The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 29, 1935, Page 5

By MICHAEL GOLD OW about the great Russian famine of 1933, in which millions died? This was the question fired at me often in a recent lecture tour. It is a lie that has gone the rounds of all the capitalist countries, and now the Father of Lies, Willie Hearst, is spreading it far and wide in America. It is a sign of the success of the workers’ re- Public, the Soviet Union, that the capitalists can fight it only with lies. Truth, today, is revolution- ary. Truth about capitalist conditions leads to revolt. Truth about Soviet conditions leads the American workers to discontent with their own lot. The truth about the famine is that there was no famine. As a special broadside issue of that interesting magazine, “Soviet Russia Today” pointed out recently, far from being any shortage, the So- viet Union has been enjoying bumper harvests. * . * The Story of a Lie NE of Dirty Willie Hearst’s authorities in his lying campaign against Russia is an Austrian Nazi by the name of Dr. Ewald Ammende (he is a doctor of philosophy and lying). This ratty doctor is secretary of an organiza- tion known as the “Committee for National Minori- ties,” which is in turn connected with the Nazi- inspired “League of Germanism in Foreign Coun- tries.” This is a sort of black Nazi international, receiving funds from Berlin to spread German im- perialism by Nazi movements in countries like Hol- land, Belgium, Austria, Denmark, and others. The Nezis dream of annexing all these small nations in a Pan-Germanic empire. Dr. Ammende fs one om their chief tools. The Soviet Ukraine is one of the great wheat- raising sections of the world, and Germany’s Nazis want the Ukraine, too. So it is only natural that Hearst's Dr. Ammende is likewise known to be in intimate relations with the Skoropadski group of Ukrainian White Guards, who receive funds from the Nazis, and expect to invade the Ukraine with Nazi armies. So Dr. Ammende, in his unholy business of blood and empire, needs to lie about the Soviet Union, in order to destroy its prestige among the west- ern workers. It was he who invented this remark- able story of a famine, and organized the “Vienna Aid Committee” to help the “famine victims.” Bishops and armament makers, fascist politicians and philanthropic millionaires joined his hypocrit- ical committee. William H. Chamberlain, our own American “authority” on the Soviet Union, and loyal husband of a white-guard lady, must have received some of Dr. Ammende’s publicity releases, for as is well known, the “honest” and “neutral” Mr. Chamber- lain repeated this famine lie at solemn length in his recent book. Many of the liberals have taken up the Nazi lie, and repeated it as solemnly. I debated Mr. Oswald Villard of the Nation a month ago in St. Louis, and Mr, Villard has been also taken in by the yarn. A “Secret” Famine TAST August, in an open letter in the New York \ Times, the poisonous Naai Dr. Ammende, claimed that thousands of people were dying of famine in the streets of Kiev, which is the capital of the Ukraine, The’ New York Times had its correspondent, Harold Denny, investigate the story. He cabled back to his paper on Aug. 23: “This statement certainly has no foundation. Your correspondent was in Kiev for several days last July about the time people were supposed to be dying there, and neither in the city nor in the surrounding countryside was there hunger.” Later, on Oct. 15, Denny reported: “Nowhere was famine found. Nowhere even the fear of it. There is food. including bread, in the local open markets. The peasants were smiling. too, and generous with their food stuffs. In short, there is no air of trouble or impending trouble.” So much for 1934. What about the previous year, 1933? On Aug. 23, 1933, Walter Duranty cabled the Times: “The excellent harvest about to be gathered shows that any report of famine in Russia today is an exaggeration or malignant propaganda.” Previously, on Aug. 17, Duranty had cabled: “The extraordinary rich harvest is already permitting tens of thousands of collective farms that fulfilled their yearly quotas of grain deliveries to start dis- tribution of their supplies among their members at the rate of more than 17.6 pounds per working day.” But the Hearsts and Chamberlains go on re- peating their Nazi-inspired lies. 7 * . Some Powerful Facts 4 be Soviet Union has weathered many former .“ campaigns of this sort, and so grounded on fact ‘and truth are its achievements, that it will weather & thousand more Hearsts, Chamberlains and Dr. Ammendes. For instance, how many coal miners in America ever get a vacation? It sounds like a bad joke, vacations for miners. The only vacation they ever get is unemployment and starvation. But a million miners in the Soviet Union last year each enjoyed a full month’s vacation. They drew full pay for this month, besides having their fare paid to the Florida of Soviet Union, where on the beautiful Crimea seashore they and their families sunned themselves and enjoyed life, liv- ing in hotels and rest homes provided for them free et the expense of their trade unions. This is only one truth out of a thousand others like it. And all the fake famines and lies about the proletarian dictatorship and so forth cannot destroy the effect of such a fact when it reaches the ears of an American worker. YOUR OPPORTUNITY! Special Trial Subscription Offer TWO MONTHS -- 81.00 DAILY WORKER, 35 East 12th Street, New York, N.Y. COMRADES :— I am anxious to subscribe to the “Daily” for the next two months, for the low rate you allow. Enclosed is my dollar. (Does not apply to renewals or in Manhattan DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY. JANUARY 29, 1935 | Impersonated Interview Mr. L. T. Russell, publisher of the | Newark Ledger, is feeling “sick” | over the strike of his editorial) workers for a living wage. This | acute attack is due to the fact that the strike has taken $60,000 a year | out of his income. This piece of in- | teresting information came out in| a telephone conversation between Mr. Russell and a strike sym-| pathizer who impersonated Harvey | Kelly, chairman of the Newspaper | Industrial Board, and chairman of | the open shop division of the! American Newspaper Publishers As- sociation. Mr. Russell poured out what passes for his heart to his! listener, believing that he was speaking to Mr. “Kelly.” Following is a stenographic tran- script of the highlights of the forty minute conversation which took ; Place on January 19. It is submitted by the anonymous sympathizer. | “Kelly’—Mr. Russell, this is Har- vey Kelly, of the A.N.P.A, I was glad to see your Mr. Warner the other day. There was something I thought I might take up with him, but on second thought decided I'd better leave for a personal talk with you. The special finance com- mittee of the association meets Tuesday, and I thought it might be a good idea for you to let me have \a brief, carefully phrased letter to use as an ice-breaker to lay your | problem before the committee. I} wish you would write me such a letter. I am interested also to know | how you are getting along in your | difficulty. Russell—Yes, that’s fine, I'll write | |you a letter. (Then followed at-| ‘tacks upon Marlen Pew and a local liberal clergyman active in behalf of the strikers, with sympathetic tsks. tsks from ‘‘Kelly.”) | “Kelly”’—How is your circulation | holding up—and what is your posi- | tion generally? Russell—Well, the circulation is | not so bad. They cut it in the down- | town section and the union sections | mebbe 7,000, mebbe 8,000, mebbe 9,000— (Note: This is circulation audit season, and Russell is not ad- mitting any more than he has to). | But they’ve done a lot of harm} among the advertisers—a lot of | harm, great damage. But, Mr. Kelly, | the greatest damage was with the | news dealers. They got this fellow | Heywood Broun to stir up the news dealers against me, and I had to cut | the rates to them. It’s taken $60,000 | @ year out of my income—I'll never | get that back, never. You know, Mr. | Kelly, that means a million dollars | out of the good will. This thing has already cost me in excess of $50,000 | in operating expense for the two months this damn thing has been | Wails | Reveals Great Losses in| going on, over last year’s same two months. It’s a miracle, an absolute miracle, that I’ve been able to stand this|and you know all about strikes— | for libel? for so long. Now, Mr. Kelly, I'm | not going to cry at the door-step | one thing—those sons of —— are} not coming in here except on an | arbitration order. Some of the | I had here—an auditor—and built pitta slain Once in a Lifetime! ‘It’s Taken $60.000° Out of My Income.” riking Newar k Ledger don’t dare arbitrate. Mr. Kelly, I) said—why it’s the most villainous) Guards To Protect Scabs know that you've had a great deal of experience with labor difficulties T've had some experience too—but you don’t know anything about outfits going. what it is, miners, iron workers, of the things they've done! It’s | thing I’ve ever seen— “Kelly”"—Why don’t you sue them | Russell—My God, I can’t su counsel feels, and my son sa: i There is no labor |do is give them a lot of publicity. | union in the world—I don’t care | Besides, they haven't got a thing on | jearth—not @ cent—most of them | things that have been going on! | building trades unions—that can | look like hoodlums—they’re a lot | They got hold of a financial man | hold a candle to this outfit. Some | of kids— 3 “Kelly"—Well, ir that’s the case | up some black-mailing scheme with | been terrible—yesterday they had perhaps they won't last long. him. He went away with copies of | four noise trucks here—Lord knows | everything I had, tax records, per- aa oo 0 where they got them from. LN d ¢ ih sonal papers, all sorts of office mat- ters, and they got to him and got to 60 or 70 preferred stockholders. They engineered the scheme under cover and got it into court—really! Now, I’m not going to cry at your door-step, but it’s an absolute miracle that I've been able to hold | out; I don’t know where I'll be next | week, Since I’ve been in Newark “Kelly’—Why don’t you get an injunction? Can’t you do something to stop it? Russell—We've taken our medi- cine without getting an injunction because I’m afraid we'll offend the condition to go on. There is no way in the world to continue. The guards cost me twenty dollars a Russell—Don't you believe it ‘They don’t need but ten cents a| SN cS = oa LUCIUS RUSSELL month from their membership—an automatic assessment—that would jkeep them going forever. I hear they even get their noise trucks without paying a cent. “Kelly”—How many of them are |labor unions here. But this is no | ‘here? | Russell—There’s forty-four of them and they pick out the kids, | and tramps, they don’t have to pay I've had too much to do and too | piece, so that the boys can go out | them anything except for a cup of much to worry about to be able to} attend your meetings. Then there’s | dues—say, why did Howard Davis send Marlen Pew’s article here to | Kresge’s department store? given me a great deal of trouble— | that’s the only department store} T've had trouble with. (Here Russell went into background of an old fight with Davis.) | “Kelly’—Mr. Russell, what are | you doing to answer or stop the} publication of. the strikers’ sheets? | and cover their work. We're getting out the paper but it's costing just | double, and it simply can’t go on. “Kelly” (vaguely)—Now, Mr. Rus- It’s | sell, on what Warner talked about— Russell (oreaking in)—er, heh, heh, Mr. Kelly, I had the notion that I’d let Warner take their pub- lications and all the statements they got out, and my statements, and get a bulletin board at the hotel and put it up so that when your people come out January 28, Russell—Oh, you get all those | they'll get a first hand understand- sheets, do you? I’ve offered arbitra- tion from the beginning, but they | ing of this fight and all the things eoffee and a cruller once a day. “Kelly”—Yes, I suppose they live at home with their parents. All | they would need is a few pennies j for their publication, and every- | thing else goes by the board. Now if you would write me a carefully | worded letter— Russell (interrupting)—Mr. Kelly, Ill assume that the A.N.P.A. has | taken a special interest in this case |and kept complete files so that the | officers at least know what's going jon. Now I'll give you an idea what it’s done to me—(hysterically) I | Are Paid $20 | Each ., ry in of your association, but I'll tell you | strikes until you get one of these | fact everyone says, that all I would but that bunch isn’t coming back here without arbitration. And I can't understand why Editor and Publisher sent a man over here to see me and then said no publishers are interested in my fight. “Kelly”—Aren't you getting sup- | port locally at least? I understand | the New York situation, but locally aren't you getting editorial support | and perhaps some space? Russell—You know there is little | love lost among people in our com- petitive fleld and that applies to the |New York group and in my case. |I pay on the dot for every inch of advertising. It’s cost me $15,000 or $18,000 for two months. They're sitting back here enjoying my dis tress. I tell you this thing is going to have to be killed off somewhere, if they win here by force they'll open up in New York next. I know ~I've heard gossip. “Kelly’—Aren’t you getting any \support at all? What have the unions done? Are they active on, either side? Russell—That’s the thing that’s \hit me hardest since this Guild] thing has started, Mr. Kelly. I’ve had more annoyance and harm from that Guild than I’ve had alto- gether in my thirty-five years ex- perience with union labor. | “Kelly"—How are the unions in your shops reacting? | | Russell—Of course, you know a/| }union is a union and a strike is a strike, but I don’t believe I've got | |one man in my shops who wouldn't | cheerfully pull these fellows limb; from limb in some dark alley. I'm bringing my son back from Prince- ton next week. I think he might be| able to help me. . . and I really| can’t afford to keep him there much qi | ‘elly” (soothingly)—Yes, yes, | {I'll look for a letter from you. Russell—I’m really too sick to write it today.... “Kelly”"—All right, write it Mon- day. I don’t know just what I'll be| able to do. The letter needn't be long—just an ice-breaker. .. . $68 Gs + Twenty-four Hours Later “Kelly” (on phone)—Mr. Russell, I called you back about that letter | you said you would write me. You| may ... (business of telling Mr. | Russell to place it where it would | do him the most good). Russell—What's that? understand! | “Kelly” (with great deliberation | and unction)—I said ...I repeat... Russell (hard to believe but true) | ~All right, T'll do that, I'll do that. | I don’t} Pamphlets | HOW TO WIN JOBS, by Leonard | Sparks, issued by Section 1, Com- | munist Party, New York, 2 cents. | ASED on extensive research, this | pamphlet brings before the| masses of New York workers for the first time a vivid picture of the pres- ent housing situation, of the fake government programs, and rosi im- portant of all, a concrete program for mass action. It raises the chal- lenge to every club and neighbor- hood organization to campaign for jobs and houses, After showing that no houses can be built for profits or even on a government “self-liquidating” plan at rents workers can pay, Sparks says: “The only way in which they can have decent apartments under capitalism is to have the houses publicly built and rented at rents Proportional to the income of the workers, the unemployed to live rent-free until after the passage of the Workers’ Unemployment Insur- ance Bill.” Rite, oe ‘HIS pamphlet concretely and cor- rectly answers the question of immediate demands, of transitional slogans between our present capital- ist state and the future Soviet America. It insists that just as mass action won unemployment re- lief in New York in 1930, stopped evictions in 1932-3, and won the restoration of rent checks in 1934, it can now “force some concessions from the capitalists and their gov- ernment” in the way of decent houses and building jobs. This does not mean that workers will be “given” decent houses by their capitalist governments. There are no such illusions in Sparks’ pamphlet. As he cays: “To furnish jobs and good houses | in New York, the housing move- ment must, likewise, be a workers’ movement. It will win what it wants best when it helps produce a workers’ and farmers’ government, but to get anywhere at all, it must be backed by all the workers’ or- ganizations, and must elect real workers, who have no interests but those of the workers, to office. It is the workers, and only the work- ers, who are going to iive in the houses and who need the jobs. So the workers, and only the workers, will really fitht for the houses and | Dutt, |concrete terms, on the basis of his ithe jobs."—R. H.. I've said and all the things they’ve 'don't know where I'll be next week | | Life and Teachings of Lenin The Daily Worker is printing | serially the extremely valuable | and popular booklet by R. Palme | “Life and Teachings of Y. I. Lenin,” published by Inter- national Publishers. De eae CHAPTER III. Teachings of Lenin Vv. IN the same vein Lenin wrote: The transition from capitalism to socialism occupies an entire historical epoch. (“The Prole- tarian Revolution,” Ch, IIT.) More explicitly Lenin wrote: The socialist revolution cannot take place in any other form than that of an epoch, uniting the civil war of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie in the leading coun- tries with a whole series of dem- ocratic, revolutionary and na- tional - emancipatory movements in the undeveloped, backward and 0) countries. Why is this? It is because capitalism develops unequally. (“On a Caricature of Marxism and Imperialist Econo- mism,” 1916.) Here Lenin brings out his key thought for the character and de- velopment of the world revolution. What Marx had described in general terms of “fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars,” Lenin is able to describe in analysis of imperialism. The process of the world revolu- tion is directly connected with the law of the unequal development of capitalism. In place of the old con- ception, common among the Second International distorters, of Marx- ism, of a separate mechanical evolu- tion of each country, as if in isola- tion, through the stages of capital- ism and large-scale capitalism to socialism (leading to a constant bowing to capitalism in the name of “Marxism”), the world frame- work of capitalism is seen as a whole, with the bursting points of IMPERIALISM has drawn whole world closely into a single a THE center of Lenin’s teaching | contradiction “the weakest links in| By R. PALME DUTT the chain,” where the revolution begins. ew ore the complex, no longer merely in the sense of the old bare uniformity of | the world market, but in a whole series of stages of dependence and servitude, colonial countries, debtor countries, defeated countries, etc., reaching up in a pyramid to the final handful of financial oligar- chies at the top, who are in turn at war among themselves and in constantly changing relations of strength. It is manifest that the struggle for liberation here can only be correctly understood as a single struggle and not in artificial compartments. the contradictions of capitalism reach their highest point in the conditions of imperialism: first, the struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie in the leading im- perialist countries; second, the struggle of the colonial peoples for liberation from the imperialist yoke; | third, the conflict of the imperialist | powers among themselves; and fourth—in the post-War stage— the conflict of imperialism against the new rising workers’ power, the Soviet Union. Through the com- bined development of all these con- flicts the world revolution devel- | ops. “Imperialism,” said Lenin, “is the eve of the socialist revo- lution.” Just as the proletariat in each country leads the struggle of all the exploited masses, so.on the world scale the international pro- letariat leads the struggle of the colonial peoples for liberation f-om imperialism. It is the alliance of the proletariat in the leading im- perialist countries and of the colo- nial masses fighting for liberation that is able to lead to the succ2ss- ful overthrow of imperialism. This develops as a process over many years, of separate struggles in dif- | ferent parts of the world, of im- perialis’, wars and civil wars, of vic- tories and defeats, to the growing Ny extension of the base of the socialist | Tevolution, and final victory of the world sevolution. | The Dictatorship of the Proletariat is the understanding of the task lurgent task of the present stage, the practical expression of this is | the dictatorship of the proletariat. Once again the theoretical for- mulation by Marx of the dictator- ship of the proletariat as the nec- essary form of the transition to so- cialism, and as the essence of his revolutionary teachings, repeated by him in his writings from beginning to end, is brought to concrete realization and new living actuality by Lenin. The teachings of Marx and Engels tariat became overlaid and forgot- ten after their death by the leaders of the Second International, who became soaked in bourgeois par- liamentarism. Marx and Engels had taught the workers to use the forms of parliamentarism and universal | suffrage solely in order to organize the forces of the working class for the inevitable final struggle, which could only take the form of civil International began to see the sham parliamentary forms as the realities of power, and to preach |the anti-Marxist doctrine of the possibility of “pure democracy” within capitalism and of the “con- quest of power” by the proletariat | through bourgeois parliaments. fe amy Ce 'HE state, Marx had taught, is only “the executive committee of the ruling class.” Under capitalism the dictatorship. The only alternative is the dictatorship of the prole- tartat. In capitalist society there can be no middle course between the | capitalist dictatorship and the | proletarian dictatorship. Any | dream of 2 th'rd course is merely the reactionary lament ef the low- er middle class. (“Bourgecis Dem- ocracy and the Dictatorship of the Proietariat.”) of the world revolution as the | eo the dictatorship of the prole- | war. But the leaders of the Second | state is the organ of the capitalist | Tuning In Corliss Lamont, noted lecturer, author and world traveler, will speak on “The Student and the Soviet Union” on Wednes- day, Jan. 30, from 4:00 to 4:15 P. M.,| E.S.T., over WABC and the Columbia net- | | work. Lamont recently returned from a| ix-month visit to Russia, where he studied Soviet education in its relation to the government. | You're a fine fellow. Good day! . eee. 7:00 P. M.-WEAF—Three Scamps, Songs WOR—Sports Resume—Stan Lomax Wsz—Amos 'n’ Andy—Sketch WABC—Myrt and Marge—Sketch 7:18-WEAF—Jack Smith, Songs WOR—Lum and Abner—Sketch WJZ—Morton Downey, Tenor; Sin-| atra Orch.; Guy Bates Post, Nar- rator WABC—Just Plain Bill—Sketch 1:30-WEAF—Taxation for Prosperity — Colonel Willard Chevalier, Vice- President McGraw-Hill Publishing Company; Harold §. Buttenheim, | Editor, American City Magazine | WOR—The Street Singer WJZ—Edgar Guest, Poet; Charles} Sears, Tenor; Concert Orchestra | WABC—Trolleys and Buses—Mayor La Guardia 7:45-WEAF—Vaughn De Leath, Songs WOR—Comedy and Music WABC—Boake Carter, Commentator 8:00-WEAF—Reisman Orchestra; Phil Baritone ‘WOR-—Borrah Minevitch Harmonica ; Henry Burbig, Comedy | WJZ—Intermission for Murder— | Sketch | WABC—Concert Orch.; Frank Munn, | Tenor; Hazel Glenn, Soprano || | 9:30-WEAF—Wayne King Orchestra WOR—Variety Musicale WJz-—Lawrence Tibbett, Baritone; John B. Kennedy, Narrator WABC—Lyman Orchestra; Vivienne | Segal, Soprano; O. Smith, Tenor | 9:00-WEAF—Ben Bernie Orchestra; Movie | | Stars of Silent Film Days ‘WOR—Hillbilly Music ‘WJZ—Grace Moore, Soprano WABC—Bing Crosby. Songs; Orchestra; Mills Brothet 9:30-WEAF—Ed Wynn, Comedia: Orchestra | WOR—Dark Ench: WIZ- dian Ci WAI fones Orchestra; Claire, Songs | 10:00-WEAF—Operetta—The Desert Song, with Gladys Swarthout, Soprano; John Barclay, and Others WOR—Sid Gary, Baritone WJZ—Problems ‘of the Hour—Bain- ridge Colby, Attorney, at Meeting of the American Coalition of Patri- otic Civic and Fraternal Socteties, Washington ‘WABC—Gray Orchestra; Annette Hanshaw, Songs; Walter O'Keefe 10:15-WOR—Current Events—H. E. Read 10:30-WOR—Wallenstein Sinfonietta WdZ—Tim and Irene, Comedy WABC—Emery Nevtech Wie's Stoll Songs Duchin {Sketch Bernice WJZ—Lyman Orchestra WABC—Haymes Orchestra 11:15-WEAF—Robert Royce, Teor WOR—Moonbeams Trio 11:30-WEAF—Dance Music 4 WOR, WJZ, WMCA, WEVD) (Also WABC, + Questions and Answers This department appears daily on the feature page. All questions should be addressed to “Ques- tions and Answers,” c/o Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York City. Question: What would the Communists do when they set up a worke: and farmers’ government. in this country? Steel worker. Answer: The necessary first step for the revolue tionary solution of the crisis is the setting up of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the destruce tion of every form and institution of the rule of the capitalists. The rev tionary workers’ government would seize the ind s and other economic in- stitutions now held by the capitalists and make them the common property of the toilers. The warehouses which are kept locked by the capitalist class would immediately be opened up to the people. Factories would begin turning out goods for the needy masses. Unused buildings and big apartments would be opened for the use of the | working people. Unemployment and social insurance would immediately be provided for all who work by hand and brain. The whole economy of the coun- try would be geared to raising the living standards of everyone. There would be no exvioitation by the private owners of the means of production. The revolutionary workers’ government would end the anarchy and lack of planning that charac- terize capitalist production. Socialist economic plan= ning would comple reorganize the productive forces of the country. The almost inexhaustible resources of the nation would be utilized for the benefit of the toilers, and not for a parasitic few. From the very beginning the productive output would be greatly increased and every necessity of life would be provided for the entire population In a few years as the result of socialist planning, the entire industrial plant of the country would be reconstructed so as to provide an endless supply of goods and comforts for everyone. With living standards rising sharply, with a constantly expand- ing economy, there would be no unemployment, hours of work would be reduced to two or three a day, and a life rich in culture would be available to everybody There is not enough space here to deal with all the things that a workers’ government would do. For further details read the Manifesto of the Eighth National Convention of the Communist Party of the United States. It is important to emphasize that to achieve a Socialist society, we must fight every day agains reduced living standards, against every attempt of the capitalists to foist the crisis still more upon the backs of the workers. It is around the struggle for bread and against war and fascism | that the Communist Party is organizing the masses for the overthrow of capitalism—the necessary first step towards building a society in which there will be neither exploitation nor oppression of man by man, Literature to the Masses Reaching the Millions THE tone of the recent Ceniral Committee Plenum, and the tasks which this Plenum set can be summed up in the slogan, REACHING THE MIL- | LIONS. Our press and our literature are the major means toward this end. The Literature Commission of the Central Com- mittee has laid out such a large program for mass pamphlet distribution as has not yet been seen in this country. The main point in this program, how- ever, is developing our apparatus and methods of work for getting these huge editions into the hands of the American masses, REACHING THE MIL- LIONS with these pamphlets and influencing these millions in the struggle against capitalism, to strug- gle for the establishment of Soviet Power in the United States. The successful distribution of al- most the entire edition of 100,000 copies of Stalin’s “Foundations of Leninism” in a three month's period is an indication of our ability to carry out such a task, once we set about it, Program Mapped Out Concretely, our program is as follows: 1, An edition of 250,000 copies of “Why Com- munism” by M. J. Olgin, to sell for 5 cents a copy. This will appear within a month in a revised edi- tien, including up-to-date material on our trade union work, the Labor Party question, etc. 2. An edition of 100,000 copies of the “Com- munist Manifesto” for 5 cents, also to be published within a month. 3. A series of low-priced pamphlets on the various fascist and semi-fascist movements spring- ing up all over the country under the leadership of suc. demagogues as Huey Long, Father Cough- lin, Upton Sinclair, the Utopians, the Progressives in Wisconsin, the Farmer-Labor Party in Minne- sota, ete, 4. A series of low-priced pamphlets dealing with Soviet Power, each pamphlet to show con- eretely what Soviet Power in the United States will bring to a particular strata of the American toilers. There will be pamphlets in this series for steel workers, miners, farmers, women, youth and others. 5. Following up on Stalin’s “Foundations of Leninism,” another well-known book, a Leninist classic, will be published in an edition of 100,000 copies for 10 cents. The title will be announced later. What to Do About It The carrying out of this program is going to tax the initiative, che energy, the imagination, the Bolshevik will of our whole Party. We must meet this test, we must prepare ourselves, In the dis- tricts, sections, and units the following steps should be taken: 1. Discuss this publishing program in the light of the slogan, REACHING THE MILLIONS. 2. Draw up your plan at once to bring the lit- eratur to the workers in the shops, factories, farms, trade unions and other mass organizations, and | neighborhood where you are carrying on work, The plan should include such points as (a) setting @ quota for your district, section or unit; (b) estab- lishing a network of literature agents in each section, unit and mass organization, and literature com- mittees in districts, sections, and larger organiza- tions; (c) developing such methods of work whereby every Party member and revolutionary worker carries on literature distribution as a basic part of all his every-day work among the masses; (d) seeing to it that literature is popularized and sold at all indoor and street meetings and affairs through speakers and comrades especially assigned. 3. Send copies of your plan to your higher Party < mmittee and to the Literature Commission, P, O. Box 87, Sta., D, New York City. 4. Challerge another unit, section or district te revolutionary competition in this campaign, i { : ' 1