The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 3, 1935, Page 5

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JANUARY 3, 1935 | CHANGE —-THE — | WORLD! T WAS Herschel Brickell, the book review editor, who originally started us remembering the famous little fable of the ideal gadget. Mr. Brickell is a sceptic, a decided sceptic. He scoffs at the childish notions of the Communists who believe that a “revolution is inevitably good.” Personally, he doubts very much the whole concept of the “nerfectibility of the human race.” Of the Communists, he with Mr. Krutch, the theoretician of the Nation, Oswald Garrison Villard’s pocket-philosopher, believes: “There was jam yesterday, says the Reactionary. There will be jam tomorrow, say the Revolutionists. But there is never jam today.” This is a little white lie on Mr. Brickell’s part. He has informed the world, in his column, that no less than a week ago he signed a deed to a new rural home of his, named “Acorn Cottage.” That must give Mr. Brickell two places to live in. The workers who spend their nights sleeping in the subway entrances would certainly call that, not only “jam,” but real French pastry. The Fable of the Ideal Gadget UT to get back to the fable of the ideal gadget. A man once went into an ironmonger’s shop and said hesitantly: “Do you sell those gadgets for fixing on doors “Well, sir,” replied the assistant, “I am not quite sure if I under- Stand your requirements, but I take it you are needing a patent auto- matic door-closer?” By MICHAEL GOLD ———_____ 3} The Daily Worker is printing | serially the extremely valuable | and popular booklet by R. Palme Dutt, “Life and Teachings of V. I. Lenin,” published by Interna- tional Publishers. January 24 will be the eleventh | anniversary of the death of Lenin. During these ten years the teach- ings of Lenin have spread to ever wider sections of the globe, inspir- ing the workers and oppressed to greater assaults on capitalism. So powerful have become the teachings of Lenin in this country that the vilest yellow journals of Hearst are forced to try to distort Lenin’s works in order to stem the rveolutionary development of the American masses. The Daily Worker considers it a great service to its readers to be able to present this clear and ex- cellent portrayal of the life and | teachings of the great leader of | thé working class, V. I. Lenin, CHAPTER IT The Epoch of Lenin Il. NLY the natural sciences, which | were technically useful to capital- | ism, were able to continue progress through the nineteenth century, and even here only in the face of con- |stant conflict against the reaction- ary ruling forces. But the natural sciences worked only in their sep- | arate fields, without any wider) growing up on every side, while the Power of the ruling bourgeois thought to deal with them was weakening, and drying up, that Marx, building on a profund study of all previous thought and kni edge, and of existing world realities, was able to break through the ob- stacles and show the way forward and thus stands out in the nine- teenth century as the maker and builder of the modern world. Marx first worked out a fully scientific world outlook and meth- Life and Teachings of V. I. Lenin By R. PALME DUTT irrational jumble of accidents, nor as the fulfillment of arbitrary ideas and notions, but as a systematic, scientifically explicable develop- ment, based on the given stage of the material forces of production and consequent forms of social re- lationship, giving rise to correspond- ing forms of social consciousness, class relations, ideology, social and political structure, and consequent conflicts and contradictions, leading to further development. The whole of recorded past his- tory—subsequent to the period of primitive communism, when the low level of production and absence of surplus left no scope for class divi- | sion and exploitation—thus becomes revealed as a succession of different forms of class society and class domination, corresponding to differ- ent stages of production, and devel- oping through a series of class struggles. | (APITALISM is seen on this out- |“ look, not as a permanent iney- | itable “natural necessity” or super- | historical “economic law” (as the | bourgeois professors tried to make | believe), but as a historical phase, | with a beginning and with an end— the last phase of class society. Capi- talism, growing out of the conditions of feudalism and small-property so- ciety, replaces, or thrusts to the | background, the previous dominant forms of class privilege and division | by a new form—the division of the owning class becomes a fetter on the further development of produc- tion. The conditions are thus ripe for the next st Ca alism becomes a reactionary, and no longer a gressive, force. The growing co! dictions and successively machine, er wealth-producing power, rising conflicts of the and the proletariat. The proletariat is compelled by the conditions of its existence to organize collectively and seek salva- tion in the common ownership of the means of production. The class struggle of the proletariat becomes the sole progressive force, requiring to be carried forward to the revolu- tionary point when the proletariat conquers political power, takes over the means of production from the capitalists and organizes social pro- duction for use, thus inaugurating the classless society. In this out- come Marx found the solution for the problems of the present epoch. 'HE central task of our epoch Marx thus sees as the realization of the dictatorship of the proletariat to organize production socially and lead the way to the classless com- munist society of the future. and bourgeoisie the THE COMMUNIST IN TERNA- TIONAL, Vol. XI, No. 23; 10 cents a copy Reviewed by | ED SMITH © ANY worker who wishes to keep abreast of developments in the international revolutionary move- ment, who wishes to keep informed regarding the current problems of revolutionary strategy and tactics— for penetrating Marxist - Leninis’ analyses of the most urgent tions facing the working class, The Communist International, organ of the Executive Committee of the C. I, is indispensadle. No. 23 is ar issue which bears this out The leading article is the most complete review of the recent events in Spain that has appeared to date. In a thoroughgoing analysis it lays bare the background, the alignment of class forces, the role played by each of the political parties, and the whole series of developments that led to the armed uprising of the Spanish masses Today, when the accelerated ma- | turing of the revolutionary crisis raises as the chief slogan of the Communist Parties the slogan of Soviet Power, it becomes a matter of greatest importance to study ques- most serio Page 5 | United Front in Spain | Analyzed in Communist International ! (o. 23 upsurge of the revolutionary movee ment places before the Commu he question of veloping new Especially now is it essential to train Party workers in the lower organizations and to develop theif abili to adopt an independent course in a complicated situation, to carry out boldly the Party line without waiting for directions front above A. F. of L. Convention I. Mingulin contributes an article entitled “The American Federation of Labor Convention,” which is a detailed ussion on the 54th Convention of the A. F. of L, Today the Party establishes a$ its main trade union policy one of work inside and building the broad opposition within the A. F. of L, for the purpose of strengthening the class struggle policy and carry ing on a fight against the bureaus crats and the employers. It is theres fore essential to study to study most carefully every development within the A. F. of L. Comrade Mingulin’s detailed examination of the A. F. of L. and his analysis and estima tion of the r will be of great value to our Party and-all active trade union workers. S. P. Leaders on October Revolution common understanding, thus lead- | od. This is the outlook of dialetical ing inevitably to the subsequent di- | materialism, each and every one . E a f ; ary struggles that | N0- 23 contains an article by CG, “Exactly,” said the customer. “One to fix on my pantry door Puceeceisie Or property-owninig class one Aes ae eauee eee This task requires the internat m= ; alas = ee Lnghactrrdes , es Z © present period. Redmill. “The Leaders of the Soe which, by the way, contains a glass window.” lemmas and crises of science, when | od Pas who live by the employment of | ai revolutionary organization of the | occurred Guring "the present petiod. | cetiet Barty oli the October Haene ‘ ue 2 | WWARX built he: ai ‘ others’ labor, and the proletariat or | proletariat to accomplish its world These experiences and lessons thus : © a 3 “You will want a cheap one, sir?” further advance (eames: own: the ult Gray Sie. Mialontic ay dispossessed wage - earning class, | mission, become the property of the prole- | !ution.” Comrade Redmill reviews “Cheap but serviceable.” provisional barriers and compels the Hegel, but freed 4 trom its Arbi-| who'are nominally free, but are in| s°™ tariat in every country and serve as | the writings of foremost Socialist “You will prefer an English make, sir?” red of a more basic under- | Nan idealist elements. With Feuer- | rat dependent for their livelihood| To this task Marx and his co-|4 further guide jn the revolutionary /¢2@ders in the United States and . z es Standing. | bach, the materialist disciple of | seed Be | worker, Engels, who shares with him | + e { s | Shows from quotations from the “ ” | a 2 rr 1 Indeed, that’s a most important consideration. Of attempt at a scientic under- | Hegel, he saw that the ideal world on the bourgeoisie. struggles against their own national “You will perhaps want one with ornamentation, scroll work and roses, for instance?” “Oh, no, nothing of the sort, thank you. unobtrusive as possible.” “You would like it made of some rustless metal, sir?” “That would be very convenient.” “And with a strong spring?” “Well, moderately strong.” “To be fixed on which side, sir?” “Let me see; the right-hand side.” “Now, sir,” said the assistant, “I will go through each point, one by one. You want an efficient (but not too costly) English made, unobtrusive, rustless, unornamented, patent automatic door closer, to be fixed right-handed with a moderately strong spring to a pantry door with a glass windew. Is there anything further, sir?” “Well, it’s ver) good of you to help me like this,” said the customer. “I should also like it easily adjusted and easily removable, and above all it must not squeak or need constant oiling.” “In fact,” said the clerk, “You want an apparatus combining a variety of qualities, in a word, an absolutely silent, efficient, economical, invisible, corrosive-proof, unornamented, not-too-heavily easily adjustable, readily removable, British-made, right-handed, patent automatic door closer, ideally fitted in every possible respect for at- taching to vour pantry door which (I understand you to say) contains a@ glass window. How is that, sir?” “Splendid, splendid.” “Well, said the clerk, “I regret that there has never been any article of that description put on the market, but if you care to visit our wholesale department across the road, you may perhaps be able to make your selection from a reasonably large assortment of our presont imperfect models. Good day, sir.” Mr. Brickell and Mr. Krutch ELL, that's the story of the ideal gadget. People like Mr. Brickell, Mr. Krutch and Mr, Villard are saddened by the fact that there are no ideally perfect, readily noble, spiritually supreme workers on the market upon whom they could put their faith to carry through a revolution which shail be quite as noble and as perfect as they themselves are. It is regrettable, but unavoidable, that the Commu- nists must be compelled to carry through a revolution with the present assoriment of workers who do not possess all those noble, ideal qualities without which Mr. Brickell and Mr. Krutch do not see the possibilities of establishing a world which shall release men from the miseries and the exploitations which they now suffer. We would, no less than those defenders of the spirit, prefer to have a working class which should be free from superstition, released from the fears and terrors of capitalist life, men like gods, possessed of the souls of angels—or of book review editors. But we must deal with what capitalism has made of the working class—knowing that the workers are not all angels, knowing that the forces and fears of eccnomic and spiritual tyranny which en army of police and priests exercises over them has made them precisely those things for which the Brickell’s and the Krutch’s assume an aristocratic sneer of smug contempt. I want it as plain and A “Better” World FE THE workers are degraded, if they are forced to live the lives of sub-human creatures, who is resvonsible if not the very system which, despite their easy, cautious reservations, the Brickell’s and the Krutch’s defend? Marx pointed out long ago that the more power, wealth and luxuriousness accumulated at one end of the cavitalist system, the more hunger, exploitation, and degradation accumulated at the other end—the workers’ end. With such people, sneer Brickell and Krutch, how can you establish a “better” world? There is no guarantee that the Communist “Utopia” of tomorrow will be better than the capitalist society of today. “Better” for whom? Perhans for Mr. Krutch and Mr. Brickell, it will not be “better.” And it is easy to see why. What will become of Acorn Cottage? But for the workers it will be “better.” Tt will be a world without unemployment, without exploitation, without warped childhoods, bitter manhoods, broken middle-ages, and Potter's Field deaths. It will be a world in which social security {s a fundamental law, not a will-o-the-wisp. It will be @ society in which the ability to produce shall be harnessed to the capacity to consume. It will be & society in which a factory is not an industrial prison, but a dynamo of human activity. It will be a world in which the progress of man shall be “higher” in the stage of material and social development just as capitalism is a stage higher than feudalism. This world, which is inevitable, which already exists and grows in the Soviet Union, may not be a “perfect” world—men may not be angels and women Mother Marys—but it will be a world in which the horrors and brutalities known today to the workers will be re- membered as an evil dream—as a time when such ineredible barbarians as Mr. Krutch and Mr. Brickell existed and were called by an out- landish unscientific name—capitalist liberals, T NOW! THEATRE UNION’S SENSATIONAL DRAMATIC HIT stevedore THEATRE PARTIES AT STEVEDORE FOR The Benefit of Chicago United Workers Organizations JANUARY “7th, 9th, 15th and 17th SELWYN _ Theatre— Dearborn and Lake Streets “Every worker in Chicago should see Me It is a triumph on the cultural front.” — CLARENCE HATHAWAY TICKETS 40¢ to $2. MATS, WED. & SAT. TICKETS ON SALE IN CHICAGO AT: Chicago Workers School, 405 Sonth State. St.; Communist Party, 101 South Wells St.; International Labor Defense, 1708 W. Madison St.; Trade Union Unity League, 1708 W. Madison St.; Freiheit, S228 W. Roosevelt International Workers Order, 2457 W. Chicago A\ Workers Book Store, 2019 W. Division St.; Vilnis, S116 S. Halsted 8! Ludu, 1510 W. i8th St. standing of man’s life and history, | and social and political institutions, | in their total relationship, and not | in isolation, there was hardly even the conception before Marx. Sea ae HUS, humanity before Marxism | developed blindly, through the blind interplay of opposing forces, | often with terrible results, without attempt at collective understanding. | This blind development still con- | tinues, as far as the old forces are | dominant (the World War, the pres- | |ent world economic crisis); but the| new organizing force of collective | scientific understanding and action | | (Marxism or international Commu- | nism, represented by the interna- | tional working class) is able to play | an increasingly powerful role at every stage, and will ultimately control the process. It was at this critical stage of the | nineteenth century, when new forees, problems and conflicts were Below, for the first time in the English language, the complete official text of the interview be- | tween Joseph Stalin and H. G. Wells is reproduced, This conference is the clearest and at the same time the most effective portrayal of two forces: One, representative of an exuber- ant and powerful revolutionary system; the other, symbolic of those who perpetually apologize for capitalism and who desperately make watery parallelisms between socialism in construction 4nd a reactionary profit system. The text of the interview was taken by C. Oumancky and approved by H. G. Wells. . . stig STALIN: We Soviet people have not a _ little experience of the technical intelligentsia. After the October Revolution, a certain section of the tech- nical intelligentsia refused to take |part in the work of constructing the new society; they opposed this work of construction and sabotaged it. We did all we possibly could to bring the technical intelligentsia into this work of construction; we tried this way and that. Not a | little time passed before our tech- nical intelligentsia agreed actively to assist the new system. Today the best section of this technical intelligentsia are in the front ranks of the builders of socialist society: Having this experince, we are far from underestimating the good and the bad sides of the technical in- telligentsia, and we know that on the one hand it can do harm, and on the other hand it can perform “miracles.” Of course, things would be different if it were possible, at one stroke, spiritually to tear the technical intelligentsia away from the capitalist world. But that is Utopia. Are there many of the technical intelligentsia who would dare break away from the bourgeois world and set to work to reconstruct, society? Do you think there are many people of this kind, say, in England or in France? No, there are few who would be willing to break away from their employers and begin reconstructing the world. On Political Power Besides, can we lose sight of the fact that in order to transform the was no mystical creation out of | nothing, but the reflection of the material world. But he differed from the passive materialism of Feuerbach, or the mechanical mate- rialism of the French and English materialists, in that he brought out the practical role of the thought- Process and human activity, not merely as the passive refiection of the material world, but as in turn acting upon and transforming the material world. Hence, the distin tive character of dialectical materi- alism, in its unity of theory and practice. “Philosophers have only explained the world in different ways; the task is to change it” (Karl Marx, ‘Theses on Feuerbach”), This conception reaches its full cealization in the lives of both Marx and Lenin, On the basis of this outlook, Marx was able to analyze the development The discovery of the laws of motion of capitalist society was the specific work of Marx in applying the methods of dialectical material- Jism to the existing stage of social | development He was able to show that capitalism in its early stages| | despite wholesale cruelty and hard- | ship, was nevertheless a progressive | force, driving through competition | | to continual development of the/ | productive forces, enlargement of | | the scale of production, concentra- | tion of capital and increasing of the numbers of the proletariat. | But by this very process capital- | ism prepares its own destruction. | Originating on a basis of individual | | property ownership, capitalism de- | velops to the opposite, to a gigantic, | though anarchic, large-scale organ- | ization of production, in which the | overwhelming mass of producers are cut off from ownership, while the | appropriation of the fruits by the | of human history, no longer as an! small and increasingly parasitic Professional First Complete Reproduction of F amous Interview Between H. G. Wells and Stalin and Technical Groups Can Only Help the Class That Takes Power; They Cannot Change the World, Says Stalin world it is necessary to have poiiti- | cal power? It seems to me, Mr. Wells, that you greatly’ underesti- mate the question of political power, that it entirely drops out of your conception. What can those, even with the best intentions in the world, do if they are unable to raise the question of seizing power, and do not possess power? At bast they | can help the class which takes power, but they cannot change the world. themselves. This can only be done by a great class which wili take the pace of the capitalist class and become the sovereign master as the latter was before. This class is the working class. Of course, the assistance of the technical intelli- gentsia must be accepted; and the latter, in turn, must be assisted. But it must not be thought that the technical intelligentsia can play an independent historical role. The transformation of the world is a great, complicated and painful pro- cess. For this great task a great class is required. Big ships go on long voyages. WELLS: Yes, but for long voyages a captain and a navigator are re- quired. STALIN: That is true, but what is first required for a long voyage is a big ship. What is a navigator without a shin? An idle man. WELLS: The big ship is human- ity, not a class. STALIN: You, Mr. Wells, evident- ly start out with the assumption that all men are good. I, however, do not forget that there are many wicked men. I do not believe in the goodness of the bourgeoisie. Changing Mentality WELLS: I remember the situation | with regard to the technical intel- | ligentsia several decades ago. At | that time the technical intelligentsia was numerically small, but there was much to do and every engineer, technician and intellectual found his opportunity, That is why the tech- |nical intelligentsia was the least |Yevolutionary class. Now, however, | there is a superabundance of tech- nical intellectuals, and their men- | tality has changed very sharply. The | skilled man, who would formerly never lisien to revolutionary talk, is | now greatly interested in it. Recently I was dining with the Royal Society, our great English | Scientific society. The President's | speech was a speech for social plan- ning and scientific control. Thirty years ago they would not have lis- tened to what I say to them now. Today, the man at the head of the Royal Society holds revolutionary views and insists on the scientific reorganization of human society. Your class-war propaganda has not kept pace with these facts. Men- tality changes. STALIN: Yes, I know this, and this is to be explained by the fact that canitalist society is now in a eul de sac. The capitalists are seeking, but cannot find, a way out |of this cul de sac that would be compatible with the dignity of this class, compatible with the interests |of this class. They could, to some extent, crawl out of the crisis on their hands and knees, but they | cannot find an exit that would en- |able them to walk out of it head | raised high, a way out that would jnot fundamentally disturb the in- | terests of capitalism. This, of course | is realized by wide circles of the | technical intelligentsia. A large | section of it is beginning to reatize | the community of its interest with | those of the class which is capable of pointing the way out of the cul de sac. WELLS: You, of all people, know something about revolutions, Mr. | Stalin, from the practical side. Do the masses ever rise? Is it not an established truth that all reyolu- tions are made by a minority? STALIN: To bring about a revolu- tion a leading revolutionary minor- ity is required, but the most) talented, devoted and energetic mi- | nority would be helpless if it did not | rely upon the at least passive sup- port of millions. the honor both of the original n bourgeoisie. elaboration of the theory and of the United Front Lessons leadership of the practical fight, devoted their lives, both on the Of exceptional interest and im- theoretical and on the practical , portance to us in the United States front. are the experiences of the Spanish In the growth and shaping of the ;COmmunist Party in the develop- international working class move- ™Ment of the united front tactics. |ment through the second half of|The article examines the whole course of the united front develop- ; ‘ he role played by the Engels played the leading part, ,™ents and tl l 3 y tt Through the international Com- Cominuiie Party, the Socialist munist League, through the First |Party, and the other organizations the nineteenth century Marx and contact with the working-class | movements of the dicerent coun- | Ut clearly the strik tries throughout the world, Marx rising international working-class movement. By the death of Marx in the death of Engels, in 1895, Marx- ism was the recognized basis of the entire international working-class movement. (To be continued) WELLS: At least passive? haps sub-conscious? STALIN: Partly also the semi-in- stinctive and semi-conscious, but without the support of millions the best minority is impotent. watch Communist pro- Paganda in the West, and it seems to me that in modern conditions this propaganda sounds very old- fashioned, because it is insurrection- ary propaganda, Propaganda in favor of the violent overthrow of the social system was all very well when it was directed against tyranny. modern con- ditions, when the em is col- lapsing anyhow, stress should be laid on efficiency, on competence, on productiveness, and not on insurrec- tion. It seems to me that the in- surrectionary note is obsolete. The Communist propaganda in the West is a nuisance to constructive-minded people. Life and Death Struggle STALIN: Of course, the old sy: tem is breaking down, decaying. That is true. But it is also true that Per- But under sy: | International, and through direct within the Alliance Obrera (Work- ers Alliance). The article points breaking posi- tion and the counter-revolutionary land Engels trained and guided the | #¢tivities of the anarchist leaders The experiences in Spain prove that revolutionary struggles developed | 1883, and still more by the time of precisely to the extent that the united front was achieved and car- ried through. It was exactly in those places where the united front was strongest that revolutionary Struggles reached the greatest heights. It is necessary to empha- size, however, that the fascist forces | of counter-revolution, in spite of a | temporarily favorable outcome for them, have by no means effected a decisive victory over the prole- | tariat. Training Forces “The Question of Communist Cadres,” by Comrade Chernomor- dik is a discussion article in prepa- ration for the Seventh Congress of | the C. I. It points out that the Sharpening of class struggles throughout the world and the rapid Questions a Question: Why does the Commu- nist Party fight for unemployment insurance? Does not this give the workers the illusion that capitalism can be reformed? Shouldn't we fight for the overthrow of the whole sys- tem instead of for immediate re- form? D, K. P. Answer: The Communist Party | fights for unemployment insurance imow because this represents the greatest and most immediate need of the American working class today | Unemployment and all that it en-/ tails is the most significant effect | of the economic crisis upon the toil- | {ers. Any effort directed at relieving | unemployment at the expense of the employers and the capitalist state is therefore a blow struck in behalf new efforts are being made by other | of the working class and its material methods, by every means, to pro-| welfare. tect, to save this dying system. You| The Workers’ Unemployment and draw a wrong conclusion from a | Social Insurance Bill is not a “re- correct postulate. You rightly state form” that will strengthen the power that the old world is breaking down. But you are wrong in thinking that it is breaking down of its own ac- | cord. No, the substitution of one social system for another is a com- plicated and long revolutionary | process. It is not simply a sponta- | neous process, but a struggle, it is | a process connected with the clash of classes. Capitalism is decaying, but it must not be compared simply with a tree which has decayed to such | an extent that it must fall to the ground of its own accord. No, revo- | lution, the substitution of one so- cial system for another, has always been a struggle, a painful and cruel struggle, a life and death struggle. And every time the people of the | new world came into power they had to defend themselves against | the attempts of the old world to) restore the old order by force; these people of the new world always had to be on the alert, always had to be ready to repel the attacks of the old world upon the new system. (To be continued) of the capitalists. On the contrary it strikes at their profits, and by training and strengthening the fighting powers of ¢ workers, it enables the working class to take a step forward*toward destroying the power of the ruling class. The capitalists have improved their position of foisting the bur- TUNING Commission of the Soviet Union, will outline “The Aim of the U.SS.R. Second Five Year Pian” in a radio address over the WABC- Columbia network today, from 2:45 to 3 p.m., Eastern Standard Time. WABC, New York. 7:00 P. M.-WEAF—Himber Orchestra we —Stan Lomax Wi. —Sketen W, Little Lefty I CAN'T WORK ANY FASTER MR. STONE TOM You'Re FIRED / axe YouR Srupip FACE OUTA HEREs \'LL GET! JONES BACKON WHEE/ A LETTER FROM —HE 6055 ANO HE WANTS TO} Re-HiRE| | ARTY, LOW-DOWN SWINOLER, (LL TELL HIM Was TO DOwITA No Choice! OF $30 - wy G_\ me! — Bur FoR $12 INSTEAD We ° WELL! B | Suess EB) ME ON THE. Ba SPOT / Valery V. Obolensky Ossinsky, vice) 7:30- ; chairman of the State Planning | writings of Hillquit, Cahan, Thomas and Laidler the bas milarity in the position of Thomas, “the mili- tant” and Hillquit, the previous leader of the “old guard.” Comrade Redmill shows that the position of Thomas and the position of the old guard is identical, their views coins ciding on the following main points? 1) The October Revolution was not & socialist revolution; (2) the dic- tatorship of the proletariat is not the form of the transition from capitalism to socialism; (3) there is no need for the violent overthrow of capitalism Japan's War Preparations The final article is an analysis by O. Tanin and E. Jogan entitled “The Military Organization of Jap- anese Economy,” which shows the elaborate preparation of Japanese imperialism for further military annexationist adventures. It is of keen interest to American workers when the Roosevelt government is Preparing detailed plans for the organization of war industry and for the mobilization and intensified exploitation of the working class for the next imperialist war; how the Japanese imperialists are pursuing a similar policy insofar as their own imperialist interests are concerned, All Party members and sympa- thizers should read and study No. 23 of “The C, I.,” and the materials contained in this issue should be used as the basis of discussions in units, study circles and workers’ or ganization. nd Answers dens of the crisis upon the backs of the workers. By making the cap- italists pay for the ravages of the crisis, the workers thus fight against the capitalist way out of the crisis. It is in these struggles around the issue of which class should bear the brunt of the crisis that the broader political fight between the working class and the capitalist class manifests itself. Thus the fight for bread and adequate relief in- volves the whole question of train ing and preparing the masses for the revolutionary overthrow of the capitalist scheme of things. The winning of unemployment in- surance will not lull the masses into believing that capitalism can be re- formed. The fight can only be won be mass actions and struggles of the workers. In this conflict they see the power of the capitalist state. More and more it is put forward by the capitalists to protect their profits against the demands of the work- ers, The masses begin to under stand the role of the capitalist state in defending profits, and the necessity of destroying the capitals ist state and setting up the prole- tarian dictatorship, as the prerequis site for the revolutionary way out of the crisis. iN WEAF-—Minstrel Show WOR—Al and Lee Reiser, Piane WABC—Troopers Band 7:45-WOR—Comedy Music WJZ—Shirley Howard, Songs WABC—Boeke Carter, Commentator | 8:00-WEAP—vVallee’s Variety | He will speak from the studios of | WOR—Little Symphony Orchestra, Philip James, Conductor WJZ—RomAnce of Glass—Sketch WABC—Spitelny Ensemble 8:30-WJ%—Charles Sears, Tenor} Lyon, Soprano WABC—Johnson Nell, Baritone; Ruth Orchestra; Edward Fdwin C. Hill, Name rator; Speaker, Richard H. Gran Vice President, General Motors 9:00-WEAP—Captain Henry's Show Boat WOR-—Hilbilly Music WJZ—Death Valley Days—Sketch WABC—Gray Orchestra; Annette Hanshaw, Songs; Walter O'Keefe 9:30-WOR—To Be Announced WsZ—Presentation, American Hes brew Medal for Promotion of Bet= ter Understanding Between Chris- tian and Jew in America, to James G. McDonald, High Commissioner for Refugees From Germany, at Dinner at Temple Emanu-El; Speakers, Dr. Albert Einstein, Raymond P. Moley, Editor of To- day, and Others WABC—Waring Orchestra 9:45-WOR—Garter Orchestra 10:00-WEAF—Whiteman’s Music Hall; Helen Jepson, 1o WOR-—Channing Choir WJZ—Melodic Strings 10:15-WOR—Current Events—H. E, Read 10:30-WOR—Kemp Orchestra WdZ—Production in Relation to Consumption—-Edwin G. Nourse, william Brookings _ Institution; Kiplinger, Economist w Orchestra 10:45-WABC—Voice of the Crusader ‘WEAP—Adventures in Literaturs— a ‘H. Isham 11:00-