The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 27, 1934, Page 6

Page 6 Daily ,QWorker SURTRAL ORGAN COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A (SECTION OF COMMUNIST INTEREATIONS ) “America’s Only Working Class Dally Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 5¢ E. 13th Street, New York, N. Y¥. ; Telephone: ALgonquin 4-795 4. Cable Address: “Daiwork,” New York, N. ¥, Washington Bureau: Room 954 onal (4th and F St., Washington, D. 0. T Midwest Bureau Press Telephone: Dearborn 3931. Subscription Rates: By Mail: (except Manhattan and Bronx), 1 year, 96.00; € months, $3.50; 2 months, $2.00; 1 month, 0.75 cents. Manhattan, Bronx, F and Canada: 1 year, $9.00; & months, $3.00 $5.00; 3 ly 78 cents. ; 6 months, 75 cents. ear DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY. DECEMBER 27, 1 governing bodies and bring forward sharply the de- mands of the cash relief. unemployed workers for increased Into these demonstrations can be brought the forces of the organizations that have signalized their support of such a movement by their backing of the National Congress. Some Pointers | MONEY TALKS! Building, phone: National 7910. 101 South Wells St., Room 705, Chicago, Ml. As in the case of New York City, where workers will assemble at City Hall and demand endorsement of the Workers’ Bill, the demonstration will, at the same time, set forth the workers’ demands for un- employment insurance and their resistance against the sales tax and the sharp attacks upon the living standards of the unemployed. ‘The success of the National Congress in Wash- ington will depend upon the effectiveness with which the Communists take hold of the local issues of the unemployed and give expression to those demands THURSDAY, DECEMBER 27, 1934 Roosevelt Prepares for Congress HE line of Roosevelt’s policy for the coming Congress is rapidly emerging from preliminary press reports. And already it is clear that one of the major policies of the Wall Street em- ployers’ offensive, as outlined by them at their recent conferences in New York and While Sulphur Springs, namely, the drive to smash all relief ap- propriations to the bone, is also the point at which Roosevelt is going to strike the American masses first! The New York Herald Tribune reporis that Roosevelt has made his decision on relief policy and that this entails “work relief in a program of supplying jobs to all employables, and diminishing the dole system of direct relief.” Diminishing direct relief! Is not this the heart of the demands made by the manufacturers at their White Sulphur Springs conference of the biggest ‘Wall Street employers? The manufacturers, it is true, demanded the “dole.” But this “dole” is for them only the mis- erable handouts of local, private charity. This de- mand for the “dole” by the manufacturers accom- panies their fundamental demand for the slashing of all Federal cash relief. Thus Roosevelt’s relief program with its “work relief” projects actually reaches the same goal as the employers’—the diminution of all Federal direct cash relief. What then becomes of all the staged “rebuff” by Roosevelt of the employers’ spokesmen? The analysis of the Daily Worker of this bit of publicity as a means of easing the way for the execution of the monopoly program is confirmed. Roosevelt will, of course, strive to conceal the brutality of his reduction of all relief appropriations by an immense ballyhoo of “public works.” But this public works program is not intended to, and can never provide work for the vast ma- jority of the more than 15,000,000 jobless. Experi- ence with the Roosevelt “public works” in the recent past shows that at best it has given work to less than 400,000 men. And the wages to be paid on these projects are already hinted at in the Roose- yelt drive to “reduce costs in construction,” as well as in the drastic reductions in pay which the Roosevelt government instituted in those places where the government pay was above the private levels. Furthermore, the Roosevelt “public works” is a thinly veiled war construction program, as can be seen from the P. W. A. appropriations for warships, airplanes, machine guns and powder. All these developments emphasizes how vital is the work which will be taken up at the coming National Congress for Social and Unemployment Insurance on January 5—7. It is at this Congress that the working class will present a program of action for its immediate needs as against the Wall Street brutality of the Roosevelt program. On to the January 5-7 Congress! Rally to Support of Abyssinian Masses HE invasion of Abyssinia by troops of the Fascist Dictator Mussolini is clearly the beginning of a drive for the completion of the rape and partition of Africa among the imperialist bandits. It is clear that the Italian action would not have been undertaken without a preliminary understanding with England and France, Italy's main imperialist rivals in Abys- sinia, for a division of the loot. The rich resources of Abyssinia long have been coveted by the imperialist robbers. For decades these brigands have been chiseling away at the ter- ritory and independence of the Abyssinian people. Today, that Negro country is cut off from access to the sea and its trade routes by a chain of British, French and Italian colonies and forts. The en- trance on the scene of the Japanese imperialist oppressors of the peoples of Manchuria, Korea and Formosa, under the deceptive slogans of “cham- pions of the darker peoples,” has sharpened the imperialist rivalries for control of the country, Every opponent of war and fascism, every friend of the oppressed Negro and colonial peoples, should rally in a united front fight against the robber cam- paign initiated by the fascist Italian regime against the Abyssinian people. The struggle against the projected rape of Abys- sinia is inextricably linked with the fight against war and fascism, for Negro liberation, for the na- tional independence of the peoples of Africa and the West Indies, for unconditional equality of the Ne- gro people everywhere and for self-determination for the Negro majorities in the Southern Black Belt territories of the United States. Tn their struggle against the invaders of their country, the toiling masses of Abyssinia have en- tered the world-wide anti-imperialist front. To be effective, their struggle in defense of their national independence must be directed against both the imperialist invaders and the native bourgeois rulers who are among the worst exploiters of the native toilers. In this country the revolutionary Negro and white workers and the Negro people must organize the widest possible support to the Abyssinian masses in their fight against foreign and native exploita- tion. Demonstrate on Jan. 7 ELDING together the thousands of or- ganizations which have endorsed the Workers Unemployment Insurance Bill and the National Congress for Unemployment Insurance into active support of the Con- gress demands, stands out today as the primary task of the Communists in the trade unions, un- employed groups and mass organizations. ‘Mass demonstrations in every locality in sup- port of the National Congress will spur the cam- paign for endorsement of the Workers’ Bill by local { in mighty demonstrations of the employed and un- employed on Jan. 7, the day on which the workers’ delegates in Washington present their demands to Roosevelt and the United States Congress. | N.R. A. Strikebreaking In Los Angeles | HE manner in which the National La- | bor Relations Board carries on strike- breaking activity covered by slick prom- ises, is illustrated in that Board’s recent decision on the Los Angeles Railway Corp. and the Los Angeles Motor Coach Co, employes’ strike. In the fifth week of a bitterly contested strike, the Roosevelt Board issues a pious decision in Washington that the company has violated Sec- tion 7-a of the Recovery Act by interfering with the organization of the employes and refusing to bargain collectively with the Amalgamated Associa- tion of Street and Electrical Railway Employes (A. F. of L.). This decision, seeming to favor the workers, | hides a long series of strikebreaking acts in Los Angeles on the part of Roosevelt's mediators, The Regional Labor Boards of the N.R.A. and the Fed- eral mediators stalled the street car and bus men for weeks before as well as after the strike. These mediators offered the strikers, at first, the proposals of the company. The strikers voted flatly to reject the Roosevelt mediators’ proposals. The company refused to arbitrate. The N.R.A. boards and Fed- | eral mediators wanted the strikers to go back to work under compulsory arbitration of these boards. During the course of the strike, every strike- | breaking agency of the employers was brought into | play against the strikers. While the Regional and | City Labor Boards were meeting and trying to send the strikers back to work before their demands were won, strikers were being tear gassed, arrested, and beaten up every day. Scabs were running cars pro- tected by police and armed gangsters. The Roose- | velt Labor Boards and mediators countenanced this strikebreaking violence and called conferences, while | the government police and other forces were try- | ing to smash the strike through terror. Meanwhile the A. F. of L. leaders were isolating the strike by | raising the red scare, by refusing to spread the | strike, and by refusing to call on the whole labor movement for support and by attempting to dis- courage mass picketing. | Now, after five weeks of concentrated strike- | breaking terror, after five weeks during which the | N.R.A. boards tried to get the strikers back to | work on terms satisfactory to the employers, after the strike has thus been weakened, comes the lemn decision that the company has violated Sec- tion 7-a. This decision will not be enforced, any more than the Weirton decision, the Houde deci- | sion, or any other such N.R.A. decision, and was never meant to be enforced by the strikebreaking N.R.A. boards. | The Los Angeles street car strikers, in order to | win recognition, must strengthen their fight by | drawing in the whole labor movement to their sup- | port, by defeating the splitting red scare of their leaders, and by rank and file control and use of militant, fighting methods. The workers them- selves must enforce recognition. They cannot rely | on Roosevelt's hypocritical, strikebreaking boards. [ IS not only the Communist Party, but the entire labor movement, as well as every mass organization of toilers, which ; is menaced by the latest activities of the Congressional Committee “investigating un-American activities.” This committee, ostensibly created to inquire into Nazi activities in this country, now appears more and more in its real form as a tool of the National Association of Manufacturers and Chambers of Commerce to drive the Communist Party into illegality. The messages sent by Earl Browder, general sec- retary of the Communist Party, and Clarence Hathaway, editor of the Daily Worker, to the Dick- stein committee and to every member of Congress, demanding the right of the Communist Party to | make its position part of the public records, are of vital concern to every worker and anti-fascist in the country. The bitter experiences in Germany and Austria have shown how true are the words of these messages, which declare that the anti-Communist build-up of the committee “is the first step toward cutting wages, speeding up production, cutting relief for the unemployed, and introducing fascist meas- ures for the suppression of the labor movement as a whole.” Every trade union member in the A. F. of L. locals, every Socialist Party member, every militant worker fighting for better conditions, for relief and unemployment insurance, as well as for elementary rights to organize and strike, must feel alarmed at the steady increase of this Congressional activity against the Communist Party. The employers and their governmental agents always prepare for ruthless attacks against the whole labor movement by just such preliminary at- tacks on the vanguard of the working class, the Communists. The capitalist class reasons that with the Com- munist Party clamped down as a legal party, the whole wage-cutting, open-shop offensive of the em- Ployers will be more easily carried out. It is just in this way that fascist reaction ad- vances in capitalist countries, The fight of the Communist Party to expose and block the anti-Communist activities of the Dickstein Committee is the serious fight of every worker, Socialist and A. F. of L. workers! Defend the Communist Party! Join the Communist Party 35 EAST 12TH STREET, NEW YORK, N. Y. | Please send me more information on the Com- munist Party. The Task of Every Worker | For Defeating The Sales Tax By SAM STEIN F the onerous sales tax saddled| upon the backs of the toiling} masses of New York is to be thrown | off, it will take more serious or- ganizational and agitational work than we have conducted thus far. There is entirely too much depen- dence on leaflets, Daily Worker | publicity and mass meetings with- | out the necessary preparation. When the final sales tax hearing | was held at the Board of Estimate | meeting, only ~ few hundred work- ets were present to protest. Thou- sands should have been there. We did not reach the masses by per- sonal contact in preparation for this important meeting whose outcome ;done now? How can we force the | vepeal of the sales tax? throughout the city. Each Party unit within the next ten days should be made responsible for a minimum | number of such gatherings. Right now there is tremendous indignation against the fax. There is much talk and some confusion about it. Cer- tainly every revolutionary worker | working among the masses can con- vince a worker in his territory to allow his home to be used for a meeting to discuss the sales tax. | Once the home has been procured, | the next step should be to convince the work of the necessity of himself or herself rallying the rest of the | tenants in the house to the meet- ing. Of course. the Communists should aid in this. However, all efforts should be made to develop | the initiative of the non-revolution- ary worker. Arrengements for serving light refreshments, tea, etc, should be made. At these meetings the speaker following the line of the Daily Worker, should explain the work- ings of the sales tax, the millions being paid to the bankers by the city and how the needs of the un- employed can be met by placing the | | burden on the rich and the bank- toilers. ° The following should be suggested: 1) Each person present should| make a phone call to the alderman | demanding the repeal of the sales tax and introduction of the Workers Unemployment and Social Insurance Bill into the Board of Aldermen. 2) Delegations to visit the alder- man should be organized. 3) Protest cards should be writ- ten at the meeting by each person | present, Penny post-cards and suffi- | cient pen and ink or pencils to ex- | nedite this action should be on) hand. | 4) Children’s delegations to visit the alderman’s home. 5) Picket lines should be estab- lished before aldermen’s homes, 6) Mass meetings to follow the picket lines, in turn to be followed by demonstrations before alderman’s home should be organized. Resolutions endorsing the Na- tional Congress for Unemployment and Social Insurance and demand- ing support of H. R. 7598 should be passed and sent to Congressmen. 8)Cards pledging each person present to get one or more persons to carry out the same actions should be on hand and should be signed by all present. 9) Ballots for the Workers Unem- ployment Insurance Bill (H.R. 7598) should be on hand, 10) Appeals for membershin in the Women’s Councils should be made, 11) Anti-Sales Tax Committees should be established. 12) Petition lists should be dis- tributed. 13) Daily Workers and appropriate literature should be sold. At least one and a half hours discussion by those present should take place. In summing up, as in the open- ing talk, the speaker should not do any name calling, but politically expose the LaGuardia and Tam- many Hall members in the Board of Aldermen. The suggestions of the workers present should not be met with ‘Communist or revolutionary vanity.’ Careful attention and respect should be given to suggestions of- fered and full use should be made of worthwhile stens suggested in ad- dition to those already enumerated. Leaflets popularizing the meetings and actions taking place with a mast-head, such as the Anti-Sales Tax Voice or the like, should be distributed at regular intervals. Small storekeevers who are feel- ing the effects of the tax should be supplied with petition lists for cir- culation among their customers. Delegations of small storekeepers should be organized. Wherever small storekeepers and pushcart peddlers have organizations (as they have in Section 1), they should be usin and mobilized for this strug- gle. Every Unemployment Council should pass resolutions against the sales tax and pointing out how the unemvloyed can be provided for should be sent to aldermen. Anti- sales tax resolutions should be passed expressing solidarity with employed workers who bear the brant of the tax. They should be mailed to the trade unions. They ee es os put in leaflet form al ributed at sh frites op gates in the Persistent alert work among the masses, the harnessing of the Niagara—like flood of protest against the tax into a powerful rev- olutionary stream will enable us to smash through the lines of La~ Guardia’s demagogy (“bread snatch- ers,” etc.). Our chief reliance in this strug- gle, as in all struggles, must be day-to-day personal contact with the masses. Leaflets and publicity have an important place in our campaigns. However, they cannot take the place of individual contact The sales tax can be repealed, if a sustained day-to-day struggle is carried on in a campaign rooted among the masses, Party Life | has affected the daily lives of all] New York workers. What is to be} House meetings should be called} | 934 By Limbach ° By VERN SMITH MOSCOW, US.S.R., Dec. 10 (By Mail).—One of the American worker delegates to the November Seventh celebrations was asked by those who elected him to find out “whether the workers are satisfied with condi- tions under the Soviet government.” This delegate tried industriously during his month spent travelling up and down the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics to answer that question. He found out first of all, that it was really two questions. It could mean: “Do the Soviet Union work- ers prefer capitalism to the Socialist society here?” Or, it could mean, “Do the Soviet workers consider further improvement necessary in the present conditions?” Only the first of these two pos- sible meanings was in the minds of the workers who asked the ques- tion, but only the second of these was considered by the Soviet work- ers to whom the question was di- rected. Argument Ended It has been many years now since Soviet workers have seriously com- pared the benefits and disadvan- tages of capitalism and Socialism. That argument is ended so tho- roughly in favor of Socialism and the Soviet form of government that no one thinks of it any more. The American delegation itself, after traversing thousands of miles of the Soviet country drew up and signed a statement which embodies their conclusions after all this search, and which says, in part: “We have all seen the tremen- dous work of Socialist construction that is taking place in the U.S. S.R., and that which has already been completed and we are con- vinced: first. of the real success of the gigantic work; second, that Socialism has already been proved a beneficial and efficient form of social order for the toiling masses.” All they saw, and all the work- ers they talked with told them that. Then, though the Soviet work- ers consider the question of the greater benefits to them of Social- ism or of capitalism as settled so thoroughly in favor of Socialism that they hardly believed any one could debate it further, it only needed to be called to their atten- tion that, incredible as it may have seemed in “normal” times, there are still some people, however few in number, who prefer capitalism, to draw from the working masses of the Soviet Union unanimous and overwhelming demonstrations of their support of the Soviet govern- ment. Such an event was the dastardly assassination of Kirov, Communist Party secretary in the Leningrad region. This murder took place on the last day of the American dele- gation’s stay in Leningrad before leaving the country and a couple of days before the Canadian worker delegation had left the city. Demand Death for Kirov Slayer The Soviet workers realized in- stantly that the shooting of Kirov was a shot at their government, at their social system. Their answer, S. Worker Asks Soviet Toiler A Question--And Gets an Answer support but increased efforts for the still more rapid building of Social- | ism, coupled with demands for the death sentence on the murderer of Kirov and ahybody associated with him in planning terrorist acts. Then they came out on the streets by the millions. Over a million in Leningrad viewed the body of Kirov or marched behind it to the railway station when it was brought to Mos- cow. The workers of the towns through which it passed filled the station platforms with delegations bearing mourning banners. Kol- khozes miles away sent their dele- gations with mourning banners and placards pledging renewed activity; these delegations stood by the rail- way side as the train thundered past. In Moscow, 1,200,000 marched to view the body of Kirov during the first day and a half, and more than that probably marched through the Red Square on the day of his burial in the Kremlin Wall. z The whole Soviet Union stirred like a swarm of bees when some enemy kicks their hive. ‘That is an answer to the question in the form: Do the workers of the Soviet Union want to change to capitalism? But if one puts the question the other way: Are the Soviet workers striving for still further improve- ments? Then every aspect of So- viet life answers, “Yes!” Improving Conditions I do not think you can find one single thing with which they are satisfied, which they are not em- phatically and determinedly im- proving. For the first time in history the 170,000,000 people of the terri- tory now covered by the Soviet Union read and write, illiteracy hav- ing been practically abolished since the Revolution. But now these newly literate people demand higher education for themselves and their children. With primary education covering 27,000,000 children, the number of technical schools and colleges increased from 91 before the Revolution to 600 in 1933, the number of students in such institu- tions increased from 207,000 in 1929 (already a huge increase over 1917) to 491,000 in 1933. Circulation of newspapers in- creased from practically nothing among the workers in pre-Revolu- tionary days to 12,500,000 in 1929 and to 36,500,000 in 1933. And still people are not satisfied. The Second Five Year Plan proposes to increase the number of students in all grades of schools to 36,000,000 in 1937. As for the consumption of newspapers, I have never seen in recent months @ newsstand—and there are lots of newsstands — without at least a short line waiting to buy papers. During the last few days, after the assassination of Kirov, the lines are sometimes half a block long, some- thing like little processions them- selves, in spite of the fact that the newsstand workers sell papers as fast as they can grab them off the pile and make change. It is the only. place, except for theatres play- ing certain plays, where you still see lines in the street of people waiting to buy things. Lecture House Jammed The demand for improvement shows itself in the tremendous at- after the first shock, was an in- stantaneous and spontaneous dem- onstration of forces in support of that government and those Social- ist institutions. While the fascist press abroad in- vented fantastic rumors about dis- satisfaction and mutiny, martial law and “workers fleeing to the border,” the actual fact was that practically every factory and every collective farm in the Soviet Union held an immediate indignation meeting, and sent the hottest resolutions to the tendance at popular scientific lec- tures, such' as are given at every one of the countless workers’ clubs and at central halls. One such lec- ture organization, the Leningrad special house for lectures, finds its 550 seats jammed every night, and has 650 registered students who take whole courses of lectures in every- thing from mechanism of the brain to the poetry of the Persian writer Firdusi, dead these thousand years. Down in Lugansk, they have per- fected and are manufacturing a new government pledging not only full powerful type of locomotive, the best and largest in Europe. A tremendous feat, but are they satis- | fied? They are not. A couple of days ago a terrific criticism of the Lugansk leaders took place in the press; however well they make this new locomotive, they don’t make enough of them fast enough. Letters | from workers flock in criticising the | “handicraft” methods of manufac- ture, though the method used is that of the leading foreign locomo- tive factories. The workers, and the experts and technicians, themselves mostly workers. in recent years, workers who haye passed through the Soviet higher education, pro- Pose more mechanization, better or- ganization of the locomotive factory. No country in the world has ever had such a building campaign as the Soviet Union. Throughout the Soviet cities, dwelling room space has been created at such a tempo as never before heard of. Whole new cities of workers’ apartment houses have sprung up around the outskirts of the old cities, and in altogether new places like Magni- togorsk. where only wind-swept mountainside existed before the First Five Year Plan. Want Beautiful Buildings But now, while demanding still more building, the Soviet worker and his elected representatives have raised a clamor for beautiful build- ings. Congresses of architects have been called and a furious discus- sion rages around types of build- ings. To the average Westerner, for example, the new Moscow Soviet hotel just finished in the center of town is a beautiful building. I, have Said so in previous articles. Work- ers’ delegations and capitalist news- paper correspondents agreed. But now quite a discussion has devel- oped, not over whether the building, which is a clever combination of several styles with a classical mo- tive predominating, is an improve- ment over the old buildings, but as to whether it is the best possible that could have been done with the space available, whether another style should not have been used, and whether it shall be a model to copy in the future, or a horrible example to avoid. In the end the workers — industrial, architectural, etc.—will decide. Take a single meeting in a kol- khoz, a meeting in connection with the present election campaign. The peasants and collective farmers are giving instructions to their dele- gates to the village soviet. A 77-year old woman proposes a plan for betier handling of fuel, peat and wood, A stableman demands a better radio in the club. Several World Front By HARRY GANNES ——|! Missionaries in China Follow Nanking Army Henderson and “Peace” IKE vultures following the jungle beasts, the forerg» missionaries in China follow the Kuomintang executioners in certain former Soviet ter- ritory, it is now revealed. When the Red Army and the Chinese Soviets moved their chief base from Kiangsi province to the larger Szechuan province, the Kuomintang butchers had not only the problem of subduing the Population, but of returning the land to the rich landowners, and of instilling respect for the imperialist and native overlords. Who should Chiang Kai-shek take with him as his best ‘mental opium -dispensing prostitutes but the foreign missionaries? Before the two American mission< aries were killed in Anwhel, the China Weekly Review published a leading article on the cooperation of the Kuomintang executioners and the missionaries. The article is en- titled “Missionaries cooperate in rehabilitating ex-Communist areas.” One of Chiang Kai-shek’s chief function of rehabilitation is exec uting all Communists he can find, and all Communist sympathizers, The next problem in “re-habilitas tion” is to destroy every economic and social advance made under Soviet rule. And to make this stick, since executions alone cannot do it, Chiang Kai-shek brings in foreign missionaries in order to poison the minds of the workers and peasants, “HE news from the areas which \ were recently captured from the Communists in Southern Kiangsi and on the Fukien border,” declares the China Weekly Review, “shows that the American mission= aries and the National authorities are cooperating in the most friend- ly manner.” But the same paper informs us that not even the rascally help of the missionaries is sufficient to stem the tide of the revolution in China, “While the National author- ities and the missionaries are bringing succor (!) to the needy and particnlarly the former are busy with the problem of restor- ing a semblance of erder in the regions in southern Kiangsi and along the Fukien border recently recovered from the Communists, the National armies still haye the Communist problem before them in almost as great degree as they had fer the past several years, “The Communists have not been conquered, they have merely spread out to other areas. “As a matter of fact they are now extending their operations into Szechuan. . .” The American missionaries in China follow uv the work done by American bombing planes. When men, women and children are blown to bits, the missionaries stream in in order to shatter the revolutionary ideas of the unvanquished peasants. HE missionary is here revealed as a part of the Kuomintang murder forces whose bible and frock are camouflage for his counter= revolutionary activity. for his im- perialist snying, for his nefarious deeds in striving to perpetuate im- perialist rule and feudal domina- tion in China. As part of the army of the Kuo- mintang butchers and of the im- verialist air forces slaughtering the Chinese workers and peasants, the home offices of the missionaries show bad taste to bray when sev- eral of them meet their due, ear HEN the Socialist Arthur Hen- derson. former minister for his Majesty King George and the im- perialist slave-holders of England, went to Norway for the Nobel peace prize, the Scandinavian press had a lot to say. The bourgeois radical “Ekstrabladet” of Copenhagen, for example, wrote of this angel of peace: “For the time being, there is no danger of world-peace being set up in the near future. If the former Social Democratic delegate and min- ister Henderson gets the peace- prize, this is a good opportunity for brevity in judging his activity for peace: He has about nothing to look back to, He is, no doubt, a man of good intentions, naive, a polite speaker, full 6f hopes and still more full of beautiful phrases, He has been chairman of innumer- able conferences and meetings, and hhas made 3,000 speeches, the cons tents of which have but little im- portance,” a eee declare, “It is high time to electrify | 0 MUCH did Minister Mowinckel all machinery here.” Others pro- W think of Henderson’s “peace” ef- pose a list of new books for the library. A woman calls for a new accordion for the community ac- cordionist. The accordion player himself calls attention to the need of a new truck for the kolkhoz. Demands are made for a new nurs- ery, and for a second school build- ing, since now children who live farthest away have to travel too long a distance to school. When you remember that all these proposals, which will un- doubtedly be carried out, refer to a farm, you will see how far the Soviet masses have travelled in recent years. Not many American farmers can concern themselves with such matters as these. Clubs and nurseries and such like things they don’t have and never had; trucks some of them had before the crisis. Nowadays, they generally don’t use them much because of lack of money for fuel and repairs. Such examples might be mul- tiplied indefinitely. forts, that he utilized his speech in presenting the Socialist with the prize to justify German Fascism’s re-armament, in the following words: “Germany re-arms—that is right. In the divine comedy of our Lud- wig Holberg there is the sentence? ‘All say that Jeppe drinks, but no= body asks why Jeppe drinks.’ “Everybody complaining about Germany's re-arming ought to ask himself why she re-arms. General Smuts recently said there was only one way, and that was the acknowl- edgment of Germany’s equality, ‘This is, no doubt. the right way for the disarmament conference, able to give it new life and new hope, the way leading to understanding, the way of peace and the way of Arthur Henderson.” Henderson would be a good man to head another “peace” conference, intimates Mowinckel, to arm Jeppe Hitler for war against the Soviet Union.