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y MICHAEL GOLD HE critics Wallace Phelps and Philip Rahv take exception to the letter from Edward Dahlberg printed recently in this column, It was not a good letter with which to open the discussion for the Writers’ Congress, they charge, in that its at- tack was not aimed “at any specific ideas held by critics, but at their presumably bad manners.” It is true, as I think I pointed out, that Dahl- berg lacks much of the impersonal and scientific attitude toward literary problems that one re- quires of a Marxian. He brings into a discussion many of the old “feudist” habits of the bourgeois literary world. He has not yet completely realized the responsibilities that are placed on a revolu- tionary writer, who however much he may dis- agree with or even dislike another comrade, must always remember that it is criminal to allow mutual criticism within the movement to develop to the Point of sélf-destruction. Criticism of the sharpest and most. scientific nature is necessafy if we are to learn from our mistakes, and make any progress. But criticism that forgets the main objective, that spreads dis- couragement and mutual suspicion, is a real danger. To find the dividing line, however, requires a@ great deal of skill and experience, and perhaps more than that, an ever-present sense of the move- ment as a whole. ‘We must not become swamped in the details. Dahlberg and many other writers of fiction have this tendency, whereas the critics tend to deal with the generalities, and to forget details. Some writers were invited to criticize the critics in a certain issue of the New Masses, and the result was a series of really querulous minor complaints. This is true, and yet the fact remains that many of our revolutionary writers of novels and plays, other than Dahlberg, feel an acute dis- satisfaction with our critics. When such a feeling exists, it should be thrashed out. It is not the most important problem that will come before the Writers’ Congress, and I will not turn over many of these columns to it. The letter follows: * ’ . Critical “Bad Manners” EAR Mike: ‘We were amazed to find that in your first column devoted to the coming Writers’ Congress, Edward Dahlberg’s personal fetids, disguised as crit- Ieism of criticism, ovened thé discussion. His attack was not aimed at any specific ideas held by critics. but at their presumably bad manners, But Dahlberg’s own attitude is non-comradely to the extreme; in fact it is so venomous as to sug- gest its origin in motives extreneous to the prob- Jems of our literature. While we disagree with some of Granville Hicks’s methods and conclusions, we consider him one of the outstanding Marxian critics in Amer- fea. And to dispose of Hicks's criticism, as Dahl- berg does, by quoting a few sentences not central to his complete position. savors of the methods of bourgeois reviewers in approaching Marxian writ- ing. Dahlberg thinks he is annihilating both of us by fronically dubbing us “thése Plekhanovs.” Then he goes on to say that we “ustally spend three- fourths of the space of the book-review to a dis- cussion of the deénening of the crisis, and toward the conclusion manage somehow to blunder inio @ discussion of the novel before us.” We challenge Dahlberg to point out one review or article written by either of us in which political generalities take the place of literary criticism. * * * Personal Grudges JT IS characteristic of Dahlberg’s polemical man- 1 ners to single out the shortest review Philin Rahy has written (the length of which was dictated by the editors of Monthly Review) and to abstract Phrases out of context, without considering the specific content of the review as a whole. How would Dalilberg’s writing fare under such criticism? uppose A reviewer of his book weuld start out by calling him “this Gorki’ and proceed to line up @ series of words taken from different pages. Dehiberg claims that not one character or story is mentioned in Rahv's review of Farrell's Calico Shoes. The point is, because of the brief space allotted to him, Rahv was compelled to concen- trate on the relation of Farrell's method in the story to his method as a novélist. According to Dahlberg, Phelvs contradicts him- self in reviewing Joyce for the New Masses by saying that, while Ulysses is part of our literary heritage, {ts specific method as a whole. cannot be transplanted to proletarian writing. This is the one instance in Dahlberg’s letter where he dis- cusses a concrete Marxian idea, and it ig héte that he reveals most clearly the frivolity of his thought. There is nothing contradictory in plac- ing Joyce's work within our heritage as a back- ground of values, and in insisting that the use of Joyce's complete method in our fiction is impos- sible. Variants of Joyce's method can of course be used in specific parts of novels, as pointed out in the original review. To take another example: no Marxist will deny that Shakespeare is a part Of our literary heritage, but at the same time, everyone of them will deny the possibility of using Shakespeare's actual methods in our plays and poems. The contradi¢tion that Dahlberg points to does not exist; but there is a very real con- tradiction between Marxism and Dahlberg’s me- chanical conception of heritage. If there are difficulties between critics and crea- tive writers, they should not be disctissed on the plane of personal grudges, but on the plane of ideas. WALLACE PHELPS. YOUR OPPORTUNITY! Special Trial Subscription Offer TWO MONTHS -- 81.00 DAILY WORKER, 35 Hast 12th Street, New York, N. Y. COMRADES :— I am anxious to subscribe to the “Daily” for the next two months, for the low rate you allow. Enclosed is my dollar. Name Address . ONY ees eee ccs e seen BALE oe ccc cceceseees (Does not apply to renewals or in Manhattan and Bronx.) LITTLE LEFTY HAVING ByRNED HIS PAPERS AND “TAKEN A BATH AS PER PATEY'S QUEER REQUEST, OUR LEFTY NOW WANTS 6 KNOW WHET ALLE MYSTERY (6 ABour / . HIGH HAY STUFF Ex? | Suppose “HE REASON FoR } ALL This — Part of Workers’ Struggles By WILLIAM F. DUNNE 'HE art of Jacob Burck cannot be separated from the revolution- ary movement, from the continual | struggle of the working class lagainst robbery and oppression, | against hunger, fascism and im- |Perialist war, any more than the Communist Party can be sepa- |rated from the working class. | Burck’s cartoons depicting daily |developments, the clash of revolu- |tionary and reactionary policies in |the labor movement, strikes, official labor leaders and their sordid but dangerous disloyalties to their dues- | paying membership and the whole | working class, their obscene ser- |vility and frockcoated fawning to and upon the representatives of the | puters, strip these fat gents of their | respectability and kick their halos into startling angles, Burck and Fred Ellis are the le- gitimate heirs of the revolutionary |art of Robert Minor. ‘They are no |longer only American artists of the American proletariat. They are of the international proletariat and \bearers of the revolutionary tradi- |tion that stems back to the French | Communards. | jen,” said Marx. Jacob Burck storms \the citadels of ruling class art |@very day—and demolishes another bastion with each cartoon. It is impossible to estimate in any }adequate terms the number of |times a Burck cartoon has caused | that grim laughter on a mass picket |line which bosses’ thugs fear morc jthan bullets. It is imvossibie to es- | timate the number of workers to | whom a Burck cartoon has broight lightning insight into a difficult {question of strategy and tactics. | One cannot say to how many work- |ers Jacob Burck has brought new | pride and confidence in their class clear to anyone that Burck thinks and draws in terms of a working |class that is learning through a | thousand struggles, big and small, Mu sie Toscanini and the Philharmonic 'HE Philharmonic Symphony Or- chestra was conducted in Car- i\negie Hall on Sunday afternoon by Toscanini. Messrs. Piastro, Bolog- nini and all the other excellent musicians were allowed to acknow- | ledge the applause of the audience; | but it was Toscanini, Toscanini all the way. The program consisted of Bruck- |ner’s Seventh Symphony, “Salome’s | Dance,” by Strauss, and what was described as an “Orchestta Inter- pretation” by Respighi of a Bach prelude and fucue. If you like Bach’s countervoint to be obscured by a tornado of brass noises you will like Resviehi's ver- sion of the Prelude and Fugue in The Communards “stormed heav- ; - and its vietorious destiny. But 1i is | ;D major. But do not imagine that it is anything more than a kind of double-virtuosity act—Bach as an | Ofganist-composer and Respighi as an orchestra. “Salome’s Dance” ftom Stitauss’ opera “Salome” is, of course, a sadly typical piece of bourgeois pseudo-orientalism. Always there is the Viennese waltz, and a little Salome-fraulein trying so hard to be sensuous, and pséudo-Hastern pseudo-pives ... anyhow the ver- cussion players enjoyed themselves. It is difficult to write about the Bruckner symphony. Here is € man who was obviously sincere, to whom composing was a deeply felt Social duty, and yet his work is nothing more than a succession of moments. His harmonic resources were limited, his countov-point that of a fairly normal student, his mel- odies on the whole undistinguished; he was often verbose; and yet there are singularly moving moments in this fine symphony. And far from being a vindication of Wagnerian romanticism his work seems to be opnosed to it and, with all its faults, a denial of it. For there was some- thing there strvaglins to be born. something which seems to belong neither to the bourgeois person who was Anton Bruckner nor to the smug musical vestute in which he showed himself to the world. The orchestra, and of course, Tos- canini. gave a fine performance, Wanted: Items from The Hearst Press Readers are urged to send us clippings, cartoons and editorials from all Hearst newspapers— particularly items about the So- viet Union and the Communist Party, Indicate name of news- paper and date of publication in sending in this material. Address: Feature Editor, Daily Worker, 35 East lath St. New York. 16 I'M NOY GOOD ENOUGH FOR You SINCE | BECAME A NEWSBOY/ Burck Among Greatest Of Epoch, Says Dunne in Talking Turkey! DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1935 LISTEN CKuMe ! I'VE GoLD Moke PRPERS, PAMPHLETS, AND NEW PIONEERS “THAN YOU CAN SHAKE A STICK AT Buz Se Proletaria ‘Hunger a | Cartoons are Integral that the road to freedom unwinds! geois culture, Jacob Burck is among its rough but shining length. past | those at the top list among prole- the political graves of those who |tarian artists whose pen. and brush now fill high official positions in the labor movement—the road that the working class carves through the cemetery in which lie buried for- ever the policies of compromise and and the unending list of carefully | nurtured illusions that have kept | the working class. in subjection. In the Soviet Union, where pro- letarian culture has won with the are weapons of the working class and colonial peoples in the world- wide class battle line, In France, England, in fascist Germany and |Federation of Labor and the Social- Burck’s drawings are used to /ist Party defeat, because of official betraya!|show the surging tide of the cla Italy, struggle in the United States. The Communist press, itself grow- | continual apology for the fact that ing out of the reyolutionary clas4| the labor movement. dares to exist struggle, alone could bring forth aj} at all. Burck. He is a sturdy child of the Revolution its victory over bour-' revolutionary struggle. His art has Life and CHAPTER II. Teachings of Lenin Ix. | aed still more far-reaching are the basic problems, strategical and tactical, of the leadership of the mass struggle as a whole up to the revolutionary situation and in the revolutionary situation itself, the de- termination of the whole line of advance, stage by stage, up to the final battle and the conquest of power. Here the task of leadership brings to the test the whole strength of Marxist-Leninist theory and prac- tice: the cortect estimation of the relation of class forces, of the in- ternal and external situation, of the ; Strength and stability of the bour- geoisie, of the degree of prepared- ness of the proletariat, of the role of the intermediate strata; the de- termination of the slogans and methods of struggle to mobilize the masses on the widest possible scale, and to win to the proletariat its reserves of support from other Strata; the correct judgment of the revolutionary situation, when the old governing forces are discredited end in break-up, and the masses are refusing to necept the old con- Gitions of life; the advance to in- creasingly radical transitional slo- gans and rising forms of struggle and mass action; and the final de- cision of the moment for the de- cisive battle, and direct leadership and organization of the insurrec- tion. Lastly, the leadership of Lenin after 1917 opens up the hitherto completely untouched ground of the strategy and tactics of the prole- tarian leadership after the conquest of power. 5 ‘ ‘ [REE of the most famous state- ments of Lenin on these funda- mental questions of revolution may here be given. The first is his definition of a revolutionary situation: The fundamental law of revolu- tion, confirmed by all revolutions and particularly by the three Rus- sian ones of the twenticth cen- tury, is as fellows. It is not suffi- cient for the revolution that the exploited and oppressed masses understand the impossibility of living in the old way and demand changes; for the revolution it is necessary that the exploiters should not be able to rule as of old. Only when the masses do not want the cld regime, and when the rulers ate unable to govern as of old, then only can the revolution suececd. The truth may be expressed in other words: revolution is impos- sible without an all-national crisis, affecting both the exploited and the exploiters. It follows that for the revolution it is essential, first, that a majority of the workers (or at least a majority of the con- Teachings of Lenin By R. PALME DUTT The Daily Worker is printing serially the extremely valuable and popular booklet by R. Palme Dutt, “Life and Teachings of Y. I. Lenin,” published by Inter- national Publishers. The Daily Worker considers it great service to its readers to be (From “Hunger and Revolt: Cartoons by Burck”) So | flect the attitude of continual apol- | able to present this clear and ex- | celient portrayal of the life and | teachings of the great leader of the working class, V. I. Lenin. scious, thinking, politically active workers) should fully understand the necessity of a revolution and be ready to sacrifice their lives for it; second, that the ruling class be in a state of governmental crisis which attracts even the most backward masses into poll- tics—a sign of every real revolu- tion is the rapid, tenfold or even hundredfold increase in the num- ber of representatives of the toil- ing and opprested masses hereto- fore apathetic, representatives able to carry on the political fight which weakens the government and facilitates its overthrow by the revolutionists. (“Left-Wing” Communism.) To be successful, the uprising must be based not on a conspiracy, not on a party, but on the ad- vaneed class. This is the first point. The uprising must be based on the revolutionary upsurge of the people. This is the second point, The uprising must be based on the crucial point in the his- Extensive Advance Discussions Planned By Writers’ Congress Extensive preliminary discus- sions of revolutionary literature and the problems of the prole- tarian ,writer are planned for the American Writers’ Congress, to be held May Ist, These dis- cussions are intended to prepare the way for a genuine synthesis of the experiences of proletarian literature in this country. Malcolm Cowley’s “Note on Marxian Criticism” and William Rollins’ comment on proletarian fiction in the current issues of the New Republic and the New Masses are the first of such arii- cles to appear; and they immedi- ately raise the discussion to a high literary level. The editors of the New Masses and of Partisan Review invite contributions from American au- thors dealing with the aesthetic problems of revolutionary writ- ing, as weil as with the eco- nomic status of the artist under capitalism. In addition a series of open lectures, debates, and symposiums are planned by the organization committee for the Congress. drunk deep from the clear swift | stream of Marxism-Leninism and | its proletarian culture, Take a look at the pansy-bed of cartoonists whose drawings are on the pages of the official American press! Their drawings re- Ogy the official leadershin display, Their best efforts look like what they are—timid flowers wilted by the first frosty glance from the tory of the maturing revolution, when the activity of the van- guard of the people is at its height, when the vacillations in the ranks of the enemies, and in the ranks of the weak, half-hearted, un- decided friends of the revolution are at their highest point. This is the third point. It is in point- ing out these three conditions as the way of approaching the ques- tion of an uprising, that Marxism differs from Blanquism. (“Marxiam and Uprising,” in “Toward the Seizure of Power,” Book 1, pp. 224- 229.) The third is his summary of the “art” of insurrection, drawing to- gether the previous utterances of Marx and Engels on this quesiion: 1) Never play at uprising, but once it is begun, remember firmly that you have to go to the very end. 2) It is necessary to gather a great preponderance of forces in a decisive place at a decisive mo- ment, else the enemy, being in a position of better preparation and organizatien, will annihilate the insurgents. 3) Once the uprising has been begun, one must act with the greatest decisiveness, one must take the offensive, absolutely, and under all circumstances. “Defense is the death of an armed uprising.” 4) One must strive to take the enemy by surprise, to take advan- tage of 2 moment when his troops are scattercd. 5) One must try daily for at least smal] successes (one may say even hourly, when it is a questicn of one city), thus maintaining under all circumstances a “moral superiority.” (“Advice From An Outsider,” in “Toward the Seiz- ure of Power,” Book IT, pp. 97-99.) Rea 'HESE examples are typical of the concrete, living, simultaneously theoretical and practical approach of Lenin to the fundamental prob- lems of revolution. The leadership of Lenin ranges over the whole development of the working class struggle from the earliest stages to the direct advance in a revolutionary situation to the conquest of power, and to the tasks beyond the conquest of power. In all these fields of the working class struggle, from the earliest stages to beyond the conquest of Power, Lenin leaves a legacy of lead- ership, of theoretical and practical guidance, the absorption of which by the international working class opens the way to victory. This leadership receives its or-} ganized embodiment and collective form in the Communist Interna- tional, founded under the leader- Ship of Lenin in 1919, a8 the union of the revolutionary working class, on the basis of the principles of Marxism and Leninism, for the vic- tory of the world socialist revoln- tion. (To be continued) | Burék's cartoons. by del —You'Ll NEVER CATCH ME LLING THOSE FILTHY HEARST GUTTER-SHEETS | { Saw YOU wrri /// J J nd Revolt Portra ys “‘Shrivelled Souls” of Labor Bureaucrats agents of the capitalists and their government. Strikes, strikers, unity in struggle of white and Negro, native and for- eign born! These Burck draws with immense sympathy, immense pride and with strokes that are at once strong and tender. High-salaried official labor lead- ers, suave or brutal, crude or cun- ning, as the case may be, Burck draws with contempt, disgust—and hatred—and with a pen of corrosive sublimate. These cartoons eat into the heart of the most callous of la- | bor officlaldom—but they fix them- selves also, and indelibly, in the hearts and minds of the workers labor officialdom betrays by a thou- sand subterfuges, evasions and bru- talities. For Burck draws their methods as well as the “recognized labor leaders” themselves. He draws their shrivelled souls and the mechanics of their treacheries. Workers like They do more than enjoy them. I know that they | study them, but that they find more | than a picture of misleaders with | which they agree. They find also | how these misleaders betray them —and why. | By this I mean that the Daily Worker has on its staff one of the greatest of proletarian cartoonists of this epoch. judged by the hardest | of all tests—the dailyy striking, eas- ily understood and politically cor- rect devicting of major events and issues in the life and battles of the working class in his chosen medium. | . * . NOTE: The above is an excerpt from “Hunger and Revolt: Car- toons by Burck.” This pictorial his- | tory of the world crisis is pub- lished in a deluxe edition, limited to one hundred copies autographed by the artist. Eleven revelutionary writers have contributed chapter forewords. The book contains 248 pages, printed on heavy antiqu paper, and is bound in golden-tan buckram attractively stamped. Order from the Daily Worker; $5.00 | postpaid. Tuning In | 7:00-WEAF—Religion in the News | WOR—Sports Resume—Stan Lomax | Ww. John Hetrick, Baritone | WABO—The Great ‘White Teacher. ketch, with- Captain Peter Pre chen, Explorer TAS-WEAF-Jack Smith, Songs wo) ‘onians Quartet WsZ—King Orchestra 7:30-WEAP—Variety Musicale WOR—The Street Singer WJZ—Rural Electrification—Rep. John E. Rankin of Mississippi WABC—Arden Orchestra; Gladys Baxter, Soprano; Walter Preston, Baritone; Beauty-—Kay Carroll 7:45-WJZ—Grace Hayes, Songs WOR—Dance Orchestra 8:00-WEAF—Concert Orchestra, Sigmund Romberg, Conductor-Composer; | Bryon Warner, Tenor; Helen Marshall, Seprano; William Lyon Phelps, Narrator WOR—Organ Recital WJZ—Phil Cook Show shop WABC—Roxy Revue; Concert chestra; Mixed Ch Soloist | 8:15-WOR—Veosey Orchestra | 8:30-WOR—Denny Orchestra | WJZ—Olsen Orchestra | 8:45-WABC—Mary Courtland, Songs; Arm- | bruster Orchestra; Male Quartet 9:00-WEAP—Rose Bampton, Contralto: Scrappy Lambert and Billy Hill- pot, Songs: Shilkret Orehestra WORHillbilly Music WiZ—Radio City Party, with John B. Kennedy; Black Orchestra Comedy, with Conrad Thivault, Baritone; Lois Bennett, Soprano WOR—Blaine Orchestra WJZ—National Barn Dance WABC—Himber Orchestra 10:00-WOR—Wintz Orchestra Run, Madison Square Garden 10:15-WABC—Reminiscences—William A. Brady, Theatrical Producer 10:30-WEAF—Cugat, Goodman and Mur- tay Orchestra (Until 1:30 a.m.) WOR—Richerdson Orchestra WJZ—Coleman Orchestra WABC—Vari¢ty Musicale 10:45-WABC—Rendings by Professor Chas. Townsend Copeland, Harvard 11:00-WOR—News WJZ—Dorsey Orchestra WABC—Gray Orchestra New Pamphlets (HE ASSASSINATION OF KIROV — Proletarian Justice Versus White Guard Terror-- by Katz. Three cents. NOW DO WE RAISE THE ISSUE OF A LABOR PARTY? By Eerl Browder and Jack Stachel. Includes excerpt deal- ing with the Labor Party question from the Resolution of the January meeting of the Central Committee, C.P.U.S.A. Three cents. SOVIETS IN SPAIN. — The Armed Uprising Against Fas- cism—by Harry Gannes, m1 cents. Pagan coeeer The above pamphiets are pub- lished by Workers Library Pub- lishers, P. O. Box 148 Station D, New York City. They may be purchased at all Workers Book- shops, or from the publishers. i WABO—Kostelanetz Orchest: Chorus; Richard Bonelli, Baritone | 9:30-WEAF—The Gibson FPamily—Musical | WABC—Description, Wanamaker Mile | Questions and Answers This department appears daily on the feature page. All questions should be addressed to “Ques- tions and Answers,”’ c/o Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York City. The Saar Mines Question: To whom did the Saar mines belong before they were transferred to France? How will the transfer back to France be affected?—S, W. Answer: T) 1 belonged to the n states before the imper: ist war. At the Versailles Peace Conference French mining interests, represented by Andre Tardieu, now a leading fascist, forced the d sion whereby the mines were ceded to the French ment for the damages suffered Northern French coal mines during the period of the war. This was done because the Saar mines formed an economic geographic unit with the iron ore mines of Lorraine. The transfer back to the German government will take place under an agre: it whereby the | Nazis pay the French government about $60,000,000 in royalties on the first 11,000,000 tons of coal that are mined. Although ostensibly at first it was the French, and later, the German governm who are the owners, the mines are operated i interests of the big steel trusts of both countries. The interests of both trusts interlock, and com- peting are fighting for control of the steel ring. nch industrialists have interests in the German trust, and vice versa example, Roechling, the leader of the Nazi front in the Saar and head of big steel plants, is helping to fortify the eastern line of forts in France. Similarly many of the German steel plants which are working feverishly to rearm the war machine of Germany are tied up with the Comite des Forges—the French steel trust. ne The F Laboratory | and Shop By David Ramsey ! BIOLOGY AND THE NEW DEAL In the wake of fascist developments in this country come the pseudo-scientific apologetics for political and social reaction. Biologists are re- viving the discredited theory that the poor are congenitally inferior, and that the rich rule be- cause of their biological superiority. This is the rankest kind of nonsense, but it is being revived as a phase of the offen class movement. The old reactionary bromides are being recir- culated. Mediocre persons it is asserted are hav ing childrén on relief rolls while the intelligent persons toil to support the mediccrities. The un- employed are mentally inferior; that is why they should be sterilized. Doctrines such as these are being pushed. They are an important part of the ideological preparations for fas: They are meant to convince toilers that cl stratification is essentially biological and not social in origin, Obviously if this were true, then it would not be possible to wine out those social factors that make for class differences. The fascist theory of a superior elite, and the permanent and rieid strati- fication of classes is thus given a “scien! port that in reality it does not have. These observations come to mind after a read- ing of Dr. Ernest A. Hooton’s call for “a biological new deal.” He is one of those fancy anthro- pologists who is worried about man’s destiny. That is, he hates “measures of social amelioriation.” Relief, education, the fight against exploitation and oppression—these are “delusions.” Like the Nazis he cries out: “Public enemies must be destroyed— not reformed.” The “public enemies,” of course, turn out to be any one who opnoses the present social order. Being a Harvard man Dr. Hooton is not quite so blunt; but the implication is quite cleat. No one will mistake.his meaning when he says that. “we need a biological new deal which will segregate and sterilize the anti-social and the mentally unfit.” This is the program of German fascism which kills, maims and imprisons its opponents in the name of “Aryan biology.” In this country it is a call for the same kind of reaction in the name of the “biological new deal.” It is important for us to expose the fascist argument that our social engine has stalled because natural selection watered the gasoline. ve against the working =| e * . AS PART of a comprehensive plan to make ayail- able in the Soviet Union the writings of scholars utilized by Marx and Engels, the works of Lewis H. Morgan, the famous American anthropologist, are being translated into Russian and published in Leningrad by the Research Association of the Institute of the Peoples of the North, under the Central Executive Committee of the U. S. S. R, Two volumes have already appeared in transla- tions by Professor M. O. Kosven, Ancient Society, which was originally published in this country in 1878, and Houses and House Life of the American | Aborigines, first printed in 1881. Prefixed to the volume of Ancient Society is Engel’s preface to the fourth edition of his Origin of the Family written in 1891, and an introduction by J. Alkor, the editor, The Institute is now preparing for publication in Russian translation two additional volumes in this — series, Morgan’s League of the Troquois and a col- lection of letters exchanged between Morgan and two Australian anthropologists, Lorimer Fison and A. W. Howitt, which were discovered and edited | by Professor Bernhard J. Stern, the author of Lewis | Henry Morgan: Social Evolutionist. Ready February Sth! HUNGER and REVOLT: - Cartoons by BURCK ‘ This beautiful, DeLuxe edition is limited to 100 numbered and signed copies, Printed on heavy art paper, in large folio size and con- taining 248 pages. Bound in heavy buckram boards, attractively stamped. Orders accepted now. Five dollars, postpaid. f te Ae