The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 15, 1935, Page 5

By MICHAEL GOLD E ARE living in the midst of a great national emergency. The government admits that some 20 million Americans are living on, relief, which means, judging by the starvation diet given them in a big city like New York, that Americans are no better off than so many millions of famine-stricken Chi- Nese coolies. Yet this is the richest country in the world. To- morrow morning, if the capitalist system of ad- ministration were not in the way, it could produce enough in a month to feed, clothe and shelter every American in permanent luxury. No one can deny that the American masses are deeply indignant over this state of affairs. They know they have been betrayed, but why, and by whom, is not yet clear enough to them. The masses are stirring politically. The mil- lions who follow Huey Long, Father Coughlin, Upton Sinclair and other demagogues show this. No po- litical leader today can get anywhere without prom- ising the people economic security and a redistribu- tion of wealth. You hear this expressed even in Roosevelt's speeches; our President, surely, is the master demagogue of the time. Scores of economic cults have sprung up, the Utopians, the social credit fantasists, the barter boys, etc. There are dozens of labor parties strug- gling for existence in different states and regions. If all this Niagara of the people’s rage and aspira- tion could be harnessed into some great national movement, with a clear-cut, determined program and honest leadership, we would never need to fear again that fascism could ever destroy this country. * . * A Step Forward 'HE Congress for Unemployment and Social In- surance, in my estimation, provided the basis for such a unified movement. As I have tried to indicate in a previous column, this Congress was built on the broadest united front we have yet been able to achieve in America. It brought together white-collar and manual worker; Negro and white; A. F. of L. members and the independent unions; Socialist, church, liberal and Communist. And these delegates were not a few thousand isolated individuals, freaks speaking for themselves. They were real delegates, official delegates, elected by the freely-cast ballots of mil- lions of Americans, after months of free debate. In the A. F. of L. for example, despite the bitter opposition of the national leaders led by William - Green, there were over 2,500 endorsements by local and state bodies. These endorsements, therefore, represent the considered and firm conviction of millions of men and women. They knew what the Congress war for, and they were for the Workers’ Unemployment and Social Insurance Bill, which was the platform of this Con- gress. We can be assured that, having gone thus far, they will now go further. * , “Continuity -of Income” WOULD advise every reader of the Daily Worker to acquaint himself with the Workers’ Bill and to popularize it and organize supporters in his com- munity. It is, I believe, in America, the most immediate link in the great moving chain of social change that we must seize upon today, if we are to pro- gress. Any worker can understand this bill at sight, and his own bitter necessity will compel him to approve of it. Unlike the dozens of capitalist and liberal pro- posed bills, this Workers’ Bill provides the workers with what Mary Van Kleeck has phrased as “‘con- tinuity of income.” It assumes that the worker must eat every day of his life, and so must his children, He should not be penalized for the de- pression, which is the fault of capitalism. He is a producer; he is ready to work, and the society he has created with his hand and brain owes him the guarantee of a living. Thus, this Workers’ Bill insures all the workers, industrial, agricultural, domestic and professional workers, and pays them benefits for every moment they are not allowed to work. The other bills divide the workers. Some exclude farm labor; domestic service, employers of less than three persons, or non-manual workers earning $3,000 @ year. benefits are paid; various stringent residence re- quirements; proof of a certain period of previous employment, and a host of other mean, chiselling restrictions to cut down the budget. In other words, these canitalist bills are content to allow millions of American workers to go on starving for many beautiful technical reasons that only the Dr. Rubinows and Senator Wagners can explain. And the best of them pay $7 to $10 a week for periods of ten’ weeks, more or less. The Workers’ Bill includes every type of worker, everyone, in short who must have this insurance or perish. It fights against lowering the American Standard of living to the coolie standard, and pro- vides wherever possible, benefits that will equal the average local wage. As prices rise, the rates are to be increased. The law is to be administered by a national commission of workers and farmers, and funds are to be provided by the Federal Government, out of taxes on incomes over $5,000 a year, and in- heritance and similar taxes on the great fortunes. * * * Filling a Great Need f IS true this bill originated in the minds of the Communists, but as Earl Browder so wittily said at the Congress, it is not anyone's private property. It happens to meet the life needs of millions of Americans, and this is the reason: of its popularity, Communists are the vanguard of the workers, and it is inevitable that they should be the first to sense the needs of the workers, and devise the technique of workers’ progress. If they cannot do this, they are failures. Wherever Communism has grown, it has been because Communists have been better and more sensitive leaders than others. Cor- munists win this leadership only by their superior _courage and brains; it is not handed them on a golden platter, the way Wall Street hands power to the fascist leaders. So it was interesting, that this broad united front Congress for Unemployment Insurance was chosen by Earl Browder, secretary of the Commu- nist Party, to project the idea of a new Labor Party, organized on a national scale, and including every section of working class opinion. And it was fitting that at this Congress where Communists were in a decided minority, Kari Browder received the mightiest and most spontane- ous ovation of the three days. The workers are ready to follow any leadership today that is honest and has a practical plan out of the depression. Red scares are no longer a substitute for bread, They provide a long-waiting period before | Little Lefty Stet Wi CONS Foa.caes 0 Tus UNEMPLOYMENT RESS/ DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JANUARY 15, 1935 iS WAY You'll cer a ReAL view / Waiting for the Bell! of Songs i Kaalllcs ‘Mark Step Ahead In Workers’ Music |SONGS OF THE AMERICAN WORKER by the Auvilles, pub- lished by the John Reed Club of Cleveland. Reviewed by CARL SANDS FIND, upon general grounds alone, five positive values in these new songs by the Auvilles. First, there is the fact that they exist at all. Until recently the American was the most music-less worker in the world. Thanks to phonograph, radio and sound-film, he has begun at least to hear a great variety of music. But he still has little to sing for himself and for his own purposes. The tradi- tional American city (popular) music has been the property and has reflected more the ideology of the bourgeoisie than of the prole- | tariat. The traditional country (folk) music practically died out by 1900. Before workers can them- Selves make and sing music really good enough for them, they must |at least have an ability to sing. No song, therefore, that has any chance of making them sing is to be scorned, Second, the composer-authors have adopted idioms of language and of music that are familiar to the general run of American of all classes. Third, the songs are easy |to render with portable accompani- iment, say, of guitar, banjo, har- |monica, etc. Fourth, they are be- ing sung all around Cleveland by their creators: thus they are in the way of becoming current. Fifth, }and not least, they originate and are published outside of New York City, where up to now, unfortun- ately, the only considerable con- centration of revolutionary musical | forces has been made. two positive values of a detailed sort in these songs. First, the words of “The Miner's Son” are fine. “Red Front” and “Things Can’t Go On Like This” are pretty bad. We are already overburdened with stuff of this sort. The rest are above average. (As to the “Ghost of the Depression,” however, I might say that I am relieved to hear, if it is true, that Cleveland has the ghost of a depression. We still have some- thing decidedly livelier than a corpse kicking around here in New York—and in some other parts of the country, so far as I hear.) Second, the tunes of the first three songs and of the last one are catchy and put over the words intelligibly. As to the negative values: first, the musical idiom is not compar- jable to the idiom of the language, jwhich is at least current. The musical idiom is mostly 1890 or jearlier. It would be counted out | by too many young workers as old- |fashioned and stodgy. Second, the melodies are not, even in this trite idiom, very good. Not all are very bad. I find “The Ghost” and “Red | Front” the best. Broadway can and has turned out better stuff by the |mile, both in this and in the vastly better modern jazz style. we Gee 'ORRECT evaluation of workers’ songs, especially of new ones, is of paramount importance. Both in the songs themselves and in reviews of them, we are laying the prin- ciples and standards of revolution- ary music criticism and of prole- tarian music style. The basic con- sideration is the relative importance of the music and of the words. If, as some, say, the music is a mere vehicle—a mere sauce — for the words, we have to judge the words jonly and whether the music gives them a chance to be heard. If, on the other hand, music plays a more important role than this, we must evolve some method of equating the language values and the musical values, especially where, as in this case, they esem to conflict. There are those who say that if the workers sing and like certain songs, then these must on that ac- count alone be good songs. This is the theory of opportunism or “spontaneity” cropping up in the music field. No one but a musician widely trained in the many musical fields of our day and thoroughly conversant with the history of music and its relation to general history can realize how low and how uncritical is the present level of American musical taste. The melo- dies of songs like these of the Auvilles are concentrated bour- geois propaganda of a peculiarly vicious sort. For every step for- ward in the verse one takes a step backward in the music. That one is unaware of it makes it all the more dangerous. Why, then, do I find a positive value in the mere existence, etc., of these songs? Because I know that, for the present, the words are the more important vehice for revolu- tionary content. How much more, I cannot say. The step forward, I aver, is a bigger one than the step back. So the net result is forward. But not in all parts of America! It would be inexcusable to put such things before the average audience, jfor imstance, of the Workers’ Laboratory Theatre in New York. Here, at least, some workers are ready to take a step forward with the music as well as with the verse. I look for rapid inevease in this capacity, Already the first intima- tions of revolutionary musical style are known to us—Eisler’s “Comin- sy the somewhat dubious benefits of | In addition to these five, I find | Tribute to Famous Negro Singer By Vern Smith MOSCOW , U.S.S.R. — “This 1s Paul Robeson, the greatest Ameri-! can singer!” declared the famous film director, Kisenstein, introduc- |ing Robeson to a reception in his} honor, attended by nearly all the| celebrities in Moscow's theatre and art world. The reception was given in the “House of the Kino,” palatial club house of the workers of the movie industry. I repeat the words of Eisenstein, master of ceremonies at the recep- tion, not by way of informing the public as to who Robeson is, for that is well enough known, but to show the tone of the feeling of the workers and the artists of the So- viet Union to~ards this visiting Ne- gro singer, son of 4 slave in the United States—to show the whole- hearted appreciation of these Rus- sian sons of serfs who now are freed by their own efforts. The reception was long and bril- liant and lasted until about 2 a.m. But somehow in the course of it, Robeson found time to answer a few questions from the Daily Worker correspondent. I began with the obvious: “Have you noticed a race question in the Soviet Union?” An undercurrent of laughter rum- bled under Robeson’s big mellow | voice as he answered: “Only that it | seems to work to my advantage!” Racial Equality And then he explained. He has | | been studying the Soviet Union for | | two years, studying the Russian language also for that length of time, has been a regular reader of the Pravda and izvestia for months, and knows something about the so- | lution of the race question here. He ; knows that the Soviet theory is that all races are equal—really equal, so- cially equal, too, as well as eco- nomicaly and poitically. He ex- pressed deight but no surprise when I informed him of the election to the Moscow Soviet of the American Negro, Robinson, working in the First State Ball Bearing Plant here. But what he admitted he had not, been expecting was the simple, wholehearted, affectionate welcome that lay in store for him. Robeson | declares himself that he knows he | has made a sufficient placé for him- | self by his singing and acting, that even in the capitalist world some of the bitterest aspects of Jim- Crowism and white chauvinism are not applied to him. But it is just | this feeling that a condescending exception has been made of him that is missing here. Here there is just the enthusiastic joy of Rus- sian workers and artists, they or their fathers also once slaves of capitalist and .andlord, who now welcome in addition » man they feel is a brother artist from abroad, coming with a real desire to hon- estly know and understand the new Soviet Art World Pays’ ie roe et | | PAUL ROBESON | “I was not prepared for the hap- piness I see on every face in Mos- cow,” said Robeson. “I was aware that there was no starvation here, | but I was not prepared for the} bounding life, the feeling of safety and abundance and freedor. that I find here, wherever I turn. I was not prepared for the endless friend- liness, which surrounded me from} the moment I crossed the border. I had a technically irregular passport, but all this was brushed aside by the eager helpfulness of the border authorities. And this joy and hap- piness and friendliness, this utter absence of any embarrassment over a ‘race question’ is all the more keenly felt by me because of the day I spent in Berlin on the way here, and that was a day of horror— in an atmosphere of hatred, fear and suspicion.” Commenting on the recent execu- | tion after court-martial of a num- | ber of counter-revolutionary ter- rorists, Robeson declared roundly: “From what I have already seen of the workings of the Soviet Govern- ment, I can only say that anybody | who lifts his hand against it ought to be shot! | “This is Home to Me” “It is the government’s duty to put down any opposition to this really free society with a firm! hand,” he continued, “and I hope they will always do it, for I already regard myself at home here. This is life they have made for themselves. CHAPTER Il. The Life of Lenin x. THE face of this situation Lenin immediately on his arrival, issued and began the fight for his famous April Theses on “The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolu- tion,” which marked the path ahead to the October Revolution. (All the letters referred to as well as the ‘Theses are included in “The Reyo- lution of 1917,” which contains all of Lenin’s writings and speeches be- tween March and July, 1917.) These theses covered ten points, which may be summarized briefly as fol- lows: 1. No concession to “revolution- lutionary defencism” under a capitalist government, a “rev- olutionary war” can be agreed to only after the workers and poorest peasantry are in power, all annexation- are re- nounced, and a complete break made with the interests of capital. 2. Recognition of the present stage of the revolution as a transition to the second stage, the conquest of power by the proletariat and poorest peas- antry. 3. No support to the Provisional Government. 4, Task of the Bolsheviks, while a minority in the Soviets, to conduct “patient, systematic and persistent” propaganda to 1! tern,” for an example. Look to) those for models, Auvilles, rather than to Victor Herbert, Johann Strauss and Zez Confrey! But above all, give us another set of songs—and soon. home to me. I feel more kinship Life and Teachings of Lenin | By R. PALME DUTT The Daily Worker is printing serially the extremely valuable and popular booklet by R. Palme Dutt, “Life and Teachings of V. I. Lenin,” published by Interna- tional Publishers. January 21 will be the eleventh anniversary of the death of Lenin. During these ten years the teach- ings of Lenin have spread to ever wider sections of the globe, inspir- | ing the workers and oppressed to greater assaults on capitalism. win the majority from the policy of the petty-bourgeois opportunist leaders to the policy of the transference of state power to the Soviets. 5. Not a parliamentary republic, but a republic of Soviets of Workers’ and Peasants’ Depu- ties. 6. Nationalization of the land and management by peasants’ Soviets; separate organization of poorest peasants and agri- cultural laborers. 1. Nationalization of the banks into one central bank under the Workers’ Soviet control. 8. “Not the ‘introduction’ oc so- cialism as an immediate task, but the immediate placing of the Soviet of Workers’ Dele- gates in control of social pro- cuction and distribution of goods.” 9. Party Congress, and revision of program. 10. Creation of a new, revolution- | ary International. ae ee 18 only necessary to examine this April program, more espe- cially in its full text, to see its ex- treme closeness to the subsequent | realization in the October Revolu- tion and the further tasks of the i | reasons; ‘IT Am at Home,’ Says Robeson At Reception in Soviet Union ¥ Striking Contrast with Day of Horror Spent in Berlin to the Russian people under their new society than I ever felt any- where else.” It is obvious that there is no terror here, that all the masses of every race are contented and support their government.” Robeson commented on the ab- | scence of slums, on the huge build- ing of workers’ apartments in the factory districts, such districts as are invariably slums in capitalist cities. He declared that he will make an extensive study of the club life of the Soviet worker, especially as the clubs are centers of instru- mental and vocal musical training, and of dramatic art. Research in Primitive Art Robeson \has developed a theory, based on his knowledge of Central Asian folk music and drama, and on his recent three month's exper- ience in Africa in connection with the filming of a motion picture scenario based on African life, that a new vehicle of expression, not drama, and not opera, can be evol- ved from these arts of primitive peoples. He sees certain underlying consistent bases in all this art of primitive civilizations. He hopes to supplement his observations by a study of Chinese folk music and drama. He has selected the Soviet, Union as a most proper center from which to conduct his researches, and as the jonly country giving him unstintedly the social and other environment in which he can systematically com- plete his research and work towards this new form of artistic expression, He says that he intends to remain in the Soviet Union until about the middle of January, then will have to return to England for the final completion of the film on African life and to wind up his other affairs there. Then sometime during 1935 he will come with his whole family to the Soviet Union for a prolonged | stay, working on his researches and on the first steps of the new form of drama and opera, meanwhile singing and acting in the Soviet theatres, and moving pictures. Sings in Russian At the reception given in his honor here, Robeson sang, besides several Negro workers’ songs and spirituals, four selections in the Russian language: two from the opera Boris Godunov, one old folk song and a Cossack lullaby. Hearty applause and the voiced opinion of | those present testified to his prog- ress in the rather difficult Russian language. He has deliberately and for a long time been laying plans and prepar- | ing to move to the U.S.S.R. as the most suitable center for the import- ant work of artistic innovation which he has in mind, and because he has decided on the basis of much evidence that it is a place where a/ man may do such work with great- | est freedom and facility. He said in | his interview that he is more than | satisfied that the Soviet Union is | just such a place. Soviet regime. All the slanders and| calumnies, as well as honest miscon- ceptions, which it has been at- tempted to build up around the Oc- tober Revolution—the supposed con- | ception of the conquest of power by a minority; the supposed re- jection of the Constituent Assembly and parliamentary democratic forms only after the event, for reasons of expediency or for anti-democratic | the supposed idea of im- mediately introducing socialism — all are refuted beforehand by the April program, and can only be re- peated by those who are either ig- norant of the facts or who deliber- | ately conceal them. ‘The April Theses burst like dyna- mite through the fog of confusion | which was growing up after the February Revolution, and which | was threatening to engulf the Rus- sian Revolution in the same fate as later overtook the German, if the path of the opportunist Socialists had been followed. The real issues of the Revolution were laid bare. Lenin’s program was universally denounced by political opponents of every shade as anarchist ravings; it was derided by Plekhanov, the} old founder of social-democracy in Russia, now turned into a vulgar patriot, as “delirium.” Nevertheless, its inevitable neces- sity and reflection of the real needs of the masses was rapidly to win for {t ever wider numbers of support- ers. Within three weeks Lenin's program was unanimously adopted | by the Congress of the Bolshevik) Party on May 5-12. Within the} next few months this program was} to become, in fact, the program of | the overwhelming majority of the} workers and soldiers throushout the | country. (To Be Continued.) | Winter Term last night. News of Workers’ Schools from East est Coast NEW YORK WORKERS SCHOOL Last week (the first week of the winter term) 2700 students attended | |classes at the New York Workers | School determined to learn the nec- | essary theory to guide them in their day-to-day class struggles. Many are still appearing for registration and before the week ends the total | |number of registrations is expected to be over 3,000. Principles of Communism is still, as in the past, the most popular subject, about half of the students having registered for it. Next in demand is Elements of Political Economy.» There has also been an unusually big registration for the | courses in Marxism-Leninism, Trade {Union and History courses. As Principles of Communism is a pre- requisite for most of these advanced courses, it shows that the students |continue with all the courses once | \they begin, ete ee Charles Young will speak on “The Chinese Soviets and the Future of jthe Chinese Revolution,” at the | | Workers School Forum, 35 East 12th | | Street, Sunday evening, Jan. 20. 5, 8s ae DETROIT WORKERS SCHOOL | The Detroit Workers School is calling a conference on workers’ ed- jucation on Saturday, Jan. 26, at| 2 p.m. in Finnish Workers Hall, 5060 14th Avenue, The call for the conference points | out that the new attacks on the| | living standards of the auto work- ers, the cuts in unemployment re- lief and the rise of the potentially fascist Father Coughlin movement make it urgent to establish workers’ | education—the training of workers |for more effective participation in the struggles of their class on a broader basis than ever before. | The conference is being held in| preparation for the opening of the |second term of the Workers School, | which will start Feb. 11. All trade | |unions, workers’ fraternal, social | and cultural organizations, etc., are | asked to send two delegates each |to the conference. Ce ani The second semester of the Crown | Heights Workers School, 25 Chaun- cey Street, started last night. Reg- jistration will still continue this |week. We urge those wishing to | | register to do so immediately. | o 8 * CHICAGO WORKERS’ SCHOOL | The answer to the fascist attacks jon the Chicago Workers School, 505 | |South State Street, is intensified \efforts to make the winter term registration the largest in the his- | tory of the school. Their slogan | is: “Double the enrollment for the | Winter Term—Answer the Hearst | Fascist Attacks.” | ‘The number of classes for the winter term have increased. Courses are now being offered in Principles |of Communism, Political Economy, |Marxism-Leninism, Negro Problems, | | Organizational Principles and many others. Don’t wait for the last minute rush. Register now. Registration is now also going on all the branch ‘schools. | * * at The Mosholu Progressive Club is | offering three classes (Principles of Communism, Elements of Political | Economy, and Fascism, Social De- | mocracy, and Social Revolution) at their headquarters, 3230 Bainbridge | Avenue, ier eee PITTSBURGH WORKERS SCHOOL The groundwork for the continua- tion of workers’ education in Pitts- burgh was laid at a broad confer- | ence Dec. 16, at which 78 delegates were present, representing 28 organ- izations throughout Western Penn- sylvania, as far as East Johnstown. Plans were drawn up for a $1,000 financial campaign to be raised by March 1, for the establishment of | @ permanent Workers School in| Pittsburgh, and study circles and circuit classes throughout the Dis- trict. The Workers School Committee plans to start the first classes Feb. | 1, with a six weeks’ special course. The regular Spring Term will open March 1. Already some organiza- tions have taken the matter up with their membership and made pledges, | for immediate donations, some of | which have now come in, and have made plans to contribute monthly sums to support the school. All communications should be ad- dressed to the Workers Book Shop, | 1638 Fifth Avenue, is ee « LOS ANGELES WORKERS SCHOOL | The Los Angeles Workers School. | 230 South Spring Street, began its | n However, registration has not ended. Students are continually coming in to regis- ter. The goal for the Winter Term | is 400 students, making it an in- crease of 50 per cent. The courses being offered this term are: Principles of Commu- nism, Political Economy, Fascism and Social Revolution, Marxism, | Leninism, etc. | Get your organization to elect a special Daily Worker circulation campaign commitiee. Plan mem- bership activity to recrnit more red builders, build newsstand sales, establish house - to - house routes and gain new subscribers, | 7:00 P. M.-WEAF—The Aver- Page 5 Questions and Answers This department appears daily on the feature page. All questions should he addressed to “Ques- tions and Answers,” c/o Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York City. Question: Is there room for the small business man and merchant in the Communist movement? —J. G. Answer: The Communist Party is the vanguard of the working class and leads the working class in the fight for the destruction of capitalism and the establishment of the dictatorship of the prole- tariat. Anyone who sincerely aecepts the revolu- tionary program of the Communist Party, and de- votes himself to the great task of fighting for Come munism can find a weleome place in the Commu- nist movement. It is open to all sections of the population who are oppressed by capitalism. The small business man and merchant are pauperized by the trusts. Capitalism has nothing to offer them except inevitable bankruptcy and a place in the ranks of the unemployed. They work long hours, are cheated by wholesalers and bank- ers, and economically have the same uncertain status as the working class. The immediate and the long-range interests of the “small man” and the worker and the farmer are against the interests of the banks and the monopolies, and for a plan- ned socialist economy in which all will enjoy so- cial and economic security. To achieve this goal it is necessary for the small man to ally himself with the working class—the dominont revolutionary force in society and the leader in the fight against the capitelists. With out the participation of the workers who together with their families comprise about seventy per cent of the population, the struggle against capitalism cannot be successful. But although the working class plays the domi- nant role in the revolutionary struggle, the part that can be played by the other sections of the oppressed population is very important. In the fight against the menace of fascism and war, more and more middle class groups are fighting shoulder to shoulder with the workers against their common enemy. Workers and shopkeepers have carried out united actions during the course of strikes and unemployed struggles. Around such common strug- gles the united front of the workers and the lower middle class groups can be built, The small man who joins the Communist Party has, of course, greater responsibilities than the aver- age middle class person who merely supports the Party on certain specific actions. Not only must he fight for the program of the Party, but he must win over the members of his social group for Com- munism, or at least neutralize them against the lure of fascist demagogy. Like every Partv member he must prove by his deeds that he is doing his part in the big job of destroying the present social order as the first step toward building the new socialist society. Tribute by Lenin To Marx’s Genius | “MHARX was a genius because he was able before anyone else to draw from these facts and con- sistently elaborate the conclusion which world his- tory teaches. This conclusion is the doctrine of the class struggle.” Thus Lenin estimates Marx's great contributions to progress in his essay “The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism.” The article is now available in English through publication of Marx-Engeis-Marxism, just off the press of Inter- national Publishers, Discussing the importance of the class struggle in Marxist theory, Lenin writes: “People always were and always will be the stupid victims of deceit and self-deceit in politics, as long as they have not learned to discover the interests of one or another of the classes behind any moral, religious, political and social phrases, declarations and promises. The supporters of re- forms and improvements will always be fooled by the defenders of the old, as long as they will not realize that every old institution, however absurd and rotten it may appear, is kent in being by the forces of one or the other of the ruling classes. And there is only one way of breaking the resis- tance of these classes, and that is to find, in the very society which surrounds us, and to enlighten and organize for the struggle, the forces which can and, by their social position, must form the power capable of sweeping away the old and of establish ing the new.” Containing several previously unpublished writ- ings of Lenin on Marx and Engels and their teach ings, “Marx-Engels-Marxism” is the most instructive presentation of Marxism that can be compressed into one volume. The articles include such out- standing examples of Lenin’s contribution to Marx- ism as “The Historical Destiny of the Teaching of Karl Marx;” “Marxism and Revisionism;” “On Dialectics;” “On Our Revyolution;” “Marx on Class Struggle and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat;” “Marx on the Transition from Capitalism to Com- munism,” etc, TUNING IN prano; John B. Kennedy, Narrator; Concert Orch. age Family and the Cost of Government—Grenville WABC—Lyman Orch. V: Clark of National Econ- vienne Segal, Soprano; ony dengue ‘ Oliver Smith, Tenor Lama rts Resume—Stan 9:09. WEAF_—Ben Bernie Orch. Joan Bennett, Actress WOR—Hillbilly Music WJZ—Grace Moore, WJZ—Amos 'n’ Andy--Sketch WABC—Myrt and Marge — ‘Boe Sketch ano; Concert Orch. 7:15-WEAF — Jack Smith, wABe Bing Crosby, Gongs: Songs Stoll Oreh.; Mills Brothe WOR—Lum and Abner— ers, Songs Sketch 9:30-WEAF—Ed Wynn, Comes WJZ—Mort, Downey, Tenor; dian; Duchin Orch. Sinatra Orchestra; Guy WOR—Dark Enechantment— Bates Post, Narrator Sketch WABC—Just Plain Bill — WJZ—Canadian Coneért Sketch WABC—Jones Orch.; Tite 7:30-WEAF—Government Per- sonnel —L. D. Coffman, Guitar, Tenor 10:00-WEAF—Operetta. Girl President University of Crazy, with Jane Froman, Minnesota Contralto; John Barelay, WOR—The Street Singer and others WJZ—Edgar Guest, Poet; WOR—Sid Gary, Baritone Charles Sears, Tenor; WJZ—Tributes to Mark Concert Orch Twain, Hannibal, Mo., at WABC—Jerry Cooper, Bar- Centennial Anniversary of itone His Birth Poe cle Neen Sa ae “alassiew, Saat ae WaBo Boake Garten, Gata 10:18-WOR Current Events — 8:00-WEAF—Reisman Oren; 1 *7, NOR Wallenstein Sine Phil Duey, Baritone WOR—Eédy ‘Brown, Violin WJZ—Dramatic Sketch WABC—Concert Orchestra; Frank Munn, Tehor; Hazel Glenn, Soprano 8:30-WEAF—Wayne King Or- chestra WOR—Veriety Musicale WJZ—Glovanni Martinelli, Tenor; Queena Mario, S0- j { pare and Irene, Come edy WABO — Emery Deutseh, Violin 10:45-WABC — Voiee of the Crusader 11:00-WEAF—The Grummits Sketch WOR—News WsZ—Lyman Orchestra WABC—Haymés Orchestra, \ Hie’,