The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 4, 1935, Page 5

CHANGE ——THE — 1m WORLD! By MICHAEL GOLD MHE liberals and the pseudo-liberals are making a great to-do over the recent executions in Soviet Russia. None of them, I have observed, has yet expressed much sorrow over the cowardly assassination of our great and devoted comrade Kirov. It is the death of a hundred capitalist spies, sabotagers and pegromists that plunges the liberals into self- Tighteous despeir. The Isaac Don Levines and such scum one need not answer. People who are hirelings of red-baiting William Randolnh Hearst, people who have made a career of anti-Soviet sabotage, who have never written a line in defense of the Scottsboro boys, or the right to free speech in California, who have never lifted a finger for the unem- ployed, or exposed a single crime of capitalism against the ovpressed of the world, why should one argue with such folk, even when they hide behind the mask of liberalism? They are the venomous foes of liberty, and should be treated with the contempt one reserves for every scab. Any fascist with money can buy hundreds of such intellectuals in the market place. The working Class does\not bribe intellectuals, but can only offer them the glory and passion of a great ideal. It is obvious, therefore, that the trash is attracted to the other side, and is always voluble at such moments as the present. These Hearst, and New York Times, and Saturday Evening Post liberels and “Russian experts” are a peculiar brand of shyster lawyer that the great criminal gangster named Capitalism is now finding it necessary to retain. Nobody is fooled by their shyster pathos and courtroom sobs. They have no real emotions about anything but cash. When I hear of a Will Durant, or Don Levine, or Eugene Lyons, or the like, making a single sacrifice for American liberty such as thou- sands of obscure Communists make every day I will be glad to swallow every word I have just written. But we know these people well; what are they, after all, but the lowest kind of careerists? One debates only with an honest enemy; these people are not even honest enough to call themselves fascists. * The Devil’s Brew Boils Up UT there is a group of middle-class liberals, men of the school of Oswald Villard and John Dewey and their followers, with whom we do wish to debate on the recent events in the Soviet Union. Frenkly, we do not want to lose them in the fight against Amer- fean fascism. This is a fight in which we are fatally concerned; one in which all anti-fascists face the dangers of the Nazi concentration camn. To misunderstand the Soviet Union at this late juncture, and in this critical hour, is to endanger the united front against fascism, These liberals, in comparing the executions in the Soviet Union with the Nazi purges, as Mr. Villard and others have done, are creating a dangerous atmosphere in which many minds may depart from such & united front, and find it logical to drift into fascism, Only by suppressing the one cosmic fact that differentiates Nazi Germany from the Soviet Union, the fact that the U.S. S. R. is a ig class republic while the Nazis are the most reactionary wing of canitlaism, have the liberals been able to build up their case. If a Negro for whom a lynching mob had come, pulled out a gun and defended himself, these liberals would condemn him equally with the 'vnehers, and would probably vote to have him hung for murder. ‘Technically, he may have committed murder, but morally, and socialiy, all liberalism should be on his side, as it should be on the side of the Soviet Union. e Surely the liberals must know by this time that the Soviet Union is the first land where capitalism is ended, and a better world of socizlist brotherhood is being built. Surely they must know that in the Soviet Union the land and the factories at last belong to the peonlc, and not to a few profiteers. Women have been emancipated, race hatred is a crime, culture is being brought to every dark hut, and the old war-making nationalism has been destroyed. ‘mn Nazi Germany all is the reverse. Monopoly capitalism has mece serfs of the working masses, all culture has been degraded and a new barbarism is finding official sanction. Women have lost all thei: hard-won rights, and are told to become breeding machines to produce soldiers for the new imperialist war which the Nazis so ardently desire. Race hatred has become the state religion. ‘The two systems, Nazi against Communist, are mortal enemies. Eyen a liberal, surely, has made his choice between them. And if he has, and has the faintest understanding of the brutal realities of capitalism, can he doubt for a moment that a socialist state like the U. S. S. R. is in constant danger from such enemies? How can liberals still live in their ivory tower? Have they never heard of the white guerd military college in Paris, where for ten years officers have been trained for an invasion of the Soviet Union? Or the Russian fascist groups in this country, with their newspapers in which they openly adyocate assassinetion of Soviet officials? Or Resenberg’s regiments of Russian fascists in Germany, with funds at their disposal for sabotage and spying work in the Soviet Union? Have the ‘liberals never heard of Hitler's plan for taking the Ukraine? Even the American capitalist newspapers have carried all this maierial for years. And at last, the devil's brew of Nazi and capital- ist hatred toils un into the foul murder of one cf the Soviet’s most beloved veteran leaders. Evidences of a wider plot that reached as far as Stalin were revealed. It was cil to be the signal for a new invasion of the sccialist land by their world of enemies, the fascists. . * * The First Shot H haa Russian workers who had accomplished miracles of construction, and harvested such a remarkable crop on the collective farms, felt the war feeling lifted for a while. Civil rights, the liberals ought to remember, were restored to the kulaks a few months ago. The G. P. U. was dissolved as a special branch of defense. Then came this sudden blow, and the Soviets struck back, in the only way a Hitler would respect and fear. It is the reactionaries who want the violence. It is they who frankly announce they will drown Russia in blood, rather than see socialism there. It is they who killed 65 strikers in America this year rather than yield a single penny in profit. It is they who lynch Ne- groes here, and torture Socialists, Communists, liberals and Jews in Germany. s Socialism or Fascism—this is the debate that is being carried on across the Soviet border. And the liberals deplore it ‘all, and can see no difference in the two camps, since both are fighting for “some- thing.” This is why, instead of rising in desperate anguish against ' these assassins who again threaten. so boldly the Soviet Union, the liberals stand by, wringing their hands. But the workers and the oppressed millions of the world under- stand, They can see the issue plain, and on which side their hope lies. They do not attack the Soviet Union, precisely in a moment when it is in danger, but leap to its defense. They do not wait, like the liberals, until the Nazi concentration camps are here, to fight against fascism, but recognize and fight it wherever it shows its beastly head. TUNING 2:00 P. M.-WEAF—Phil Cook Show Shop WOR—fports Resume—Stan Lomax ‘Ws2-—Amos 'n’ Andy—Sketch WABC—Myrt and Marge—Sketch :1S-WTAF—Baseball—Connie Mack, Manager, Philadelphia Athletics WOR—Lum and Abner—Sketch WoZ—Plantation Echoes WABS—Just Plain Bill—Sketch 1:20-WEAF—Hirsch Orchestra WOR—Mystery Sketch WJZ—Red Davis—fi:etch WABO—The O'Ne'lis—Sketch 1:45-WEAF—Uncle_ Ezra—Sketch WOR—Front-Pase Drama WJZ—Dangerous Paradise—Sketch WABC—Boake Carter, Commentator 8:00-WEAF—Bourdon Orchestra; Jessica Dragonette, Soprano; Male Quartet WOR—Lone Ranger—Sketch ‘Wiz—Jewels of Enchantment — Sketch WABC—Fray and Braggiotti, Piano 8:15-WJZ—Dick Liebert, Organ; Arm- bruster and Kr: Piano; Mary Courtlandt, Songs; Male Juartet w Edwin C. Hill, Commentator #:30-WOR—Katzmen Otchestra; Lucille Peterson, Songs: Choriste-s Quartet _WJZ—Goodman Orchestra WABC—Ccurt cf Human Relations 9:00-WEAF—Lyman Orchestra; Frank - Munn, Tenor; Vivienne Segal, IN Songs WOR—Hillbilly Music WJZ—Beatrice Lillie, Comedienne; Perrin Orch.; Cavaliers Quartet WABC—March of Time—Drama 9:15-WZ—Siberian Singers 9:30-WRAF—Bonime Orchestra; Pic and Pat, Comedians WOR—Lum and Abner—Sketch WJZ—Phil Bake:, Comedian; Gabri- elle De Lys, Songs; Belasco Orch. WABC—Hollywood Hotel—Sketeh With Dick Powell, Jane Williams, Ted. Flo-Rita Orchestra, Others; Kay Francis and George Brent, Guests 9:15-WOR—Garber Orchestra 10:00-WEAF—Dramatic Sketch WOR—Elaine Jordan, Songs WJZ—Gothic Choristers 10:15-WOR—Current Events—H. FE. Read 10:30-WEAF—Sympiony Orchestra; Frank Bleck, Conducter; Mixed Chorus ‘WOR—Variety Musicale ‘WiZ—The Jew and Christian—Rabbi Morris Lazaron WABC—The O'Fiynn-Musical Drama 11:00-WEAF—Talk—George Holmes, Chief ‘Washington Bureau, INS WOR—News WJZ—Duchin Orchestre. WABC—Nelson Orchestra. 11:15-WEAF—Jesse Crawford, Organ | The Daily Worker is printing | serially the extremely valuable and popular booklet by R. Palme Dutt, “Life and Teachings of V. I. Lenin,” published by Interna- tional Publishers. January 24 will be the eleventh anniversary of the death of Lenin. During these ten years the teach- ings of Lenin have spread to ever wider sections of the globe, inspir- ing the workers and oppressed to greater assaults on capitalism. So powerful have become the teachings of Lenin in this country that the vilest yellow journals of Hearst are forced to try to distort Lenin’s works in order to stem the rvedlutionary development of the American masses. The Daily Worker considers it a | great service to its readers to be | able to present this clear and ex- | cellent portrayal of the life and the working class, V. I. Lenin, CHAPTER I The Epoch of Lenin Bit | ed the decisive battles of capital- ism and the proletarian revolution was not to come until after the of 1871, when the workers held power for six weeks, showed the- way forward, capitalism had still before it a period of expansion of | its range throughout the world be fore it reached the era of deci and before the period of the world revolution could open, The world expansion of capitalism led to a stage in which the great- er part of the world became direct- ly subjected to the handful of cap- italist powers of Europe and the United States. The partition of the world reached completion in its main lines by the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The monopoly capitalism of the Western Powers held the world in tribute. Enor- mous profits flowed to the ruling financial class; a portion of these were used to buy off the rising labor movements by the concession of limited reforms and by the corrup- tion of the leadership. Capitalism entered into the stage of decline and parasitism, leading to the World War and the present general crisis —the stage of imperialism or, as Lenin defined it, the last stage of capitalism. The epoch of imperialism was the | epoch of Lenin. Marx and Engels did not live to witness more than the barest open- ing of the epoch of imperialism, to the character of which their writings had alrea: Below, for the first time in the English language, the compiete official text of the interview be- tween Joseph Stalin and H. G. Wells is reproduced. This conference is the clearest and at the same time the most effective portrayal of two forces: One, representative of an exuber- ant and powerful revolutionary system; the other, symbolic of those who perpetually apologize for capitalism and who desperately make watery parallelisms between socialism in construction and a reactionary profit system. The text of the interview was taken by C. Oumansky and approved by HH, G. Wells, Iv. STALIN: Yes, you are right when you say that the old social system is breaking down of its own accord. Take fas- cism for example. Fascism is a reactionary force which is trying to preserve the old world by means of viclence. What will you do with the fascists? Argue with them? Try to convinge them? But this will have no effect upon them at all. Answer Violence with Violence Communists do not in the least idealize methods of violence. But they, the Communists, do not want to be taken by surprise, they cannot count on the old world voluntarily departing from the stage, they sec that the old system is violently de- fending itself, and that is why the Communists say to the working class: answer violence with violence; do all you can to prevent the old dying order from crushing you; do not permit it to put manacles on your hands, on the hands with which you will overthrow the old system. As you see, the Communists regard the substitution of one so- cial system for another, not simply as a spontaneous and peaceful pro- cess, but as a complicated, long and. violent process. Communists can- not ignore facts. WELLS: But look at what is going on in the capitalist world. The col- lapse is not a simple one, it is the outbreak of reactionary violence which is degenerating into gang- sterism. And it seems to me that teachings of the great leader of | | death of Marx and Engels. Although | | the revolutionary struggles of 1848, | and still more the Paris Commuune | DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, JANUARY 4, 1935 | The leadership of international socialism passed from Marx and | Engels to Lenin. It passed, in fact, | to Lenin throughout this epoch, although it was not internationally recognized and effective until the victory of 1917 proved its claims. In the first stages of imperialism, after the death of Marx and Engels, a wave of confusion and weaken- ing of the revolutionary aim passed over the international working-class movement, The great mass organ- izations of the Socialist parties and the trade unions, organized in the Second International since 1889 and | in the International Federation of Trade Unions, grew enormously in numbers and strength. The Socialist International numbered twelve mil- lions by 1914. The program of Marx- ism remained in name the program. | But the practice turned increasingly to opportunism, that is, to adapta- | tion to the existing capitalist re- |; gime for the sake of limited im- | mediate concessions. . * 'HE true character of the period of imperialism was not at first | understood even by many Socialists. A whole theory of opportunism | grew up within the ranks of inter- national socialism. This theory re- garded the period of imperialism as |a refutation of the teachings of Marx: as an advance of capitalism | to new life and higher organization, overcoming its conflicts; as a period | jof the gradual reconciliations, of | social reform and increasing im- | provement of conditions for all, and | of the peaceful advance to socialism. These theories were in principle re- futed and condemned by the Social- | ist International; nevertheless, they increasingly dominated in practice. | The World War dealt the death- | Experience Teaches Us | Do Not Voluntarily ; of History, | world revolution, were there. Life and Teachings of V.I. Lenin By R. PALME DUTT the real character of imperialism as a period of violent crisis and ex- plosions, of ever-widening mass misery, and of the advance to the proletarian revolution. The greater part of Lefiin’s life, two-thirds of his active political life, was spent in the pre-War im- perialist epoch, in the midst of the deepening slough of opportunism and denial of revolution with in the ranks of international socialism. In the battle for revolutionary Marx- ism against opportunism Lenin grew up and grew strong, and steeled the party that he led for the coming conflicts. The World War brought the crisis and downfall of the old Socialist International. The supreme crisis and violent bursting of all the con- tradictions, to which Marx had long before pointed, brought the supreme test of international socialism. The old Socialist International, soaked jin opportunism, broke down at the test. It broke asunder, and its lead- ing parties passed openly to the service of the various warring im- | perialisms. 'HIS movement was the blackest | moment in modern history. The fate of humanity, to escape from the bog of destruction into which imperialism was bringing it, was bound up with international so- cialism. The moment which had been long foreseen and prepared for had come; the instrument, which hed been built up with the labor and sacrifice of generations to be ready for the crisis was at hand; and the instrument appeared to have failed. It looked as if the whole labor would have to begin again from the foundations at the twelfth hour, in a now desperate race against the forces of destruc- tion, Nevertheless, international social- ism had not failed. The forces that were to carry forward the movement to be equal to the demands of the crisis, and to open the victorious The center of these forces was Lenin. Marx died in 1883, Engels died in 1895. By 1893 Lenin had entered on his leading political activity, to be con- tinued without a break until his Jast illness in 1923, CHAPTER It. The Life of Lenin HE name of Lenin is already the first indication as to the char- acter of his life and work. The birth-name of Lenin was Viadimir llyitch Ulyanoy. in Russia That Decaying Classes Abandon the Stage Says Stalin when it comes to a conflict with | reactionary and unintelligent vio- lence, socialists can appeal to the | law, and instead of regarding the | police as the enemy they should support them in the fight against the reactionaries. I think that it is useless operating with the methods of the old rigid insurrectionary so- cialism, STALIN: The Communists base themselves on rich historical ex- | perience which teaches that obsolete | classes do not voluntarliy abandon | the stage of history. Recall the| history of England in the seven- teenth century. Did not many say that the old social system had de- | cayed? But did it not, nevertheless, | require a Cromwell to crush it by force? | WELLS: Cromwell operated on | the basis of the constitution and in | | the name of constitutional order. The Voice of History STALIN: In the name of the con- stitution he resorted to violence, be- headed the king, disversed Parlia- ment, arrested some and beheaded others! Or take an example from our history. Was it not clear for a long time that the tsarist system was de- caying, was breaking down? But how much blood had to be shed in| order to overthrow it? And what about the October Revo- lution? Were there not plenty of | people who knew that we alone, the Bolsheviks, were indicating the only way out? Was it not clear that Russian capitalism had decayed? But you know how great was the resistance, how much blood bad to be shed in order to defend the | October Revolution from all its enemies, internal and external. Or take France at the end of the eighteenth century. Long before 1789 it was clear to many how rotten the royal power, the feudal system was. But a popular insurrection, a clash of classes was not, could not be avoided. Why? Because the classes which must abandon the stage of history are the last to be- come convinced that their role is ended. It is impossible to convince them of this. They think that the fissures in the decaying edifice of | the old order can be mended, that the tottering edifice of the old order cen be repaired and saved. That is why dying classes take to arms} | and resort to every means to save their existence as a ruling class. WELLS: But there were not a few lawyers at the head of the Great French Revolution. STALIN: Do you deny the role of the intelligentsia in revolutionary movements? Wes the Great French Revolution a lawyers’ revolution and not a povular revolution, which achieved victory by rousing the vast ; masses of the people against feud- alism and championed the interests of the Third Estate? And did the Jawyers among the leaders of the Great French Revolution act in ac- cordance with the laws of the old order? Did they not introduce new, bourgeois-revolutionary law? Prepared for Battle The rich experience of history teaches that up to now not a single class has voluntarily made way for another class. There is no such precedent in world history. The Communists have learned this lesson of history. Communists would wel- come the voluntary departure of the bourgeoisie. But such a turn of af- fairs is improbable; that is what ex- perience teaches. That is why the Communists want to be prepared for the worst and call upon the working class to be vigilant, to be prepared for battle. Who wants a captain who lulls the vigilance of his army, a captain who does not understand that the enemy will not surrender, that he must be crushed? To be such & captain means deceiving, betraying the working class. That is why I think what seems to you to be old- fashioned is in fact a measure of revolutionary expediency for the working class. 1870. The name of Lenin, by which the whole world knows him, was originally a revolutionary pseudo- nym, adopted only after manhood to meet the needs of illegal revolu- tionary work under tsarism. Such conditions of illegal revolu- tionary work were almost unknown at the time in most of the rest of Europe, save for the very much milder example of the Anti-Socialist Laws of Bismark in Germany dur- ing the ‘eighties. They were con- sidered essentially peculiar to the “backwardness” of Russia Today the tables are turned. Over the great part of Europe such methods of illegal revolutionary work are becoming obligatory for conducting, not only the most ele- mentary socialist propaganda. but even the most elementary political fight against- complete servitude The “backwardness” of tsarism held in fact the mirror, in many respects, to the future of the European na- tions in the period of imperialist decay; the revolutionary movement which grew up under those condi- tions has become the strongest and Page 5 American Boy Describes Experiences in Soviet Union Factory School AN AMERICAN BOY IN THE SO- VIET UNION, by Harry Eisman. Youth Publishers: 64 pages; 10c. Reviewed by MAKTHA CAMPION Ss AMERICAN childhood was molded in the revolutionary movement. Joining the Pioneers in 1924, I have been steeped in the class struggle from the age of eleven. In 1926 I helped in Passaic strike, and I have mar on picket lines with cloakmakers and furriers, cafeteria employes and fruit clerks in New York. I took part in nearly every workers’ dem- onstration; I spoke often from the Platform in the name of the Young Pioneers. . . . I was arrested seven times in strikes and demonstrations and suspended from school. “On July 20, 1929, the Pioneers | organized a send-off for Boy Scouts |who were leaving for their inter- |national jamboree in England . . The police attacked the demonstra- the most advanced; while in the| tion, and four of us were arrested. “advanced” European countries the | Although the charge against me Movements which had prided them-|was admittedly flimsy, because of selves on their strength and leading| my record in children’s courts in role are now painfully compelled to learn the methods of struggle under the whip of the counter-ravolution This profound historical transposi tion is of the greatest importanci for understanding the role of the Russian revolutionary working-class movement, led by Lenin, in the in- ternational sphere, The Basic Conceptions and Founda- tions of Lenin’s Work 'HE legend is sometimes given cur- rency that Lenin was com- pletely unknown in world politics, or known only to a small band of faithful disciples, before 1917. Thus one of the most recent romantic | biographies in English declares that “it is not an overstatement to say that he was an unknown person in | the public life of the world until | October, 1917.” | This is not correct. Apart from his leadership in the old Socialist | International, on whose bureau he played for a period an active part, his historical role was familiar even | to bourgeois observers outside Rus- | sia already before the War. Thus a standard work such as the “Cam- bridge Modern History,” published in 1910, in a short chapter on the Preceding half century of Russian history devotes half a page to the | work and theories of Lenin as one of the significant influences of the tieth in Russia (To be continued) First Complete Reproduction of Famous Questions Interview Between H. G. Wells and Stalin WELLS: Idonot deny that force has to be used, but I think the forms of the struggle should fit as | closely as possible to the opportu- nities presented by the existing laws, which must be defended j against reactionary attacks. system because it is disorganizing itself enough as it is. That is why it seems to me insurrection against the old order, against the law, is obsolete, old-fashioned. Incidentally, I deliberately exag- | out more clearly. I can formulate my point of view in the following way: first, I am for order; second, | far as it cannot assure order; third, I think that class war propaganda may detach from socialism just | those educated people whom social- ism needs. Role of Intelligentsia STALIN: In order to achieve a great object, an important social object, there must be a main force, a bulwark, a revolutionary class. Next it is necessary to organize the assistance of an auxiliary force for this main force; in this case this auxiliary force is the Party, to which the best forces of the intel- ligentsia belong. Just now you spoke about “edu- cated people.” But what educated | people did you have in mind? Were there not plenty of educated people on the side of the old order in England in the seventeenth century, in France at the end of the eigh- teenth century, and in Russia in the epoch of the October Revolution? The old order had in its service imany highly educated people who defended the old order, who op- posed the new order. Education is Of course, the proletariat, socialism, needs highly educated people. Clearly, simpietons cannot help the proletariat to fight for socialism, to build a new society. I do not underestimate the role of the intelligentsia; on the contrary, I emphasize it. The question is, however, which intéiligentsia are we discussing? Because there are dif- ferent kinds of intelligentsia. (To be continued) There | |is no need to disorganize the old | | gerate in order to bring the truth | I attack the present system in so} |New York it was decided that I badly needed ‘correction.’ I was sent to the Hawthorne School, a reformatory, for six months In sequel to the events of the March 6, 1930, unemployed demon- stration when Foster, Minor, Ray- mond and Amter were arrested, I was returned to Hawthorne for breach of parole and given a five and one-half year term | Harry didn’t stay in the reform school. He was freed to go to the Soviet Union, on condition that he did not return to this country for at least two years. The police de- |Partment must have heaved a sigh of relief when the boat pulled out, |although when it took away Harry |it did not take away the Pioneer movement. | . ARRY EISMAN exemplifies much that was good and much that |was bad in our children’s move- |ment. He was spunky, class-con- scious, hard-working, fearless. These qualities and his activities have |made his name a by-word among Pioneers and adults. There is a troop in New York named for him. But he was also cocksure, conceited, | individualistic. There was about im a “me and Lenin and Stalin” | attitude that made him not a model | to other children but a stiff pain in He was born at| last decade of the ninteenth cen-| the neck to them. | Simbirsk (now renamed Ulyanovsk) | tury and first decade of the twen- (now the Union of So-| | y given the clew. | blow to these illusions, revealing | cialist Soviet Republics) on April 22, | These characteristics do not fit |a child to be the organizer of other working class children. Neither do | Question: Did Section 7a of the, National Industrial Recovery Act |Promote the growth of trade | unions? Was it drawn up for that purpose by the Roosevelt regime?— | Trade Unionist. Answer: At the ttme that Section ‘a was drawn up there was already the beginning of the great strike | wave of 1933-34, As early as Jan- uary, 1933, the workers began to fight for higher wages and better conditions. Hoping to divert the strike movement into safe channels, the administration with the aid of \the A. F. of L. bureaucracy an- |mounced that. 7a gaye labor “the right to organize.” But the American working class had won the right to organize, to strike and to bargain for wages in countless struggles during the past century. In fact these rights have meaning only when they are back: up by the organized might of the working class. Otherwise like de- mocracy under capitalism they re- main legal fictions. |7a did not grant the workers a | “right.” On the contrary it dealt them a severe blow by making the open shop and company pnions | legal and by introducing compulsory arbitration. The events of the last 18 months have shown how in every instance 7a has been used against the in- terests of the workers. About three and a half million workers were | driven into company unions with they fit a child for life in a working class society. Harry Eisman had a tough time in the Soviet Union for a while, after he had seen the country, had an interview with Maxim Gorky, been given some honorary titles, and had a two month’s vacation in a rest home in Crimea. He went to the factory school of “Amo,” the big Moscow automobile plant. There he found a friend, and had a good time, and paid little or no attention to his studies. He was undisciplined, and, when criticized, walked around with a chip on his shoulder. Was he not Harry Eis- man, a veteran of the class struggle, who had been suspended from school, arrested seven times, and jailed for his political ac’ des? THINGS went from bad to worse. Finally there was a large general meeting of all the factory discuss “the situation in Group 26 and the case of Harzy Eisman.” “All heads turned towards me in one of the seats in the back, with smiles of comradely appeal, as if to say, ‘Why did you get yourself into such a muddle anyway?’ .. . Bobka spoke against me, which was a sur- prise to some at the meeting, most of those present knowing of my close friendship with Bobka. When Bobka finished he came over and sat next to me. Actually, Bobka couldn't have done otherwise. He was my friend and he was also a good Comsomol . The vote was in my favor—that is, that I should be given only a reprimand... . The bureau meeting and general meet- ing made me think _ The result was that he finished the two-year factory school course with favorable marks on his di- ploma, being rated “Good.” The story of his tribulations, told with a sort of stubborn frankness, is good, interesting reading, written in a style that is simple, imaginative and very personal. But, more then that, it is a story full of political significance, both for those inter- ested in the revolutionary move- ment as a whole, and especially for | those interested in training children Consequently | and youths for citizenship workingclass society Those who are interested in estab- lishing a new society, in which there will be new men and women, and those who are interested in the fate of the individual under social- ism, can say after reading this book what Harry said after the meeting of the factory nuclei: “It made me think.” in a and Answers the aid of the N. R. A. It is es- timated by the reactionary National Industrial Conference Board that | about five million workers now are forced to belong to the various com- pany unions. In every strike dispute the labor boards have been used as govern- ment strike-breaking agencies. This was the case in textiles, steel and auto, and in the innumerable small- er disputes that came before the boards. By delay and through so- called impartial decisions the N. R. A. was used to smash the struggles of the workers. It is true that the workers, de- ceived by Roosevelt's false promises, construed the N. R. A. to mean that the government was behind them in their fight with the employers, But as the Communists predicted many soon found that it was the best weapon that the enemy class | had at its disposal. Today many workers have learned through experience that their strug- gles can be won only through their own organized.strength. They can- not depend upon government boards which break strikes and betray their demands. To defeat the capitalist | attack against their living standards and their organizations, the workers must fight against company unions, against the plan of the regime to destroy genuine unions by herding all workers into government-super- vised federal unions, that is, into fascist unions under the control of the employers. | Short Wave Radio News [NEW YORK | Club is increasing by bounds. In fact, we have already | outgrown our present headquarters for the purpose of organizing for- mal classes embracing theory as | well as code, the need for this be- | | coming more apparent day by day. | Another committee was elected to arrange for regular code practice over the air and schedules with otiaer cities. | CLEVELAND There is another Workers’ Radio Club in Cleveland, with several in Little Lefty LOOK, STOVEPIPE, sere coes Lerty's| Ue LOOKS LIKE SWELL ff GUY! A I = RY HEART, YERH, BLT HE'S R 100 PERCENT PATRIOT ANO HATES —HE KINO oF “~(RouBLE* COMMUNISTS STIR UP Here’s How! Cause WHAT A WHAL' OF A DIFFERENCE A FEW WAGE-CU (4 TS cure! A PACIFIST by del | {a Someone TAKES OFF 3|"\ KiS GLASSES AND PUNCHES HIM ON THE NOSE / weapon the effect of which is|and have standing room only at! determined by the hands which | meetings. Code practice was held) classes in radio: wield it, by who is to be struck down. | as usual. A committee was elected the general theory it who already have licenses, The | i club is going t The membership of the New York | going to see about héead- leaps and Quarters and the possibility of get- ting a club rig as soon as possible— that will be for the combined club. From now on, there will be two first, one giving and the second, more advanced theory, Classes will be held Wednesday and Thursday from 7 to 8:30 pm. Practically all those who took the class last term are planning to take the advanced class, “The class you are planning in New York is quite different from the one that we are conducting: Possibly you have a much better plan. Now that we have unearthed several real live hams, we can pos- | sibly use a program more like yours, We, of course, have been doing code | practice, but that has been outside the class—in the club, We have | reached the point where we all know the code and can receive about 5 wpm. We get along splendidly | when we send to each other with | the oscillator, but when we tried | to listen to traffic last week, we didn’t get one station sending slow- ly enough; we got nothing out of that session. Now, of course, we Ve have one of our hams send { | to us. “As for building the club iver | and xmitter: We can get the parts uae as cheaply as you can in New York. It is merely a matter of our getting active and raising the nece | essary money. Now that we have some hams in the club, we will no doubt find it much easier because they have offered to contribute their spare parts.” x ” 2