Labor, of Minnesota, and Representative | Matthew W. Dunn, Democrat, of Pennsylvania, have pledged their support of the Workers’ Bill. Every reader of the Daily Worker and every worker has before him the task of letting all Congressmen know of their support to the Work- ers’ Bill and demanding that the Workers’ Bill be reported upon ime mediately and voted favorably in the House of Representatives. Sets Forth Demand The post card bears the legend: “The economic hazards which have been so sharply revealed dur- ing the more than five years of (Continued from. Page 1) which fact I deem it necessary to inform you.” Then Bakhmetiev himself, testi- fying before the Senate committee admitted that the Wilson government helped him get all the money together in Morgan’s bank: “After consultation with the U. 8. government,” he said, “and banking institutions (he means J. P, Morgan & Co.), it was de- cided to amalgamate the different funds available on Russian govern- ment accounts, irrespective of their previous distribution, into a special segregated set of accounts with the National City Bank of New York.” Here is an examle of how this money was used against the Russian workers and peasants. We quote from the testimony of I. V. Mish- towt, appointed by Czar Nicholas II as naval attache in Washington in 1915. The incident was a claims case in the U. S. Court of Claims. Mishtowt was still getting business as a Czarist representative up to July, 1932. He was asked: “You made some purcheses after the seventh of November,” that is the date of the Russian revolution, and he answered, “Yes, rifles.” He then told how how he fitted out a vessel for Admiral Kolchak and sent it to Vladivostok. “Why did you send these armed vessels across the Paci- fic,” he was asked. “It was my duty,” was his answer. He remembered that he sent a telegram to Admiral Kol- chak asking him to be godfather to his son. “Is it correct,” he was queried, “to say that you knew that the financial attache (that is Bekh- metiev )shipped arms and munitions to Denikine [another Czarist White Guard General?]” “Yes,” he an- swered. Not only the Wilson government, but the Harding regime of Teapot Dome oil grafting fame, the Cool- idge administration and the Hoover outfit all assisted the Czarist agents in this country to collect outstand- ing loans, to sell property belonging to the Russian masses and to fat- ten on the money still on hand up until January 1, 1931, when it seems finally to have disappeared into the thin air. An official memorandum sub- Hull’s Anti-Soviet Moves Spur Japan’s War Plans in Mongolia By HARRY GANNES Out of Committee National Joint Action Commit- — the present crisis are the most vital concern of all workers, farmers, professionals and self- employed persons. “Such deceptive makeshifts as the Wagner-Lewis ‘Social Secur- ity’ Bill will not satisfy our needs and our just demand for adequate safeguards against hunger, low living standards and mass desti- tution in a land of potential plenty. “May I have your early reply with assurance that you will ac- tively support H. R. 2827, THE WORKERS’ UNEMPLOYMENT, OLD AGE AND SOCIAL INSUR- ANCE BILL, which I, along with millions of others, support as the | only measure that makes the necessary provisions for genuine | social insurance?” The National Joint Action Com- | | mittee for Genuine Unemployment | | Insurance, which was elected at the | recent National Congress for Un- | employment Insurance, will supply copies of the post card to all in- | dividuals and organizations at the | rate of thirty cents a hundred or | $2.50 a thousand. Supplies can be obtained by writing to the com-/| mittee at Room 438, 799 Broadway, New York City. mitted by Ughet, Bakhmetiev’s fi- nancial agent, to the U. S. govern- ment shows that on January 1, 1931, the Czarist Russian embassy still retained in cash, deposits and ma- terial, $171,800,000. But the Wall Street government was not con- cerned with taking this money to pay its so-called loans. It did not turn this money over to the Soviet | government. It allowed Bakhme- | tiev, Ughet, and the whole crowd of | Czarist scum to pay themselves | handsome salaries and graft, and they now charge it to the Soviet Union. For example, ten years after the overthrow of the Czarist govern- ment, Czarist “embassy” officials were paying themselves huge salaries out of this money. The “artillery department” headed by Col V. Ora- novsky, in two months paid out $422,822.86 in “salaries.” The “sec- retarial department,” headed by C. J. Madjikhovsky and Ananiev, paid themselves $144,875 in two months for “salaries.” And now Secretary of State Hull | in 4% minutes rejects every propo- sal of the Soviet Union for the settlement of these scandalous “loans.” We can well understand Mr. Hull's irritation, in not wanting the matter to receive extended consid- eration in the press. The Soviet Union was ready to open negotiations for a billion dollar trade agreement. Secretary of State Hull, acting for his masters Roose- velt, J. P. Morgan, the duPonts, and the Czarist scum still hanging around the State Department like | maggots, prefers to indicate to Jap- anese imperialism that its moves in the Far East against the U.S. S. R. are receiving solicitous considera- tion in Washington. The American workers, the war vets, the impoverished farmers will understand that here is not only a ease of the bankers trying to make the workers pay for the cost of an imperialist war, but for every ef- fort to overthrow a victorious pro- Jetarian revolution, Hull's action is linked with Hit- ler’s war moves, with the Hearst propaganda campaign, and with all |of the efforts of the anti-Soviet | enemies throughout the world, with the hope of solidfying the united front of world capitalism against the world of victorious Socialism. lel those that preceded the resort to | open dictatorship in other coun- tries: .In Italy, especially,- the capitalists did not wait until the majority of the workers were in the revolutionary struggle for power and their own government, but be- gan to prepare Mussolini to be their dictator, and to intensify the use of the whole force of their “demo- cratic” State's military and police power against the labor movement, for years before they staged the farcical “March on Rome.” The Krupps and Thyssens and the American General Motors, financed Hitler for years before putting him in, Mosley has already obtained Rothermere’s backing in England. The Fight Against Fascism But American workers and their allies can defeat this conspiracy. The fight against it is the im- mediate united-front fight for every civil right and trade union stand- ard—for true workers’ unions, free speech and assemblage; against farmers. wage-cuts, inflation, company- unionism and against imperialist war. It is also the fight to defend and advance the revolutionary struggle for working class power. The main slogan under which the big boys are trying to mobilize potential troops to fight for capital- ism with guns is, “defend the con- stitution.” The only real opposi- tion to this fake is the revolution- ary working class movement, which exposes the Constitution also as an instrument designed by the capital- ist class to sustain property rights. In these days of the completely demonstrated incapacity of the capitalists to solve their crisis and go forward with production even at the expense of the working class, the only real alternatives are strug- gle step by step against Fascist de- velopments, leading to successful working class struggle for power, and socialist production under a government of the workers and (Continued from Page 1) in sympathy with this bill... . think it will pass the lower hou - .. let’s push this bill along : quickly as we can.” He told yor correspondent that he was going vote for the Workers’ Bill as o} posed to the Wagner-Lewis Bill. In his statement to the Commi tee, Benjamin said: “Five years « | widespread and deep-going ecor omic crisis have served to reve: how insecure is the economic pos tion of the overwhelming majori‘ of the population of this, the rict est country'in the world. Millior have been expelled from the indu: | tries and forced into a huge arm of unemployed. The unemploye have been forced to wage struggk in order to establish their right ¢ live. Aware of Distress “The entire population has be come acutely aware of the dire dis tress which prevails for the unem ployed, and also for the aged an other victims of what are no recognized as the normal hazard of the present social order. Th problem of social insecurity hz thus far compelled the attentio and consideration of not only th active radical opponent of the pre: ent social order and the academi reformer, but has become. an im mediate, practical political issue ¢ | first rate importance. Comes to a Head “Even those who are opposed t the enactment of necessary socir insurance legislation are now com pelled to give serious consideratio | to this problem. The issue is com ing to a head. The lines are bein sharply drawn. The question js n longer—Shall we have Unemploy ment and Social Insurance? Th question has become—What kind When? And, we must ask for reas ons which will be explained later- for whom? “It is natural that under presen conditions some shall see in th movement for social insurance threat. The very fact that thi movement for a greater measure 0 social security grows in power an insistence, makes some feel mor insecure.” Raps Wagner Bill “We intend to show that of th measures now being considered b; ‘Congress, one, the Wagner-Lewi Bill which proceeds from the Presi dent’s ‘Social Security’ program i deliberately designed to circumven the demands of the masses for so cial insurance and thereby safe guard the wealth, profits an privilege of the few. The othe the Lundeen, Workers *Unemploy ment, Old Age and Social Insurance Bill (H. R. 2827) is designed t provide a greater méasure of socia security for the masses, in the onl: way this can be done—at the ex pense of the few who now ow most of the nation’s wealth.” Johnson Hails Bill Manning Johnson, the spokesma) for the L. 8S. N. R., declared that “This bill is superior to all othe bills presented. The Wagner-Lewi Bill excludes entirely the domesti and personal workers, most 0 whom are Negroes. “Since 1929, living standard among Negro workers have drop ped,” said Johnson. ‘“Congeste: housing, dissipation of savings, los of homes, furniture, insurance, an: clothing, and the addition of rela tives and strangers to the famil unit, have been the effects of th crisis on the Negro people.” Johnson declared that “as yo know, Negro workers have been th last hired and the first to be fired. He pointed out the discrimination against Negroes fostered by the N R. A. Codes; the increase in un employment especially among Ne groes since the beginning of the N R. A, the fact that in Washington D. C., “78 per cent of those on re lief are Negroes although they ar only 25 per cent of the population which further sufstantiates ow contention that the Negro peopl are hard hit,” and the discrimina: tion against the Negro in many A F. of L., National and. Internationa Unions, Stay of Writ No Aid to Men (Continued from Page 1) workers that they are now “protect- ed against joining the union, anc are saved $25 initiation fee.” It is further reported that non-unior workers are given preference ir jobs now, in line with preparatior for a possible strike in March, wher decision on the appeal is expected or prior to that, if the stay is lifted That the rank and file within the teamsters’ locals is far from satisfiec with the action of their officials, i: indicated by the statement madc yesterday by Thomas B. Smith chairman of the rank and file com: mittee of 25 which called the one: day strike, “It doesn’t make any difference what the leaders say,” Smith said “No decision about what to do wil be reached until our rank and fil committee meets with other similay committees of the longshoremer and checkers. The leaders only work for us. We pay them.” A meeting of the committee i: scheduled to take place tomorrow. A meeting of the Teamsters Dis: trict Council hastily called followins signature of the injunction, gave approval to the policy of waiting fo: a fPpeal, and declared against ¢ strike. Newstand sales have increased as a result of the series on “Wall Street's Fascist Conspiracy.” order a