The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 23, 1935, Page 3

reerenemeneeee re: ee | | | j DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 23, 1935 Page 3 20,000 HAIL MEMORY OF LENIN AT NEW YORK MEETING i /- Bi. »' | the direct attack, they furnished | the arm that struck down one of | the leaders of the Socialist Father- | land.” > d 0 0 0 I N | O PA R | Y sl Pointing to Lenin's great role as | the liberator of all oppressed, Brow- 9 9 | der proclaimed that a major task > | of the revolutionary movement is to | fight for equal rights for women, youth, and for the smashing of the | ae od poisonous system of jim-crowism | s “ Bs by and degradation of the Negro Browder Points to Lenin’s Role in the Drafting pen. 7 J ; Victories of Soviet Union of the Workers Unemployment, Old Age and | Contrantiiig otha cateadiiy? sisi | living standards of the masses in the Soviet Union with the ever- deepening misery of the toilers in ORE than twenty thousand people filled the immense| capitalist countries, Browder de- | 5 * clared: Madison Square Garden Monday night to honor the|" «These ‘pie Shctettd (ak thee memory of Vladimir Ilyitch Lenin, revolutionary leader of| Russian workers and farmers un- the working class, to pledge an unceasing fight for the de-| det the leadership of Stalin and Social Insurance Bill, H.R. 2827 | viet Union; now they passed over to |} fense of the Socialist triumphs of the Soviet Union bein achieved under the leadership of ¢ Stalin, and to beat back all, the attacks of assassins and coun- ter-revolutionaries of whatever stripe or kind. Several thousand could not gain admittance into the packed hall, Honor Kirov’s Memory The memory of Sergei Kirov, be- loved Bolshevik leader recently mur- dered by degenerate Trotskyite- Zinoviev elements, was honored by | the assembled twenty thousand who unanimously adopted a pledge of unity with the sorrow and hatred of the Soviet toilers against the as- sassins, | Opened at exactly 8 o’clock in the} evening, by the chairman, Charles | Krumbein, organizer of the N. Y.) district, the meeting moved quickly and efficiently forward through al series of pageants by the Workers | Laboratory Theatre, recitations from | Lenin’s works, choral and band numbers by the Freiheit Singing | Society and International Workers | Order Band, to the speeches of the | two speakers of the evening, James | 'W. Ford, Negro Communist leader, | and Earl Browder, general secretary | ef the Communist Party. 2,000 Inducted Into C. P. A particularly impressive sight which thrilled the entire audience to the spontaneous singing of the revolutionary song, the “Interna- tionale” was the induction of two thousand new members into the| Communist Party after repeating | the pledge given by Browder. | Greeted by an audience that rose and cheered him. Browder stirred the audience to frequent applause and enthusiasm. | “Lenin lives on in the daily life of the workers of every land,” Browder exclaimed: “It is interest- ing and educational to remind our- | selves at this moment of Lenin’s| part in a particular struggle which | engages millions of American work- | ers, namely, the fight for unem- | ployment insurance, for. the Work- ers Unemployment Insurance Bill, H, R. 2827, now before Congress in| Washington. Our enemies use as| z awakened us to the enormous po- tentialities of the native Amezican revolutionary traditions, to which we are the unchallenged heirs, but which we have so long neglected.” Pausing for a moment, Browder was greeted by a storm of applause when he continued, “Perhaps they will further help us popularize the fact that the Workers’ Bill in all its essential principles, is taken di- rectly from a document written by Lenin at the Prague 1912 Conference of the Bolshevik Party!” Blow Aimed at Workers Reviewing the triumphs of So- cialist construction begun by Lenin and continued under the guidance and leadership of Stalin, Lenin's worthy successor, Browder spoke of the recent murder of Kirov, Stalin’s close friend and comrade-in-arms. The immense gathering was pro- | foundly stirred as Browder con- tinued, “We are surrounded by powerful and unscrupulous enemies. Who can forget how these enemies always and everywhere have re- sorted even to assassination to de- feat, the working class?” “Who can forget,” Browder ex- claimed, “that Lenin himself finally died from the effects of an assas- | sin’s bullet from which he had only | partially recovered’? Turning to the Kirov murder, | Browder continued, “It is very im- portant that we gain a deep under- standing of the meaning in this historic light of the most recent murder-blow of our enemies. . . . A central purpose of this murder was to cover up the tremendous achieve- ments of the Soviet Union, which had just been announced at the Plenum of the All-Russian Party. Its meaning is that it was the des- perate act of defeated and crushed | counter-revolutionists. The Counter-Revolutionists The thousands of workers voiced their hatred and Browder branded counter-revolu- tionary Trotkyism, declaring, “What enemy ‘was it that reached the goal, and struck down the comrade standing next to Comrade Stalin? It was precisely these remnants of indignation as | an argument against the bill that it the Trotky-Linoviev opposition in Was drawn up by the Communist the party, remnants which remained Party. | hidden, which in the open had sur- “It was,” Browder stated, Lenin's jrendered and had come back to Letter to the American Workers’ which played the central role in be- gining the decisive break with the| ganizations, spreading every lie, diseases of sectarianism which had slander, rumors against the Party s0 long cursed the revolutionary | and its leadership, furnishing the movement. It was Lenin who gave| White Guard and imperialist press Us our drive toward the masses who | with all its malicious ammunition.” alone, with Leninist leadership, can| “They had long been the weapon- build socialism. It was Lenin who! makers for the enemies of the So- the Party, but in secret maintained their line, their conspiratorial or- Earl Browder says: + . + an essential part of the history of our times.” a! HUNGER REVOLT: Cartoens by BURCK A pictorial history of the world crisis, as revealed in the power- ful drawings of one of America’s outstanding revolutionary artists, JACOB BURCK, staff cartoonist for the Daily Worker. Limited! Autographed! This beautiful, De Luxe edition is limited to 100 numbered and signed copies. Printed on heavy art paper, in large folio size and containing 248 pages. HUNGER AND REVOLT will be ready on February Ist, Orders accepted now! Chapter Forewords by Henri Barbusse Langston Hughes Earl Browder Corliss Lamont William F. Dunne Joseph North Michael Gold John Strachey Clarence Hathaway Seymour Waldman Marguerite Young & @@ Send check or money order today. Money will e be promptly returned to those too late to POSTPAID receive a copy. DAILY WORKER @ 50 E. 13th St. @ N, Y. the Bolsheviks are the ripe fruit | | of Lenin’s ieachings. They grow out of the Leninist solution of the | conquest of power, out of the dic- tatorship of the proletariat. These | achievements are possible because, | millions following Lenin pene- trated the falsity of bourgeois democracy, which is only democ- | racy for the capitalist rulers but a dictatorship against the work- ers, and through Soviet power es- tablished a dictatorship against | the capitalist. which is the broad- est, the only demccracy, for the toilers.” | Continuing, Browder stated, “We in America have the duty of bring-| ing these Leninist teachings to the broadest American masses, to fuse them with our native revolutionary traditions, and bring the toiling people of our country to the solu- tion of the crisis which threatens our lives as the crisis threatened the lives of the Russian masses. | New Members Pledged | Concluding his speech, Browder hammered home the lesson of Lenin's life, that the building of the working class revolutionary party is| the vital condition for abolishing | the yoke of capitalist wage slavery. | As a great red banner rose above him with the slogan inscribed on it, “Join the Party of Lenin, the| Communist Party,” Browder turned to the two thousand new recruits and gave the pledge of membership, saying, “What can be more fitting on this occasion when we honor the memory of Lenin, than to use this opportunity to give the obligation | of membership in Lenin’s Party to that newest group of recruits to our |ranks here in New oYrk, who are only the first green shoots of the revolutionary spring-time in Amer- | ica, which will bring us, in the not| distant future, to the harvest of} Workers’ Power in our own land, | to the harvest of Socialism in this | country, which above all others has the material pre-requisites for a so-| ciety of peace, plenty and pros- | Perity, which can only be achieved by following the path of Lenin.” Negro Liberation In a brief speech, preceding Browder, Ford pointed out that the question of the liberation of the op- pressed Negro people in this coun- try was made by Lenin one of the} fundamental questions of the work- | ing class revolution. He quoted from Stalin who declared that the | struggles of the oppressed nation- alities are mighty revolutionary al- lies of the working class, and, Ford | stated, not to fight for the libera-| tion~of the Negroes in the United | States is to give up any serious fight | for the overthrow of American cap- | italism, | He was cheered when he de-| clared that “the perspective is for) Negro rebellions which will be the prelude to mightier class battles.” Unity Stressed | Pointing to the extraordinary vic- | | tories of Lenin’s and Stalin’s poli- | lcies for self-determination of all| nationalities in the Soviet Union, pee called for greater revolution- | ary struggles in this country. | Charles Krumbein, as chairman, drew a picture of the misery! | brought by Roosevelt's New Deal, and | called for the united front of all| | workers in the fight for better con- | ‘ditions, and against the menace of fascism and war. | Resolutions were unanimously | adopted, in addition to the Kirov resolution, protesting the brutal ex- | ecution of 70 Bulgarian anti-fascist | soldiers, denouncing Hearst and calling for joint action to defeat his fascist campaign, for the liberation | of Rakosi, imprisoned Hungarian | | revolutionist, and demanding anj| end to the Nazi terror in the Saar. As announced, at 10:30 the meeting was adjourned. In answer to an appeal by Krum- bein for funds to carry on the work of the Party and to pay for the expenses of the meeting, the audi- ence contributed $1,453.59. ‘The dramatic program was under | the supervision of Paul Peters and/ George Sklar. | | Baits, Cowles | “Assault Charge Against Six Relief Strikers | In Denver Dismissed DENVER, Colo., Jan. 22.—Charges of assault with a deadly weapon | |which had been filed against six | Federal Emergency Relief strikers | jin Denver have been dismissed. The six were convicted on a charge of “rioting” in December and are serving sentences of four to six months in the county jail. They were arrested during the strike when police under orders from Governor B. B. Mouir, an ex- Klansman, attacked the picket line of 3,000 and fired into the crowd, injuring many of the workers and \making many arrests. | __ | Send your subscription now, in time to read the Daily Worker's sensational series on “Wall Street’s Fascist Conspiracy” beginning next Friday. i 1 NORMAN THOMAS’ BIG DAY IN WASHII GTON | PRESENT JOBLESS — WOULD GET NO AID FROM N. Y. BILL | | | ] | | | |Killgrew ‘Unemployment Insurance’ Measure Would Throw Burden of Jobless Relief on the Shoulders of the Toilers | By Howard Boldt Just what the Roosevelt administration’s Wagner-Lewis Bill means to the American workers in terms of “security” can be seen in the Byrne-Killgrew “unemployment insur- ance” bill which was introduced into the New York State | sion system which intensifies exploi- | OW he bows and smiles! How pleased and flattered he is! | O blessed moment, to be received by | the First Lady of the Land! | It is Norman Thomas, leader of the Socialist Party, who calls himself a “mili- Yet Norman Thomas and the Roosevelt family feel perfectly at home with each other, When the wage-cutting, union-busting N. R. A. was instituted, Norman Thomas hailed it as “a step in the direction of So- cialism.” And the other day Louis Waldman, Thomas’ colleague in the leadership of the Socialist Party, hailed President Roose- velt’s “social security” fraud as “an epoch in social legislation” which all Socialists | should support. Hence the kinship between the Social- ist leader Thomas and the Roosevelt family. Hence the bows and the smiles! tant.” You see his smiling visage on the left of the picture. He is being greeted by Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt, the lady in the lovely wrap. Norman Thomas is out to bring about a “cooperative commonwealth” in the United States. Roosevelt, as the representative of the capitalist class in the White House, is car- rying out a program which protects profits and dumps the burdens of the crisis on ‘the backs of the workers, Milwaukee Store Strike Holds’ Many Lessons for Workers of «the Federated Trades Council, and, secondly, motions were pre- sented at strike meetings, asking that all other workers and workers’ orgenizations, regardless of affilia- |tion, be invited to join the picket © The Boston Store strike in Mil- waukee was the first large depart- ment store strike in the country, involving clerks, maintenance men | the organizational drive during the and teamsters, | strike, did not push the demands of The conditions prevailing at the| the other workers and isolated the Boston Store are similar to those in own and had already presented them to their bosses. But the lead- ership reversed things. They stopped ieee fi ‘The strilk Boston Store strikers. | line. other large stores. le Strike was) The time set for the calling of Soli an outgrowth of rotten working|the Boston Store strike was very Oren reer eouanethy conditions, speed-up and a commis- \favorable. It was calculated to put| The officialdom stood against | pressure upon the employers in the | midst of the Christmas rush. group was just as stubborn in But the leadership did not under- | fighting for them. Some workers | stand that precisely because of this | 0t up on the floor and even made tation. The N.R.A. did not im- prove the conditions of the depart- |ment store workers, although it did these proposals—the rank and file | inerease the profits of the Boston | Store owners. The low N.R.A. min- |imum became the general wage standard. The only solution the workers could see was to organize into a union and fight. The leadership of the American Federation of Labor, when forming | the Retail Clerks Union, stated at the very outset that they “did not believe in strikes” and that they would endeavor to avoid strikes. However, life itself exposed the compromising position of the Amer- ican Federation of Labor leadership. | The strike took place against the will and desires of the union offi- cials, Strike Offers Lessons The strike offers very valuable lessons to the workers generally, and particularly for District Bigh- teen of the Communist Party. Of the many strikes in recent periods this was a strike where the Com- munist Party had the most intimate connection with the masses of workers although there were no members of the Communist Party among the workers in the Boston Store when the strike began. Yet during the six weeks of the strike the Party was able to influence its character and course up to a cer- tain point, and build a Communist | nucleus recruited from among the best strikers. When the top leadership of the American Federation of Labor at- tacks the Communists, they raise the hypocritical cry about the Com- munists not being sincere in want- ing to improve the conditions of the workers. « Yet when we examine the Boston Store strike; the demands as well as the leadership, it is obvious that it is the labor bureaucracy that is not interested in improving the conditions of the workers. This is further verified by the demands originally put forward by |the leadership on the first day of the strike, and the proposals they accepted at the time of the settle- ment. Instead of drawing up a set. of realizable demands the trade union leadership of the three locals involved raised demands which on the face of things were not very realistic, When the press asked Mr. Koer- ner, business agent of the Clerks Union on the first day of the strike, why he put forward such demands, he answered that he does not ex- pect that these demands will be granted—but there is no harm in putting them forward. This stupid “leader” showed his true colors at the very outset of the strike, Wrong Strategy Employed Before the strike was called there was an intensive organiational drive going on among all department store workers in the city. From a point of view of strike strategy this drive should have continued with ‘the objective of involving these workers in a strike at the same time that the Boston Store workers walked out. The workers in the! other stores had grievances of their | favorable condition it was ngeessary |3 specific motion demanding “that however, could not result in a swift victory. Police Became “Leaders” Instead of mobilizing a militant mass picket line they went to the Police department and asked for “cooperation” with the result that the police became the leaders of the strike during its first few days. The officials agreed with the police not to block entrances to the store, they agreed not to permit the strikers to sing as it may disturb the street. They even agreed that the strikers’ banners and signs will be carried sideways so as not to “block traffic” or interfere with vision. Whenever the strikers at- tempted some militant form of ac- tivity the leaders would appear on tion. It is obvious that under such @ cowardly leadership the workers’ chances to win were limited. It was, therefore, necessary to organize the rank and file in op- position to the policies of the lead- ership if the strike was even to continue, let alone be won. The |rank and file group was organized | through the initiative of the Com- jmunist Party. In view of the fact |that three craft unions were in- volved there was danger of separate | Settlements. This could not be | minimized since the electricians during the strike under orders from the American Federation of Labor. The following motions introduced by the rank and file group were adopted unanimously by the strikers. Rank and File Proposals First, a joint strike committee be set up with representatives from all crafts; Second, no separate settlements, all to remain on strike until all re- ceive satisfactory settlements; mittee be set up and mass picketing organized. Although these demands were a step forward they were insufficient because of the sabotage on the part of the leadership. A department store strike is somewhat different from a strike in @ factory. It involves the so-called “public.” This makes it possible to mobilize other forces than just the strikers. The workers of Milwaukee remembered that the tactic of mo- bilizing the masses in the neigh- borhoods was responsible for the | militant character of the carmen’s strike. Although a department |store strike is different than a car strike, still masses of “outsiders” ca be involved. The rank and file group, therefore, took up the fight, first to involve the rest of the labor movement in the strike, especially \the American Federation of Labor. | This pressure resulted in the pass- ing of such a motion on the floor the occupants of the hotel across | the scene and discourage such ac- | and the butchers remained at work | Third, that a mass strike com- | to strike a swift blow against the | the Communists be invited.” After store and end the strike before the |@ hard fight the strikery yoted to Christmas season was over. The | invite all other organizaf s. tactics pursued by the leadership,| The Communist Party obilized its membership as well as .ts sym- |pathetic organizations for the | picket line. In addition, tens of thousands of leaflets were dis- |tributed by the Party, lining up the masses of workers of Milwaukee be- hind the Boston Store strikers. The Party reminded the masses of the role they played durng the car strike and called upon them once again to unite against the common enemy. The rank and file group further took the initiative and mobilized flying squadrons, visited labor unions as well as factory gates urging the workers to join the picket line. These actions imme- diately changed the character of the Boston Store picket line. The police were no longer the arbitrary | supervisors and in spite of the offi- cials the strike assumed a more | militant character which even the | terror of the police could not break. The employing class wanted to create the impression that the labor movement was not behind the | strike. The Socialist Party leader- | ship gave aid to this sentiment. The strikebreaking ads appearing in the Milwaukee Leader, Socialist newspaper, helped to strengthen this impression and cause confusion —but this idea was limited to the | American Federation of Labor lead- ership, employers and the Milwau- kee Leader. The working class of Milwaukee was behind the strike. Consumers Were Mobilized As already pointed out, a depart- ment store strike involves outside masses. The question was how to | mobilize these masses. It was not | sufficient just to appeal to the workers generally, but it was also necessary to reach other categories |of people, the “consumers,” for ex- ample. The League of Women Shoppers played a tremendous role jin this direction. Organized or- | iginally to feed the strikers on the | picket line, it broadened its activity ‘and from day to day they became a powerful united front organ, that rallied behind it masses of people |in support of the strike. | The daily newspapers, including the Milwaukee Leader, carried paid ads of the Boston Shoe Store, attack- ing the strikers, falsifying facts | about wages and conditions. To \refute this, the League of Women |Shoppers organized a big mass meeting and jointly with the strik- ‘ers exposed the propaganda of the | department store owners. The League further issued a |facts and details about the strike, legislature on Jan. 2 as House breaking, anti-union measure, which gives not one penny to the present two million unemployed workers in New York State, nevertheless meets all the requirement and provisions of the Wagner-Lewis Bill that has the blessings of Roosevelt. Workers covered by the New York State bill, which excludes farm workers, governmental employes and others, “if dismissed for miscon- duct, or workers unemployed be- cause of strike, lockout or other industrial dispute, must wait ten weeks before receiving benefits.” Can Serve As Model Yet this is not an exceptional measure insofar as the provisions of the Wagner-Lewis bill go, but a State bill which meets all the re- quirements of the Wagner-Lewis bill, and can serve as a model of what other states will also attempt to enact. Such a “misconduct” clause also has the blessing of William Green of the American Federation of Labor, who, in laying down “his” Proposals for unemployment insur- ance, said on Dec. 10 that “workers who are discharged for misconduct or who quit work without good cause shall not thereby forfeit benefits | beyond a reasonable time. The same | reference is made in the American | Federationist, official organ of the | A. F. of L. executive committee in the December, 1934 issue. The edi- | torial is signed by the editor — | William Green. | | Has Waldman’s 0. K. This is also supported indirectly by Louis Waldman, New York State | Chairman of the Socialist Party, who called the Roosevelt “social security” program “an epoch in the struggle for social legislation” and predicted that Roosevelt’s message to Congress last week would “insure the passage of an unemployment insurance law by the New York State legislature.” Mr. Waldman also urged all Socialists and progres- sives to get aboard the Roosevelt band-wagon and support the Roose- velt “social security” program. The machine control of the unem- | ployment insurance funds under the terms of this New York State bill is | empowered to determine if a worker jis unemployed because of “miscon- duct.” This machine control is to be under the State Commissioner |of Taxation and Finance, who is | custodian of the fund. The law it- self is to be administered by the In-| dustrial Commissioner through the| Employment Officers of the Depart- | | ment of Labor. Benefits under this bill can be as | little as $5 a week for not more than | sixteen weeks and not more than | $15. Unemployed workers must wait | at least three weeks before payment | of benefits start, The bill provides for the estab- | lishment of one State pooled fund | to which private employers employ- thousands of people, demanding | that the Boston Store grant the de- | | mands of the strikers. | These signers pledged themselves | not to buy at the Boston Store until | |the strikers’ demands were won. Around Christmas and the New Year the league raised money which was used for the relief of the most needy strikers, and also to buy toys | for the children of the strikers. The | Socialist Party leadership, as well ; as the top trade union chiefs, tried jto hamper the activity of the |Women. They did not dare to do | So openly, but conducted an under- | ground campaign. The deeds and |activity of the league overcame | these disruptive tactics. | Shoppers’ League Was Militant | Many Socialists remained in the league, working side by side with | Communists and others. The strik- | fos even compelled the union lead- | ership to acknowledge in a public | statement the good work of the | league and to give it official recog- | nition. The Women Shoppers’ | | League acted not merely as a relief |agency, but through its activity | | brought a more militant spirit to | the strike and helped to expose the | reactionary leadership of the Amer- \ican Federation of Labor. The league organized a picket line of its own, invading the store with | banners, marching through the | aisles, causing panic among the po- lice and strikebreakers, at the same time mobilizing support for the | strike. The International Labor De- | |fense, too became involved in the | Strike and gave defense to all work- |ers arrested on the picket line, re- | |gardless of political affiliation. When the union officialdom dis- | | couraged militant action, claiming \that such action would cause | numerous arrests, and the union’s | |inability to give defense, strikers printed bulletin of its own, giving | answered: “We will appeal to the | Baltimore, |International Labor Defense.” We | lraising the demands against the | must remark, however, that the In- | high cost of living and pointing out | ternational Labor Defense did not | |why housewives have a common fully respond to the situation in| cause with that of the strikers. supporting legal defense by mass / Petitions were circulated, signed by | action. 1 Bill Number 1. This strike- ing four or more eligible persons contribute amounts equ: cent of the payrolls, a is in turn taken out of the wages or passed on to the workers through increased prices. Under no conditions will benefit payments begin before October 1, 1936. Must Be Employed 9 Days To receive the beggarly benefits for the sixteen weeks prescribed by the bill, the worker on losing his job must have been employed in |the State for at least 90 days in the past year, must register as to- tally unemployed (in other words, take a pauper’s oath) at a local State Unemployment Office, and report every week thereafter. If, however, the worker is ins jured on the job so as to be unable to work, he cannot get unemploy- ment insurance benefits if he is drawing the niggardly workmen's compensation. Although the act states that no worker shall be de- nied his eligible benefits if he re- fuses to accept work where wages, hours and conditions are below “prevailing” conditions, no guaran- tee is made to maintain union wages, When unemployed, the worker must file notification with the local State Unemployment Office man- ager, who has the power to deter- mine the validity of the claim and the amount to be paid in accord- ance with the prescribed rules. If the unemployed worker is dis- satisfied with the manager's ruling, he or “any other party affected by such a finding, “may appeal ruling, the manager to rence: a |new decision within five days! An appeal against a decision to be made to the person who made the original decision! However, if the worker who has lost his job because of “miscon- duct, strike, lockout or other in- dustrial dispute,” and who has al- ready waited ten weeks for bene- fits, waits ten more days and an appeal which is rendered days later, may “within ten days” make an appeal to the Appeal Board, Supposedly, the Appeal Board ren- ders its decision in ten days. Thus, within 105 days after he has gone on strike, or has been fired be- cause of “misconduct,” the worker is eligible for benefits. Lawyers may then collect “not more than f i 10 per cent of the benefit pay- ments.” Who will pay for this “unem- ployment insurance”? Will Fall On Masses The Communists have said that a payroll tax, as is provided for in the Wagner-Lewis bill, and such as is written into the New York State Byrne-Killgrew bill, will fall di- rectly upon the masses. Senator William T. Byrnes of Albany, who introduced the Byrne- Killgrew bill, repeats what the Communists have said, though somewhat less eloquently. Speak- ing about who will bear the burden of his measure, Bryne said: “It (the 3 per cent payroll tax) will be passed on by the manufacturers in the cost of their products. The wage earners of the State repre- sent 95 per cent of the population and therefore 95 per cent of the consumers, and since they will pay for the articles manufactured, it is contended that they will pay twice if they had to contribute toward the unemploment insurance fund. “The employers, on the other hand, represent only 5 per cent of the consumers . . . will get the en- tire amount of the payroll tax back in the cost of their produtts.” | WHAT’S ON Philadelphia, Pa. All organizations keep Feb. 23 open Scott Nearing, who just returned from Europe, will lecture on “Fas- cism or Communism,” for United Workers’ Organization. ORGANIZATIONS ATTENTION! Tht Friends of the Soviet Union will holé their fifth annual Russian Tea Party on Friday, March 29th, at Broad St. Mansion. Noted celebrities will per- form. Kindly leave this date open Superior, Wis. Daily Worker Comm, is holding ar affair Feb. 3 st Vasa Hall, 11th an¢ John Ave. Good. program, refresh: ments. dancing. Newark, N. Rosenfeld, former Minister ¢ of Prussia and member of Thursday, Jan. 24, £:30 p.m. at Jack London Club, 901 Broad &t. Adm. 25¢. Lenin Memorial Meetings Md. Memorial Meeting at Elks Hall. 1526 Madison Ave., cor, McMechen St., Friday, Jan. 25 at 8 p, m. Main speaker, Manning Johnson, nation- ally known Negro Labor leader. Pro- gram: Preiheit Singing Society, High- land Vanguards, Acrobatics, Politica) Cartoons, W.ILR. Band. ENTER THE DAILY WORKER SUBSCRIPTION CONTEST ? "ene ee an coSceS Roatan’: aormematnemetoR! EY