The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 26, 1935, Page 5

immediate Tas tole To Be Played By the Communists? in Building the Trade Unions and Leading Mass Struggles (rutopted By the C. C. Plenum, Jan. 15 to 18, 1935) Profound changes have taken place in the U. S. A. Im the recent period. The transition of the crisis into @ depression of a special kind, lasting already two years, Aid not bring prospects of an upsurge in the economy pf the country. Instability and lack of assurance in tthe morrow remain the dominating features of the en- tire economic life in the U. 8. A. The New Deal policy and the N. R. A. in the conditions of depression helped American capitalism to pass through the difficult period of 1933. But, at the same time, it aided to a certain extent to let loose those economic and political tenden- cies of capitalism which are growing out of the entire development of the crisis and the depression and the intensification of the general crisis of capitalism (the acceleration of the concentration of capital in the hands of monopolist corporations which are conducting a@ still harsher policy towards the masses, the strengthening of fascist tendencies, etc.). At the same time, there is a leftward swing of the working class and an upsurge of a mass strike movement—with the still weak de- velopment of the class consciousness and organization of the masses—the growth of the workers’ organizations, especiallysthe A. F, L. unions, the strengthening of the desire of the masses for the united front and for a big consolidation of their ranks, the growth of senti- ments in favor of a mass Labor Party, with the simul- taneous increase in the activity of the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois elements towards the formation of a third bourgeois party and increased activity of social reformism. The influence of the C. P, grew, its work has im- proved, the Party organizations have been strength- ened, but the Party did not yet overcome serious shortcomings in the trade union work, in its participa- tion in the strike movement, in the work of the lower Party organizations among the broad masses of workers and toilers. All this in its entirety very strongly em- phasizes the necessity of organizationally and politically strengthening the Party in every possible way, of over- coming the weaknesses of its work, of recruiting new workers into its ranks, overcoming the excessive fluctua- tion, of increasing and improving the Party press, of developing a wide propaganda of the tactics and pro- gram of the Party, of strengthening its independent leading role in all the struggles of the working class and all the toilers of the U. S. A. With these aims in view, the Party must lay down its tasks on three most important questions — the trade union question, the ‘united front, and the question of the possible formation of a mass Labor Party. 1. The Trade Union Question | The influx of hundreds of thousands of new workers from basic industries and mass production plants into the A. F. L. unions, and the growing radicalization of the main mass of its membership, make the A. F. L. unions more militant and mass unions in character, opening up new and greater possibilities of revolution- ary mass work within them. 1) In view of this, tHe main task of the Party in the sphere of trade union work should be the work in the A. F. of L. unions so as to energetically and tire- lessly mobilize the masses of their members and the trade unions as a whole for the defense of the every day interests of the workers, the leadership of strikes, carrying out the policy of the class struggle in the trade unions, It is necessary for the Party, overcoming the resistance of the trade union burocracy and sectarian remnants in the ranks of the Party. and adherents of the revolutionary trade union movement, to achieve, by all means, real work in the unions of the A. F. L. The Communists and other advanced workers must develop a wide strike movement, fighting on the basis of trade union democracy for the leadership. of the struggle, in spite of the sabotage and the treachery of the trade union burocrats, for the demands of the work- ers, for the recognition of the trade unions, against wage cuts and for higher wages, especially in view of the rise of prices, for the reduction of the working day without @ reduction in earnings, for social insurance, unemployment relief, etc. 2) The Party must take the initiative in the struggle for the unity of the trade unions, for their industrial structure, the organization of the unorganized and amal- gamation on the basis of trade union democracy, the autonomy of individual trade unions in their internal affairs within the framework of general affiliation to the A. F. of L., simultaneously struggling to destroy the policy of company unionism, 3) The Party fractions must win the revolutionary unions for a struggle for trade union unity by methods which correspond to the concrete conditions in each industry, The existing revolutionary trade unions and their locals join the A. F. of L. or its unions wherever there exist parallel mass A. F. of L. trade unions, or the Red Trade Unions can join the A. F. of L. ditectly, The form of such fusion depends upon the relationship of forces between the revolutionary trade union and the A. F. of L, union. However, in all conditions, the revo- lutionary unions and their branches, collectively deciding their action, should attempt to join the A. F. of L, unions as organized units, not weakening their mass work, but, on the contrary, utilizing their entrance into the A. F. of L. a8 a means of more widely mobilizing the working masses around the revolutionary leadership, organizing and distributing their forces so as to have the possibility of exercising a maximum amount of influence on the work of the A. F. of L. unions. In those cases when collective joining is not possible, mem- ‘ers of the Red Unions should join the unions of the ‘> * of L. individually. When adopting a decision for any particular Red trade union to enter the A. F. of L. or for a Red trade union to fuse with some A. F. of L. union, it is necessary to carry on advance serious ex- RESOLUTION ADOPTED AT CENTRA Sf members of the Red trade union will understand the necessity for such a political step, so that after fusion there will be an increase in the revolutionary activity of the members of the Red union in the A. F. of L. union. 4) Only those revolutionary unions, whose entrance into the A, F .of L. at the present time is impossible in practice, will temporarily continue to exist indepen- dently, extending their mass basis, energetically recruit- ing new workers, at the same time, they should carry out the united front with the A. F. of L. unions and the independent unions, struggling consistently for trade union unity and their entrance into the A. F. of L., and helping in the genera] strengthening of the position of the revolutionary trade union movement. For Trade Union Unity When raising as the chief task the work in the trade unions of the A. F. of L., at the same time Communists must not to any extent weaken the work in the independent unions, as was pointed out in pre- vious decisions. However, in view of the changing con- ditions of trade union work, which demand that the center of the work be transferred to the A. F. of L, it is now inadvisable to put the question of forming an Independent Federation of Labor. Inside independent trade unions, Communists, taking into consideration specific conditions, in each case, should carry out the same tactic of struggle for trade union unity and affili- ation to the A. F. of L. 5) The tone used in the press with regard to the A. F. of L. must be changed, criticizing and exposing the reactionary leaders of the A. F. of L. in a manner convincing for the rank and file, but treating the A. F. of L. locals and unions as mass workers’ organizations in which we are carrying on a struggle for winning the masses to the revolutionary struggle, drawing in all honest functionaries, fighting for our influence, for winning the trade union posts, and being ready to take on ourselves responsibility for their work. 6) It is necessary to give the maximum amount of attention to the correct organization of the work of the fractions in the trade unions, taking into account that, in connection with the transfer of the chief atten- tion to work in the A. F. of L., the work of the Com- munist fraction becomes of decisive importance for ensuring the correct work of all the Communists in the trade union movement and in carrying out the Party line. Without strong and well organized fractions, the Communist Party cannot carry out the necessary flexible tactic and carry out its revolutionary line. Carrying out decisions through fractions, the Party organizations must act through convincing the mem- bers of the Party who work in the trade unions, by means of help and example, thus forming and strength- ening internal discipline. Everyday leadership on the chief questions of the work of our fractions In the trade unions, especially in respect to strike leadership, must be concentrated directly in the C.C. at the center and in the appropriate Party committees in the localities. Must Lead Work For a correct approach to the work in the A. F. of L., it is necessary from the very outset to come out against the limitation of the tasks of this work to the creation of a “Minority Movement,” or “Opposition” being limited to the most militant elements that are close to the Communists, and not striving to become a real trade union force winning the trade unions, their locals, various elected posts in the trade union organs, etc, In order to be a leading force for all the discontented workers who are swinging to the left, in order to be a mass force, the Communists, fighting for the interests of the workers, strengthening their class positions in the A. F. of L., and in afi the trade unions, increasing the offensive on the bureaucracy, must work like real trade unionists, looking after the affairs of their union, seeing to its strengthening and widening, fighting for every elective post in the trade unions, for whole trade union organs in the trade unions and whole unions, actively participating in the trainfng of new cadres of revolu- tionary trade unionists. In energetically carrying out this reorganization of the work of the Party in the trade unions, which has partially already been started, it is necessary to carefully explain inside the Party the tasks of the reorganization. of trade union work, avoiding taking steps without preparation, which can only hinder matters, | 2. The United Front | The movement for the united front is expressed im the growth of the influence of the Communist Party among the workers, in the striving of the workers to carry out joint activity, overcoming craft and other barriers (the movement for general strikes) in the rebuff to Green’s letter on the expulsion of Communists by the A. F, of L. locals, in the attraction of the local organizations of the Socialist Party into the united front movement, in the wide movement of the united front against fascism and war. While overcoming its shortcomings in conducting the tactics of the united front, a sectarian and formal approach to the question of a united front and also opportunist mistakes, the Party must insistently continue the campaign for the united front, placing the struggle for the united front at the basis of all its mass policy, 1) First of all, the Party must explain in its own ranks the significance of the united front in the con- dition of the U.S.A. The efforts of the Socialist Party to base itself on the trade unions and on the move- ment for a Labor Party shows that social reformism is trying to create a broad mass proletarian basis for itself, fusing itself even more completely with the lead- ers of the reformist trade unions of the A. F. of L. ‘Therefore, a most important peculiarity of the struggle against social reformism and the problem of the united front in the U.S.A. is the fact that the development of the united front now rests primarily on the capable and energetic work of the Communists in the A, F. of L. unions. This should be done on the grounds of the defense of the general class interesis and immediate needs of the working masses, on the winning of posi- tions in the A. F. of L. unions by the Communists, in order to win the confidence of ihe membership of the A. F. of L. by exemplary participation in the current work of the union, as well as im the sttike movement, planatory work among the trade union masses, so that * 80 that the masses of A. F. of L. members support the 1 CO On Establishing a Firm United Front of the American Toilers-in the Struggle Against Capitalism policy of the class struggle and look upon the Commu- nist Party as their own Party. 2) A most important condition for the successful and correct carrying out of the united front in face of the fact that the idea of an independent proletarian party 1s very poorly developed among the workers, is the explanation of the role of the Party, its tactics and principles. But it is necessary to have in mind that the working masses will only understand the leading role of the Party and accept the Party leadership when they see by experience that the Party is leading them to suceesses in the struggle against capital. 3) A very serious obstacle on the path of the organi- zation of a wide fighting united front of the working class by the Party consists of the still strong sectarian features in the work of the Party. This sectarianism cannot be eliminated merely by an ideological campaign nor by the correcting of various isolated mistakes in the press or in practical work. In order to eliminate sec- tarianism, to come out on to the broad political arena, putting before the masses all the questions of the American labor movement, win influence in the big mass organizations of the American proletariat, and draw into the Party the basic strata of the American workers, the DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JANUARY 2, 1935 MITTEE MEE’ | | >, JAN. 15 TO 18, 1935 and the position of the Rights, it is nece: y to point out both its shortcomings and the fact that, on the whole, it is a compromise reformis’ platform d front is only The successful operation of the unit t question possible if the position of the P: and the experience of conducting systematically explained in the Party press. | 3. The Labor Party _—_——_———$ $$ The political changes which have taken place among the mas ud that the C. P. should re- view its attitude towards the reviving mass sentiments in favor of @ Labor Party and in respect to such a Party if it should be formed on a mass scale. The correct approach to this question was formulated, on the whole, by the Sixth World Congress in 1928, in the following form: “On the question of the organizing of a Labor Party, the Congress resolves: That the Party concen- trate its attention on the work in the trade unions, on organizing the unorganized, etc., and in this way lay the basis for the practical realization of the slo- gan of a broad Labor Party organized from below.” Since 1929, until now, this correct orientation has necessitated unqualified opposition by the Party to the current proposals to orgamize a Labor Party which, in UNEMPLOYED DEMONSTRATION Scene of an unemployment demonstration in front of the New York City Hall, Party should earnestly and energetically, from top to bottom, carry into life the tasks put by this resolution, and representing concrete proposals to aid the Party to realize the turn to mass work and to overcome the rem- nants of sectarianism. 4) An immediate pracfical task of the Party is the further development of the united front with the local organizations of the 8. P., continuing to make united front proposals to the national leaders. The Party press and the Party agitators must bring forward more con- | vineing arguments in the polemic against the policy and leaders of the S. P., avoiding the replacement of argu- ments by abuse, This requires an increase of a con- vineing struggle of principles against social-reformism in the press, strengthening the agitation and propa- ganda, while maintaining a comradely attitude to the reformist workers, with the most patient analysis of their arguments and mistakes, In the approach to the various groupings in the S. P., the Party must direct particularly strong and in- tensive fire against the Right Wing of the Socialist Party, exposing its cynically conciliatory policy towards the bourgeoisie and the A. F. of L. bureaucrats, appeal- ing to the indignation of the proletarian rank and file of the S. P. against the leaders. At the same time, an extremely intensive struggle must be carried on against the middle trend represented by Thomas, the ideological leader of the S. P., pointing out its capitulation to the Right Wing, its practical ineapability of carrying on a policy differing in essence from the Right Wing, strengthening the position of the Right Wing in the Party. In respect to the Left tendency, we should carry on more explanatory work in relation to the proletarian elements, pointing out their mistakes, inconsistency and half-heartedness, both of principles and in respect to the double nature of their position in the Party—on the one hand Left declarations, and on the other hand, the Right policy of the Patty as a whole, for which the Left tendency bears responsibility and, in essence, carries it out in practice, at any rate in some cases. In relation to the leading elements of the Left current, it Is neces- sary to carry on such a policy that the working masses, on the basis of their relations to the important current ‘questions of the class struggle, will be able to see the in- sincerity of those who only play at being Left in order to deceive the masses, at the same time drawing more closely into joint work all sincere functionaries. The Party organizations must get into contact with the Left groups, especially in important states like Illinois, Michi- gan, Wisconsin, where a large majority of the votes at the referendum were cast for the Detroit Declaration. Every possible encouragerhent should be given to the group which supports the united front, as well as to all sincere supporters of the united front. In respect to the Declaration itself, while recognizing it as a step to the Left In comparison with the former position of the 8. P. | this period, could only have been an appendage to the existing bourgeois parties, However, the events in 1934 are beginning to place this question in a new light. The mass disintegration of the traditional party system has begun, and a new mass party may come forward in the near future, Four Different Types As for the nature of the new mass party, the great- est probabilities reflecting the two chief political ten- dencies of this movement—the class struggle or class collaboration—are: (a) a “Popula’ or “progressive” party based on the LaFollette, Sinclair, Olson and Long movements, and typified by these leaders and their pro- grams; (b) a “Farmer-Labor” or “Labor” Party of the same character, differing only in name and the degree of its demagogy; (c) a “Labor Party” with a predomi- immediate demands (possibly with vague demagogy about the “co-operative commonwealth,” a la Olson), dominated by a section of the trade union bureaucraty, assisted by the Socialist Party and excluding the Com- munists; (d) a Labor Party built up from below on a trade union basis but in conflict with the bureaucracy, putting forward a program of demands closely con- nected with mass struggles, strikes, etc, with fhe lead- ing role played by the militant elements, including the Communists. These variations can develop also parallel or in combination. The major task of the Communist Party is to build and strengthen its own direct influence, to increase the number of its members, and in every way to strengthen the authority of the Party among the masses, to struggle for its principles and tactics. For the very reason that life itself raises the question of the Labor Party, we must strengthen our Party as the only real independent proletarian Party which cannot be replaced by any other organization in the struggle of the working class for its liberation. The Party cannot expect, however, that it will be able to bring directly and immediately under its own banner the millions who are breaking away from the old parties. At the same time, it cannot remain in- different or passive to the further development of these millions nor toward the ‘organized form which their political activity will take. 1) In these changed conditions, the Communist Party must change its negative position toward the Labor Party question. It should declare its support for the movement of a Labor Party and fight in this movement for the policy of the class struggle, resisting all attempts to bring the movement under the control of social re- formism. It must ally itself with all elements that are ready to work loyally toward a similar aim. The Com- munist Party must carry on a systematic struggle against all attempts to direct this movement along the channel of a “popular” or “progressive” party or along the lines of a Party of the same character, masquer- ading as a “Labor” Party. This is also a practical basis 1 Win a Free Trip to the Soviet Union? for the struggle against bureaucratic control of the mass movement from above by the Right reformists who nantly trade union basis, with a program cofisisting of ENTER THE DAIL SUBSCRIPTION CONTEST ks of Communist Party, Units and Members *The Attitude of the Communist Party | On Building a Mass Labor Party of Workers in the U.S.A. want to expel the Comamamiets and Pa revolutionary rank and file members of the organization, For Clear Differentiation effort of every must be to bring & two camps which are ct the mass movement into various chane made jation these e one hand, that of a moderate, liberal and eformist opposition m ing class collaboration and the subor | dination of the workers to the interests of capi of profits private property, and, on the other nd of an essentia Tevol mary mass | struggle for lr immediate demands which go beyond the ts of the interests of capital. In this struggle for differentiation, care must be taken to avoid all sectarian narrowness, which would only play into the hands af the reformists. This means, first of all, that the basis of gathering together of the working class must be the immed: ie demands with the broadest mass appeal, not allowing the reformist leaders to split the masses by speculating on the fact that a part of the workers ac- cept the program the class struggle up to and ine cluding the dictatership of the proletariat, while another part supports the policy of class struggle only for the partial demands of the workers, but are not yet ready to go farther on this path. 2. In this situation, the simple slogan “for a Labor Party,” which expresses such conflicting tendencies, of itself is not suffickent to be an effective banner under which the class forces of the workers can be rallied. The Communists enter the movement for the Labor Party only with the purpose of helping the masses to break away from the bourgeois and social-reformist parties and to find the path to the revolutionary class struggle. All premature organizational moves should be care- fully avoided. The Communist Party not now take the initiative in the organization of a Labor Party 1 must on a national scale. But in the various states this prob- lem will present itself in various ways according to the relationship of forces. situation carefully in each case and the tempo of devele It will be necessary to study the opment, adjusting our practical position and tactics in accordance with these differences. In those states and localities where the conditions have matured for the formation of a mass Labor Party, the Party then should itself, or through people and organizations close to the Communist Party, take the initiative in giving organizaional form to this movement. The Party should take into consideration that the movement for a Labor Party will only then serve as a weapon for the unfold- ing of the class struggle of the proletariat and facilitate its liberation from the influence of reformism, when, from the very outset, our Party will play an active role and show initiative, and by working energetically in the A. F. of L., will win important positions and will achieve Successes in the organization of the united front with socialist and reformist workers, It is also in this man- ner that our Party will be in a position to seriously exercise its revolutionary influence on the broad masses, participating in the movement for a Labor Party and winning them for a real revolutionary policy, Must Be Independent Force The struggle for the political leqdership of the masses who are now breaking away from the Democratic and Republican Parties depends at all its stages on the con- stant growth and strengthening of the Communist Party as an independent revolutionary force for which pur- pose it is necessary to popularize the Party program to ever broader masses, The chief means to this aim is the bold and energetic development of our work for the united front in all spheres, but above all in the trade unions, especially those affiliated to the A. F. of Ly The results of the elections showed that Roosevelt's influence upon the masses, while weakened and even shaken to some extent, still remains predominant. The Communist Party has insufficiently utilized the oppore tunities to politically enlighten the masses who are dis- illusioned in the “New Deal.” Bourgeois reformists of the type of Sinclair, the Progressives with LaFollette, the Farmer-Labor Party with Olson, ete. were able to draw in their wake the great majority of those who broke with Roosevelt and the Republicans. This brings forward the necessity of improving and strengthening the political agitation of the Party and more con- vincingly and firmly exposing Roosevelt's policies, his bourgeois fellow-travellers and opponents from the Left. While conducting an intense campaign against the ex- treme right fascist and semi-fascist representatives of finance capital, the Republican Party, the American Liberty League, etc., it is necessary to show the class kinship of Roosevelt's policy with the policy of his op- | ponents from the right, explaining to the masses that Roosevelt with the New Deal and N.R.A. policy does not embarrass or hinder the carrying out of the policy of finance capital, of Wall Street, but, on the contrary, resorting to more skillful methods, rather makes easier the carrying cut of this policy. Only the class struggle against the entire policy of the bourgeoisie can defend the interests of the masses and crush the plans of finance capital and fascism, | In order to strengthen the work of the Party, it is | necessary to further improve the Daily Worker, which has achieved a number of successes. The political agita- tion in the paper, and the propaganda of the tactics and principles of the Party, must be improved, strength- ening by every means the struggle against social-re- formism. At the present stage of development, the Party and the paper must most urgently be given more of a mass character, both as to contents and form, so as to make it reach hundreds of thousands of readers. The Party must further develop its publishing ac» tivity, improving its propagandist work, and greatly ine creasing the issue of propagandist literature. Work must be intensified on the training of cadres for the Party. The system of instructors, which has justified itself in practice as an effective form of closer contacts and help for the lower Party organizations by the leading bodies, must be extended and improved on the basis of the use of experience. Simultaneously, the initiative of the lower Party organizations must be | developed in every way, giving them leadership mora on the basis of conviction, examples and assistance, © WORKER