The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 24, 1934, Page 6

CENTRAL ORGAN COMMUMIST PARTY U.S.A (SECTION OF COMMUNIST INTERHATIONAL) Only Working Class Daity Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 “America’s PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE 50 E. 13th COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., Street, New York, N. Y. Telephone: ALgonquin 4-795 4, Gable Address: “Daiwork jew York, N. ¥. Washington Bureau: Room 954, FP St., Washington, D. C. h Wells St., Room 7 Subsoription Rates: except Mar and Bronx), 1 year, 36.00; $3.50; 3 mon’ 1 month, 0.75 cents. in Canada: 1 year, $8.00; 75 cents 6 months, 75 cents MONDAY, DECEMBER 24, 1934 ; The War Plot Against the U: Sos: R. APANESE-MANCHURIAN troops have invaded Soviet territory. It is no sur- prise whatever that the Associated Press dispatches, inspired by the Rengo Shimbun agency, the official Japanese government propaganda organ. ould try to twist the truth of the course of eV s. The American capitalist declare that Red Army troops ntered Manchurian territory But this event near the Soviet-Manchurian bor- der in the vicinity of Vladivostok is not a sudden or i incident. It is one of the more serious phases of the extremely rapid war preparations aga the Soviet Union on the part of Japanese imperialism, assuming dangerous proportions in con- the assassination of Comrade Kirov nection with and the discovery of wholesale anti-Soviet plots reaching into the anti-Party machinations of the former Zinoviev-Kameney-Trotzky counter-revolu- tionary factions. The immediate situation which should arouse the workers of the entire world to the danger of an imperialist attack against the Soviet Union grows out of the fact that the Japanese militarists had long plotted their first war thrust to be the seizure of Vladivostok. Recently, the Soviet Union has shown that it has well fortified Vladivostok and its approaches, preparing to carry out Stalin’s slogan “that the U.S.S.R. does not want a single foot of foreign terri- tory, but will not cede an inch of Soviet land.” Last summer, the Wushekou River changed its course at a critical point between the Soviet border and fanchuria, The result was that near the Soviet side a new island arose out of the river bed. The Soviet Union immediately took possession of this territory, at this strategic point, fortified it, to pro- tect the approach to Vladivostok. For months the Japanese militarists have been trying to provoke some border incident in order to speed their war plans. There have been a whole series of shooting incidents at Soviet border guards all along this critical and important sector. Now the Japanese attempt a major stroke, strangely timed to coincide with the assassination of Comrade Kirov, and the ruthless drive of the workers’ fatherland against the Ozarist plotters sent into the U.S.S.R. This makes it crystal clear that the imperialist war plotters have been sending their spies and saboteurs, their assassins and fascist destroyers into the Soviet Union to start their nefarious work pre- cisely at a moment when the armies of the im- Perialists were set to march across the Soviet border. It is not at all surprising that the Japanese im- perialists and the German fascists (who have a war pact for simultaneous war action against the U.S.S.R.) should feel it most opportune to utilize the murder of Kirov, inspired by the counter-revolu- tionary activities of the former Zinoviev anti-Party faction to begin their most dangerous and most ominous war moves. In a previous critical situation Trotzky himself attempted to precipitate a counter-revolutionary civil war in the Soviet Union against the workers’ government. The chief slogan of the Trotzkyites, of which the Zinoviev-Kamenev faction was a vile offshoot, crawl- ing in and out of the party, has always been di- rected towards smashing the leadership of the Com- munist Party of the Soviet Union and proletarian dictatorship. No white guard assassin ever breathed more bitter hatred against Comrade Stalin and the other staunch leaders of the victoriously advancing work- ers’ fatherland than the Trotzkyite-Zinoviev clique. While the whole pack of white-guard, fascist fiends howl for war against the Soviet Union, while the Japanese army poises for a thrust over the Soviet border as a signal for war against the work- ers’ fatherland, the counter-revolutionary chorus from every open and concealed foe of the prole- tarian revolution is heard, encouraging the war- makers, giving them heart and hope in their threat- ening war against the land of Socialism, the fortress of the world revolution. Roosevelt --Whose Santa Claus? “WOU can’t kill Santa Claus, especially around Christmas time,” declared that shrewd politician of the J. P. Morgan-con- trolled General Motors Corporation and Tammany Hall, Al Smith, just before the last elections. And now when the capitalist press oozes over with the sanctimonious spirit of a happy Christmas, let us just skim over the few grand presents that Roosevelt has brought to the American working class. The latest is commented on in the report of the American Federation of Labor, which declares there are on this Christmas 500,000 more unemployed than there were when Santa Claus Roosevelt was putting the N. R. A. into the torn socks of the workers last Christmas. Perhaps the greatest present Santa Roosevelt brought to the people of the United States is that brought to light by the last income tax report of the Treasury Department. A whole host of new millionaires were created, but not without some ef- forts. Wages of the workers were slashed down, standards of livings were’ undermined, in order to achieve this happy result. In fact, all incomes above $25,000 were materially increased at the expense of lowering all incomes below the $25,000 mark. Certainly, the war munitions makers can burn brilliant Christmas lights to Roosevelt, they can guzzle their champagne with greater zest than ever since the last world war, because they know that out of the Roosevelt treasury some $2,000,000,000 will come their way. The Santa in the White House has been very kind to his own wealthy class, Nor can anyone say he has neglected the poverty-stricken masses. Who has ever given them so many nicely phrased speeches on what he expects to do for them? Who has ever ( r f \ DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, DECEMBER 24, 1924 made so many the toiling masses s: tinseled demagogy, li phoney Christrr lur Never before could had received so much the gaudy chalk frosting on a cake, covering the brutal program of Wall Street, known as the New Deal On this Christmas ,the toiling population in the United States can sa at the Santa in the White House is busily for a new imperia: slaughter, the d pment of greater fa. and for new and more rascally drives against ing of the workers and farm or vel “A merry Christmas” indeed for the rich para- Rank and File Victories In A.F. of L. Elections E' ECTIONS held in the past few days in three A. F. of L. unions—the miners, musicians and cloakmakers, show a rapid growth of the rank and file opposition to the class co-operation policies of the inter- national officials. The results in these elections con- firm the correctness of the policies and tactics of the Communists in the trade unions. In these elec- tions the Communists played an important role in developing the united front of all honest and mil- itant elements against the policies of the reactionary bureaucrats. In the United Mine Workers of America elections, the rank and file slate actually won the elections in the Pittsburgh district by big majorities over the slate of the Lewis-Fagan machine. The Lewis- Fagan machine is now attempting to keep in power in this district by stealing the elections. The re- sults in the national balloting are not yet known, but how Lewis feared the rank and file sentiment is clear by his action in taking the leading candi- dates of the rank and file off the national ballot. In the elections in the large New York local 802 of the American Federation of Musicians, the “Blue Ticket” of the united opposition slate, elected their candidates for secretary, treasurer, vice-presi- dent, the executive board and the trial board by votes of two to one, getting over three thousand votes for some candidates. The results in the musicians’ elections were the rank and file's answer to the red scare raised by their international president Chauncey Weaver, who made a vicious attack on the Communists and other | militants at the last A. F. of L. convention. The opposition slate of local 802 was elected on a plat- form of fight for economic demands, for the un- employed, inner democracy and local autonomy in the union, and no discrimination hecause of color, sex or political belief. The left wing candidates of local one, of the I.L.G.W.U, (cloakmaker’), secured forty per cent of all votes cast, on the basis of officially “counted” figures. In local nine, thirty-five per cent of the votes were counted for the united slate of the left wing and progressive groups. In both locals, forty- five per cent of the vote was against the present administration, according to officially counted figures. In local one, two left wing candidates were elected to the Executive Board. There was whole- sale stealing of votes, ballot box stuffing and intimi- dation by the official Dubinsky machine. Thus it is seen that in all three union elections, the Pittsburgh district miners, the New York mu- sicians and cloakmakers, the membership is de- termined to fight for their economic demands, and rejects the no-strike, class-co-operation policy of William Green and his International officials, This {s in line with the developments in numer- ous A. F. of L, unions in the recent period, since the Communists have been working more energeti- cally in the A. F. of L. unioris. The district election of the New York Painters, the support to the left wing among the textile workers in Paterson, the big vote for the rank and file slate in the Interna- tional Mine Mill and Smelter Workers’ Union, the developing rank and file movement in the steel union (A.A.); the election of the left wing slate in the longshoremen’s local union in San Francisco, etc., all indicate the mounting opposition to the A. F. of L. bureaucracy, the growth of the rank and file movement. The mass support in the A, F. of L. unions for the Workers’ Unemployment and Social Insurance Bill is a further indication of this trend, The growth of the rank and file opposition in these. unions is the answer of the A. F. of L. mem- bers to the vicious red scare raised by the Greens, the Wolls, the Weavers and the Lewises. The mem-~ bers of the A. F. of L. are uniting, are forging the united front of the rank and file against hunger, fascisni and war, are giving battle to the Green bureaucracy’s no-fight policies, Freed With Thanks “TPHANK you, gentlemen,” said the Crim- inal Court Judge in Chicago when the jury brought in a verdict of “Not Guilty” for that wealthy crook, Martin Insull, brother of the million-dollar swindler, Samuel Insull, That's just what the judges said also when the juries, on perjured testimony, sent Tom Mooney to prison for life, and ordered Sacco and Vanzetti burned to death for a crime they-never committed. The wealthy criminals can rob to their hearts content without fear of the federal or the state criminal courts, Their own courts will not inter- fere with them. Under capitalism the prisons, the gallows and the electric chair are made primarily for the poor, for the petty criminals, for workers who are forced into crime by the corrupt, starva- tion system of capitalism. The police clubs are for strikers who fight for more wages and for better living conditions, Imagine the amount of conclusive evidence of crime that must have heen necessary to bring even indictments against the Insulls. Imagine how great must have been their crime-if they had to go to the pretense of bringing them to court at all. Yet the courts merely become a means apologizing to these honorable gentlemen who stole tens of millions of dollars. The very same court system in Chicago, on the other hand, tried to send Jane Newton to an insane asylum because she married a Negro. Were it not for psychiatrists who deciared that not only was she not insane but brilliant, the capitalist courts which free crooks who steal millions, would have sent Jane Newton to an asylum, in order to help perpetuate the op- pression of the Negro people in the United States, The open, free, democratic capitalist courts in the United States condemn and frame up workers, burning Sacco and Vanzetti to death because they oppose the barbarous eapitalist system, They at- tempt to burn the nine Negro Scottsboro boys to death in order to pez ‘tuate discrimination and Oppression of the Negroes.’ Rich banker crooks are protected and set free. No wonder the American capitalist press howls when the fascist, white guard agents of this corrupt capitalist system, who are sent into the Soviet Union to stir up murder and war against the workers’ government, are shot for their crimes. of Party Sections |In Competition In Philadelphia 'HE following challenge to socialist | 4 competition in the recruiting | drive, for reduction of fluctuation and in completing Daily Worker | Drives, was sent by Section 3, Phila- | delphia to Section 6: The Section Committee with. the | approval of the membership meet- | jing of Noy. 20, forwards this chal- lenge to the Section Committee and Section membership of Section 6, | for socialist competition in the re- | cruiting, stopping of fluctuation and | jin the Daily Worker Drives. In order to make our Party a mass Party of the American pro- letariat, and in order for our Party {to assume leadership and play a decisive role in the struggles of the |workers against the capitalist of- | fensive, it is first of all necessary | | that we activize every member in| | our Party and utilize all the energy | of which we are capable in fulfilling our historic mission. | We are particularly choosing Sec- tion 6 because its membership ap- proximates ours; because it has ap- | proximately the same concentration work as we; and because it was our | | closest competitor in the struggle | for the Daily Worker Banner. We therefore propose competition on the following points: 1.—That we have a complete one | hundred per cent registration of the | comrades in the section, | 2—That on the basis of this ‘reg- | istration we: a) Establish functioning fractions in all the mass organizations. b) Have every member who is eli- gible for a trade union, join one by Jan. 1. 3.—That we bring back to the Party at least one-half of our former members. 4—That we fulfill our quotas in recruiting as assigned us by the District, and that we retain the | new recruits. | 5.—That we establish as a result of recruiting one new street unit. | 6—That we have one hundred | per cent dues payment in accord- ance with our membership. | 7—That we aid the Y.C.L. in es- | tablishing two new street units. 8—That we raise the political and ideological level of our mem- ' | bers by making them conscious of the necessity of reading and selling the Party literature, and as a re- | sult double our sales of the “Com- | munist,” the “Inprecorr,” and the | “oO,” | 9.—That we make our entire |membership Daily Worker con- | scious by: zations and neighborhoods. b) That we fulfill our quota in | the circulation drive as set us | by the District. | 10—That we complete the above |tasks by the time of the Lenin Memorial Celebration. | We pledge ourselves to place | every ounce of strength, energy and | Bolshevik determination in the suc- |cessful fulfillment of these tasks; and we wish to warn Section 6 that it will have to do likewise if it | wishes to come in second as was |the case in the race for the Daily | Worker banner. | As an added incentive we propose |that the loser buy the winner a complete set of Lenin; and that the | winner buy the loser a snail. Copies of this challenge to go to | all the units in both sections, to the | district, and to the Daily Worker. With revolutionary greetings for a successful competition, SESTICN COMMITTEE, SEC- TION 3, DISTRICT 3. GermanYouth Protest Nazi Camp Terror Open opposition in the “labor train- ing” camps boiled over today at | Syke and Wildeshausen. Sixty young workers joined forces and have informed the administration | that they have had enough of op- pressive work and military despot- ism, This is easily understood in the light of the daily program of the two camps: 5 a.m.: Reveille, exercises 6:30 am.: Breakfast 7-9 a.m.: Exercises 10 a.m.: Departure to work 1-2 p.m.: Midday rest 2-6 p.m.: Work and return 7 p.m.: Flag ceremony. After supper and up until 11 p.m.: exercises in the camp. The Syke and Wildeshausen camps are not isolated cases, Every day young | People run away from different camps under the pressure of a ruthless military regime and bad | living conditions. The Oberneuland i camp had to be dissolved as a re- sult of protests made by the young workers against military training and bad food. Fourteen men de- | manded to leave the Mariannenhoff camp; several were members of the Hitler Youth Movement. workers employed in the labor camps receive a daily “wage” of 10 cents, 'French Reserve Troops | Are Called for Drill PARIS, Dec. 23.—Humanite, French Communist Party organ, re- ports that the general staff has called up for military drill almost the whole of the reservists of the yearly classes, 1920-1931. An especially significant factor is categories 1920, 1921, 1928 and 1930, to the frontier regiments, as these belong to the formations whose task it is, in war, to defend the frontier until the mobilization of other forces has been completed. | Party Life socialist | BREMEN, Germany, Dec. 23.—/ Young | A PLAN FOR WA | | | / by Limbach W eapons By Jack Stachel M. In the first article we pointed out | how Lovestone furnished arguments | to Waidman and Company to “jus- | | tify” the Socialist Party National | | Executive Committee's policy of re- | fusing the organization of the | united front. We also furnished | some sample quotations to prove | ; that Lovestone resorts to falsifica- | , tons and lies in order to slander the Communist Party and to curry | ® a) Having every comrade reading | favor with the N.E.C, of the So-|Pany. A and selling the Daily Worker | cialist Party. Here we shall show | fr ese every ‘step A ad in shops, unions, mass organi- | how Lovestone now, after the N.E.C, | ke that they may jeopardize jhas turned down the united front | proposal of the Communist Party, continues these methods to try to {block the growing united front of | local organizations and prominent | individuals in the S. P. with the| Communist Party, and especially ‘his role of attacking those leaders of the Revolutionary Policy Com- mittee (R.P.C.) of the Socialist ; Party who are entering into united front with the Communist organi- | zations, his furnishing of arguments ; to Waldman as to how to .proceed | with the expulsion of the R.P.C. members and leaders, | In the last issue of the Lovestone paper there appears an editorial under the title “R.P.C. and United Front.” In this editorial it is stated, “the so-called ‘united front’ , entered into by Nat Ross, Commu- nist Party organizer in the South, ; on the one hand, and certain out- standing revolutionary Socialists on the other, must bring grave concern | to all sincere advocates of the unity of labor. For it is precisely the kind of ‘united front’ which is no united front at all, that can serve only to discredit the idea of a genu- ine united front and to strengthen the hand of its enemies in the So- cialist_ as. well as the Communists movement.” How Lovestone Fights United Front Lovestone, writing in his own name in the same issue states: “... the R.P.C. made an almost suicidal mistake when some of its outstanding figures in the South, inclusive even of its national sec- retary, monkeyed around with the typical good-for-nothing united front from below concoctions of the C, P. Such mis-steps, re- gardless of the nobility of their intentions or the enthusiasm of their takers, objectively play right into the hands of the extreme re- formists of the S. P. Immediately after this Waldman’s legal talent on the N Y. State Executive Com- mittee was set into motion to pro- pose the next inevitable step flow- ing out of the N.E.C. decision against the R.P.C.; that is to expel all R.P.C, members from the S.P. in the Empire State.” (Emphas{s mine. —J, .) This is how Lovestone fights for | the united front. Does Lovestone ‘wish to wait until the Socialist Party 1936 Convention before efforts are taken to develop the united front between the Socialist and the Communists? Or does Lovestone believe that under. no conditions should there be a united front he- tween Socialist. organizations and workers and the Communist. Party unless this is first agreed to by the NEC. of the S. P.? Perhaps not | unless this is agreed to, at least, by | Thomas? Or perhaps he requires the permission of even Waldman? | This is no united front at. all, mouths Lovestone regarding the im- portant action taken in the South. Why? Because it is @ united front from below, says Lovestone, — a “typical good for nothing united front from below concoction of the Cc, P.” “This action,” says Love- stone, “must bring grave concern to all sincere advocates of the unity of labor.” Yes, no doubt it brings grave concern to such advocates of “unity of labor” as Lovestone. Why is Lovestone so concerned at this moment? Because he is being exposed as bankrupt and isolated. J ovestone Seeks to Gite Waldman Against the United Front And now he finds that he has not in his pocket, as he so well adver- tised, the “outstanding figures of the R.P.C., inclusive of the national | secretary of the R.P.C.” As for the conception of “unity of labor” of Lovestone, it is really no different from that of the S. P. leaders of both the types of Thomas and Waldman. They are afraid that by united front with the Communists | they will jeopardize their united! front with Green, Woll and Com- And Lovestone-Zimmerman “unity” with Dubinsky and Gorman. Lovestone Conception of Unity We shall return again here to the Lovestone conception of the “unity of labor” in discussing the arguments Lovestone brings forward against the program of action reached by the “outstanding fig- ures of the R.P.C. in the South, in- clusive of the R.P.C, national secre- tary” and the representative of the Communist Party in the South. Let us now consider the underhand method used by Lovestone to bring pressure on the R.P.C, members. According to Lovestone, because the R.P.C. comrades took steps to develop the united front with the C. P., Waldman is now going to ex- pel them. What then does Love- stone propose, that there be no ef- forts towards united front because of the danger of expulsion at the hands of the Waldmans? This is an argument much in style now in this country, although it is not a new one for the international labor movement. Even Hearst says there is no danger of fascism, so long as there is no danger of Communism, and calls for the annihilation of Communism. Some time ago Nor- man Thomas stated that the meth- ods used by the Communists in the South result in lynching. In other words, if there was no fight made against Jim-Crowism and for equal rights there would be no lynching. If the Negro people would agree to accept everything handed down to! them by the ruling class then the master class would perhaps forego the sport of. lynching. The same argument no doubt holds good with regard to the A. F. of L. expuision policy, If the Communists would stop exposing the treacherous, class collaborationist policy of Green and instead accept the policies and dic- tatorship of Green, Woll and Co., then the Communists would not be expelled from the A. F. of L. unions. This is, in fact, the reasoning of Lovestone. And with Lovestone this is not just abstract reasoning. It flows ‘directly from the policies Lovestone is pursuing iri the unions where he has any followers, Surely Zimmerman and Co. are not being expelled from the I.L.G.W.U. by Du- | binsky. Why? Because they have become part and parcel of the Du- binsky machine. Zimmerman has, in fact, been rewarded for this with a Vice-presidency, and he now, too, is carrying through expulsions and suspensions of Communists. As for the Communist Party we know of only one way to stop the Green cx- pulsion policy. We organize the | masses in struggle against the em- ployers and against the A. F. of L. | reactionary bureaucracy. And to the } extent that we win the massos to our program of immediate struzgle to that extent are we able to defeat | the expulsion policy. | The R.P.C. Leaders And the same is true regarding the R.P.C. leaders. Only by taking | the initiative and fighting the poli- cies of the Waldman old guard and Thomas “militants” who approve the fight against the R.P.C. can they mobilize the honest and prole- tarian elements in the S.P. against the Waldmans and Oneals. The policy of Lovestone for the R.P.C. | leaders to do nothing that may bring down upon them the wrath of the Waldmans is the sure way to their defeat in the S.P. The vigor up the fight for the united front with the C.P, and for their pro- gram within the S.P. despite the threat of the Waldmans will de- termine the role that they will play in advancing the fight against the policies of Waldman and Thomas, and how soon they themselves will find their way out of much of the lack of clarity which characterizes their program. Surely the road Proposed by Lovestone for the | R.P.C. can only lead back to Wald- man and Oneal, and net in the direction of Communism, Let us now see on what basis Lovestone criticizes the program of action upon which the united front in the South is based. Before tak- ing up this question let us bear in mind that Lovestone accuses the Communist Party of being against the united front. He says, refer- ring to the united front in the South, that it “can serve only to Giscredit a genuine united front and to strengthen the hand of its en- emies in the Socialist as well as in the Communist movement (empha- sis mine), We at least are told to some extent who in the S.P. is op- posed to the united front, although many of those in the S.P. who are opposed to the united front try to cover up their opposition. But who are the enemies of the united front in the Communist movement? Surely Lovestone means the Communist Party. This is quite evident from the whole tone of the article. So the Communist Party is the enemy of the united front, while Lovestone is the fighter for the “unity of labor.” Every worker who knows anything of the fight of the Communist Party for the united front will throw this filthy lie and slander back into the shameless face of the Lovestones. If Love- stone was interested only in the “unity of labor’ why then did he try to break the unity of the Com- munist Party by breaking the dis- cipline of the Communist Party and of the Communist International? That he did not succeed in this is of course not his fault. That the Communist Party is today more united than ever is due in no small part to the fact that Lovestone and Lovestoneism has been cut out of the body of the Party. Why Lovestone Was Expelled Surely Lovestone will not tell us that he left the Communist move- ment becalise of a fight over prin- ciples. To those who know the his- tory of the Party this would be too much of a trick for even Lovestone to try to put over. We have already shown in the last article how Love- stone spoke on the united front, and on the S.P. when he was siill in the Party. We have also seen in previous. articles that Lovestone tries-to falsify Party history when he tries to create the impression that he fought the Party on the issue of the new unions. Or per- haps because Lovestone disagreed with the policies of the Soviet Union Party under the leadership of Comrade Stalin? Shall we have to refer to the cablegram Lovestone sent to the C.P.S.U. “demanding” the removal of the “right winger Bucharin from all posts in the Comintern?” Or perhaps Lovestone lerites but also against those who were conciliatory to Brandler? Per- haps Bertram Welfe can remind’ him. Wolfe wrote a whole article on this question in the December, 1928, issue of The Communist. Love- stone was expelled because he could no longer cover up his right wing opportunist line with his factional maneuvers, maneuvers gainst the Comintern and the Party member- ship which he also once thought he had in his pocket. Lovestone the fighter for “unity of labor” furnishes more arguments to the Waldmans on how to fight the united front. Furnishes more arguments for Thomas to cover up his opposition to the united front. You see, not only Waldman is op- posed to the united front. with which the R.P.C, leaders take has forgotten how he demanded ac- | | tion not only against the Brand- World Front By HARRY GANNES -—— United Front on Chaco | The Citroen Crash C. P. of Germany Active | A UNITED FRONT has been |£4 formed of Latin American | trade unions against the 'American-British imperialist- ‘provoked war in the Gran | Chaco region. | The C. N. 0. C., the Cuban | National Confederation of Labor, under revolutionary leadership, has ‘entered into a united front with |the General Confederation of La- bor of Argentina, for common ace tion of all trade unions in Latin America to stop the imperialist Chaco war between Bolivia and | Paraguay. |, The Argentinian General Con- federation is the only Latin Amer- jican trade union center affiliated |to the Amsterdam trade union ins j ternational, The C.N.O.C. of Cuba, the largest trade union center in |Latin America, follows the policies of the Red Trade Union Interna- \ tional and is affiliated to the Latin- \American Trade Union Confeder- ation, the revolutionary trade union center in Montevideo, Uruguay. The C.N.O.C. has cabled the Argentinian trade union center that it welcomes the change in the at- titude of the Amsterdam affiliate, |and is ready to take steps for united action against the imperialist war, j | | | | “WJE are informed of your No- vember letter,’ declared the C.N.O.C, in its cable reply, “ad- dressed to the labor centers of North, Central and South Amer- ica. We are glad to see that the opinions of the Montevideo Anti- War Congress and the position of the Latin American Trade Union Confederation on the question of this robber war have tound an echo among the fraternal masses of the C.G.T. The C.N.0.C., with | its three hundred thousand work- ers, joins with the C.G.T. and is taking steps to transform this |, pledge into deeds. We propose the calling of a continental con- gress agamst the war in the Unaco and the imminent world | war,” H nee tes ‘HE “Ford” of France has gone into receivership. This $130,000,- 000 corporation, the Citroen Auto- mobile Co., had been virtually wrecked by the crisis, but the prob- lem was to save the investment of the monopolist Andre Citroen, and the other big bosses associated with him. In the ordinary course of the capitalist crisis, a firm like this, going bankrupt and into the hands of the receiver, whould fold up. A ‘series of explosions of this type would tend to help temporarily to \“solve” the contradictions of cap- italism, only to develop greater ones later on. But now, under this period of finance capital and the decay of capitalism, these bankruptcies even |if they go through do not even ;temporarily solve the crisis. And even at that, the government of |the finance capitalists does not | Want to cause any losses to the top group of bankers involved because ‘this, in the present delicate polit ‘ical situation, may have tremen- |dous repercussions. So the government envolyes a scheme of letting the firm go into the hands of a receiver, and the receivers get government funds to keep the firm alive. In other words, jthe masses are taxed, the wages of |thée government workers are cut under the cry of “economy,” the pensions of the war vets are slashed —so that Mr. Citroen and his rich friends will not be driven to the wall. | At the same time, the wages -of the. Citroen workers are slashed; thousands of them are laid off. ' ee eo te ECENTLY there have been mass raids on German workers’ homes because of the nervousness of the Fascist rulers. The mass agitation {carried on in the factories and in jthe workers’ neighborhoods is driv- ing the Nazi butchers into a frenzy. They are arresting workers on the least suspicion and sometimes only on whims and guesses, ig Factory newspapers, district and jJocal newspapers, the “Rote Fahne,” (central organ), the trade union ‘Press, the women’s and youth press, ,continue to appear nevertheless. |. The Fascist raiders have failed to put a step to the distribution and |publicaticn of these papers. In iNeukolln (Berlin) there are nearly ‘daily raids. In the South East of Berlin hardly a day passes without ;Mew arrests. In this quarter the ;Communists are extremely active. Very often a hail of Communist leaflets floats over the streets. Com= munist stickers appear on the walls of the buildings. Last week on the building at the corner of Adalbert Street, a sign three feet high was painted reading: “Long Live the Communist Party of Germany! Red Front!” For days there have been dozens of state secret police officials sta- tioned at Gerich Street (Wedding, Berlin). Their task is to attempt to catch revolutionary workers at their tasks of distributing Com- munist propaganda. Dozens of private automobiles are used to scour the neighborhoods, But the police have little success, though they are rounding up workers on “suspicion.” The Nazi government shows its fear over the growing activity of the Communist Party of Germany, front in the Communist movement” meaning of course the Communist Party. But again Lovestone will net succeed. In the next and final article we shall deal with the League Against War and Fascism and the National , Unemployment Insurance Congress which Lovestone gives as the “hor= rible” examples of the mistakes of the R.C.P.-C.P, agreement in the South and show that while these ,Movements are gathering large masses of workers of the A. F. of L, unions, in the S.P. organizations, to Lovestone these are but. “impotent, puppet organizations of the C.P.” Does this not sound like Bill Green testifying before the Dickstein There Committee? But we will go into de= are arlso “enemies of the united tail in the next article, oe f — -