The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 13, 1934, Page 5

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 13, 1934 Page 5 || CHANGE ——THE — WORLD! | By MICHAEL GOLD MERICA is a capitalist land, it contains enormous eco- nomic inequality, hence it is only a sham democracy, say the Marxists. But Germany is also a capitalist land, and contains the same inequality and slavery. Does a Marxist, therefore, lump America and Ger- many in the same category, as do the liberals with their easy chatter ef the dictatorships? No, the Marxist points out the differences. He knows that capital- ism is a living, changing thing, and at different periods has been forced to rule by different forms. In its expansive period, capitalism could afford to grant certain freedoms to the majority, such as free press, free speech, and free assembly. We will not discuss at this point whether such gifts were of much use to masses of people who could not buy shoes for their children, let alone publish a daily néwspaper or own a radic station. No, the Marxists admit that remnants of Jeffersonian democracy still linger in France, England and North America, though these are capi- talist countries. But it is we who defend workers’ democratic rights, not bourgeois democracy, in order that we may better organize the | struggle for the seizure of power by the working class. In Germany, Italy, Japan and other nations as capitalist as Amer- ica, these tattered freedoms are not to be found. How can one ex- plain this historically? The breakdown of all thinking by the liberals at this point is positively painful. The best they can offer us is a Dostoeveskian fantasy to the effect that all rulers of these great na- tions have suddenly gone stark mad; that Thyssen, Krupp, and the great banking houses of Italy and Japan, the paymasters and directors of fascism, are fit for nothing but the padded cell. The Marxist smiles at such romanticism. He is able to give a more scientific explanation of this “new” thing in the world, as was given in 1928 before Hitler took power, in the following thesis of the Communist International: “Under certain historical conditions the progress of the bourgeois, imperialist and reactionary offensive assumes the form of fascism. “These conditions are: instability of capitalist relationships; the existence of a large number of declassed social elements, the pauper- ization of broad strata of the urban petit-bourgeoisie and of the in- telligentsia; discontent among the rural petit-bourgeoisie, and finally the constant menace of mass proletarian action. “In order to stabilize and perpetuate its rule, the bourgeoisie is compeiled to abandon the parliamentary system in favor of the fas- cist system, which is free of the danger of party conflicts and com- binations among the different discontented groups. “This system is outright dictatorship of capital, but is masked by various forms of demagogy, such as that of the ‘nationai idea.’ the ‘corporative state, anti-semitism, occasional sorties against ‘usurer’s’ capital and gestures of impatience with the parliamentary talking shop, ete., ‘all intended to utilize the discontent of the petit-bourgeois masses. “In periods of acute crisis for the bourgeoisie, Fascism resorts to anti-capitalist phraseology, but after it has established itself at the helm of state, it casts aside such prattle, and discloses itself as a ter- roristic dictatorship of big capital.” This was written in 1928, but is it not a fairly accurate picture of Hitler’s year of power? And is it not proof that only Marxists are able to explain the difference between the fascist and democratic forms of the capitalist dictatorship? Capitalism’s Henchmen IT IS clear, say the Marxists, that in a period of great crisis like the present, capitalism can no longer afford even the slightest semblance of democracy. It must declare martial law, in order to rule its em- bittered victims. True, it uses devious methods to this end, it em- ploys a Hitler or a Mussolini who can make the change popular with everymean trick of the demagogue. But whatever the means, capitalism must rule at any cost. Call this the power madness of Napoleon, if you wish, but it isn’t the mad- ness of a village idiot. It is the frenzy of a great world system fight- ing its last battle for existence. 1t is the Grand Duchess Marie fight- ing and lying for her caviar and moujiks; it is J. P. Morgan fighting for his banks and his yachts; it is Henry Ford fighting for the right to dictate in his own immense factory kingdom; it is Sam Goldwyn fighting for his divine right to degrade and exploit the movies. It is the fight of a class; the same class that rules in Germany as in America. But the forms of the struggle vary, here and there. Marxists recognize and explain the difference, but to the liberals the varying forms of capitalism are as much of a mystery as the difference between a Fascist and proletarian dictatorship. Brutal Snout of Fascism LELONS the brutal snout of fascism has appeared in America and England. In France the beast has pushed in boldly, and the moment when he will try to seize power may burst upon us shortly. How does a capitalist democracy evolve so quickly into @ fascist dictatorship? What is there in the soil of a capitalist democracy that makes such weeds spring up and thrive? Liberals cannot give us any answer to this question, either, but the Marxists, studying the economic background, can and do. For they are not dazzled by the political forms a system may take, but pierce to its economic reality. To them capitalism is a dynamic phenomenon that has passed through dozens of changes from its be- ginnings into the present imperialist and fascist phase. The proletarian dictatorship has passed through its various stages of military Communism, its NEP period of partial capitalism, the class war in the villages, and other phases. Now it hopes to see the beginning of a classless society by the end of the second five-year plan. It is the liberals who ignore these differences, who vulgarize and simplify history, and therefore can no longer understand it. It is they who have confused the masses who need so tragically a better world than capitalism. It is the liberals who take this great problem of ending the monster, capitalism, and pose it in the form of an ab- stract and academic debate which beclouds the central issuc. A Perfumed Red Herring EMOCRACY versus Dictatorship, is their favorite dilemma, much as the free citizens of Athens once debated it, while around them sweated the vast majority of chatteled slaves who would remain slaves under whatever form the talkative masters chose to conduct their state. But the real debate of our time is not here. The riddle the Sphinx is propounding to our generation and that must be answered correctly under the penalty of death, is not this one. The problem is better stated in the following form: Capitalism versus Communism. Capitalism, in whatever phases it may be pass- ing through, whether sham-democracy or fascist; or Communism, in whatever changes it may be involved. One system is better for the vast majority than the other. One system, surely, is at least different from the other, yét the liberals cannot choose, and still repeat their stale, puerile chatter about “dic- tatorships,” and refuse to see the difference. This is their own peculiar red herring across the trail of change; December 11, 1934: A Red Letter Day In the History of ry Jewish Life Rebuilt on a Productive Foundation By M. J. WACHMAN IN THE history of the Jewish massés, there are few red days of | real historical significance and} promise, and among these Decem- ber 11, 1934, is second only to No- vember 7, 1917. November 7 will stand out for all ages to come, as} the day when a new leaf was turned | in the history of mankind, that also opened up a new era for the Jew. On that day, exploitation of man by man, of race by race, of nationality by nationality, was doomed. The banner of real liberty and oppor- tunity for collective, creative effort was unfurled on one-sixth of the globe. For the first time in history, the Jew was relieved not merely in word, but in fact, of the endless forms of oppression, discrimination and persecution that have been his share for centuries past, the world over. A new day, a new era, had begun. Culture, national in form, social- ist in content, became the slogan of that new world. A process of regen- eration has rapidly transformed a family of peoples that were at the bottom of the scale into a rapidly advancing, united socialist nation, Brotherhood ceased to be merély a word in the dictionary; it became an effective factor in every-day life. ‘The numerous peoples of the Soviet Union have for the first time in his- tory received an opportunity to con- tribute equally the best that is in them towards the création of a new socialist society. Culture has become the heritage of the toiling masses, their handi- work and inspiration. And the spirit of November 7 made possible and | guided the reconstruction of Jewisi | life on productive, socialist founda- tions. The hunch-back of the Jew has become a thing of the past. He has straightened out to his full man’s size, and in the cultural de- sign of socialism he has been weav- ing in his own cultural forms, shar- ing in the common collective task. The Former Luft-Mensch “The principles of Soviet national policy,” said Michael Ivanovitch Kalinin, “have the effect that each nationality gets its own autonomous state formation within definite ter- | ritorial boundaries. The develop- ment of national self-consciousness and the activization of the toilers of every nationality, accelerated the | rate of economic and cultural con- struction within the boundaries of every autonomous national unit.” This policy of the Soviet Union, pro- viding for the fullest self-determi- | nation of all national minorities, has had the same effect upon the Jews, The effective equality that is the share of the Jew in the U.S.S.R., combined with the regime of na- Letters From German Concentration Camps Expose Nazi Horrors) The appalling bestialities of the Nazi regime are exposed, as only Nazi victims can expose them, in| “The Nazi Horror: Letters from | German Concentration Camps,” a pamphlet now being distributed by International Publishers. Introducing the letters, Kurt | Buerger writes: “The long history of mankind is replete with records of the numerous atrocities that were perpetrated during the poli- tical struggles for power in all the various periods and places. Yet all these atrocities and crimes sink into insignificance when compared with what has been happening daily in Germany during the last eighteen months .. . “More than 3,000 workers, peas- ants and intellectuals were mur- dered in Germany during the first year of the Hitler dictatorship. More than 5,000 were tortured until they were réduced to cripples, all for the pretended sake of culture, for the ‘moral renaissance of the German peoples.’ In reality, how- ever, they are the victims of the reign of terror which the ruling class exercises through fascism in order to hold in check the working But Hitler’s hordes are not al- lowed to rule unchallenged. As Buerger shows: “These documents, gruesome as their content is, tes- tifying as they are to the depravity and barbarism of decaying capital- ism and its Brown myrmidons, nevertheless, have their bright side: the bravery, the spirit, the self- sacrifice and loyalty to conviction evinced by the imprisoned anti- fascist fighters for freedom, who, despite the most fearsome torture, remain true to the proletarian struggle for freedom and to their who prefer death rather than be- tional self-determination, has accel- erated the regeneration of the for- mer luft-mensch. It has made pos- sible the reconstruction of Jewish life on productive foundations; it has accelerated the economic and munities as well as the accomplish- ment of the First and Second Five Year Plans of the country as 2 contributed his full share. The Jewish autonomous districts Russia, the new Jewish land settle- ments, the development of Jewish participation of the Jew in the work of all branches of industry (to the extent of about 700,000 industrial workers) and agricultuze (to the ex- tent of about 350,000 toilers of the soil); the sharing by the Jew of all the forms of activity and produc- tive work that make up in their sum-total the new socialist society, its economics and its culture—are a Territory around Biro-Bidjan, autono- cultural upbuilding of Jewish com- | whole, towards which the Jew has in the Ukraine, Crimea and White | schools, literature, theatre, art; the | meus Jewish region, rich in natural resources | monumental expression of the un- precedented total emancipation of | the Jew in the Soviet Union. But, |as Kalinin stated, the Jews until | now have not had any state forma- tion similar to the state units of the other peoples of the U. S. 8. R., “and that has put the Jews in a somewhat different position as com- | pared with that of the other nation- alities.” Creation of Biro-Bidjan In order to do away with that last drawback of the Jewish people and | to create for them the same condi- | tions of full national self-determi- nation that has been found to con- tribute so mightily to the develop- ment of economic and cultural re- construction on socialist founda- | tions, the Soviet Union designated, on March 28, 1928, Biro-Bidjan for mass colonization by Jews with a view to the formation there of an autonomous unit. After five years of preliminary efforts in that direc- ‘tion, the period of experimentation By RONEOLI The toilers of Italy recently the capture of the factories of Milan and Turin, The following are a few reminiscences on the tion with the above—of Comrade Gramsci who is at present suffer- ing in jail in fascist Italy. These reminiscences should serve as a new stimulus for the toilers of all countries, in order to strengthen the campaign for the liberation of Gramsci and of all the imprisoned anti-fascists. oe initiative in creating factory councils in Turin, immediately after the end of the World War in 1919. ond in importance in the whole of Italy. In view of the peculiar nature greater unity, its greater discipline, and a highly developed class-cons- ciousness. During the war the social-demo- cratic trade union leaders joined the “Civil Mobilization Committee”—an organization comprised of Royal Army officers and of “representa- tives” of the working class, and which was formed in order to solve —on the basis of class conciliation— all productional problems of interest to the workers. The masses were dissatisfied with this institution, and the dissatisfaction acquired such an acute form that the employers and trade union leaders were compelled to allow the workers to elect their own representation in every separate factory and. workshop. This repre- sentation was called the “Internal Commission” and consisted of from 5 to 9 workers elected by the collec- tive of workers in the given factory. Under the pressure of the masses these “Internal Commissions”—par- ticularly in Turin—acquired a clear- ly expressed character of class struggle. Above all, they were closely connected with the masses, whose daily interests they defended in the factoriss, and much more effectively so than the local trade unions. Antonio Gramsci realized the deep-rooted revolutionary signific- ance which the development of this movement of “Internal Commis- sions” could have, and, together with his closest collaborators — Ercoli, Terracini and others—he explained this significance to the workers by means of articles in the “Ordine Nouvo” as wéll as by speeches at many mass meetings. He avoided all formalism, he based his work on the experfences of the masses—and, always keeping the revolutionary tray their comrades.” MR. GOGG HAS aims of the movement. in view—he celebrated the 14th anniversary of | revolutionary activity—in connec- | NTONIO GRAMSCI took the) Turin is an industrial centre sec- | of the local industry, the proletariat | in Turin is distinguished by its} How Anti-Fascist Fighter, Antonio Gramsci, Organized | Factory Councils in Turin jdid his very utmost, in a steady, | methodical and most clever way, to develop these “Internal Commis- | Sions” into a mighty factory council | movement. Pee ane 1 |" HE factory councils were com-| posed of the representatives of {all the factory departments and| | shops, and were elected by all the workers in the given factory —| whether organized or not. The rep- | resentatives in the factory councils | were, however, exclusively workers | who were members of workingclass | trade unions. In this manner the factory councils were set against the employers as institutions represent- ing the class trade unions—(the| | leadership of which was very soon won by the Communists)—and the | whole collective of the workers. Under mass pressure the employ- ers were compelled to give the work- | shop “commissars” and the factory | councils the right to solve or to par-| ticipate in the solution of all aues-| tions of interest for the workers, namely:—admittance to work, and | dismissals, wages for piece-work, day work, etc., working hours, fac- tory regulations, and other such | Gramsci’s conceptions and also in deed, the factory councils expressed the revolutionary will of the masses, the will of the working clags in setting, within the factories, their power against the power of the em- ployers. At the same time the fac- tory councils were the kernel and school of proletarian power. And indeed, in 1919, 1920 and 1921, the owners of the Turin factories were although still the owners, no more the masters with full power. And during the capturing of the factories, in September, 1920, the Turin workers showed themselves to be. as far as they were concerned, fully capable of winning full power. It was only the treachery of the social-democratic leaders, on a na- tional scale. which forced them to return the factories to the capital- ists. With the triumph of fascism, the | factory councils together with the attainments of the workers, were destroyed. But the memory of the factory councils is still strong in the minds of the proletariat of Turin and of the whole of Italy. And on the 14th anniversary of the cap- ture of the factories, in these days when thé campaign for the libera- tion of Antonio Gramsci is partic- ularly intensified, this mémory is stronger than ever before. The brave and stubborn struggle of the Italian proletariat will suc- ceed in snatching Gramsci from thé clutches of his murderers, and the struggle for power will be the con- tinuation and completion of the ex- cellent struggle for the factory councils conducted by the Turin workers under the leadership of An- tonio Gramsci. A Publicity Hater! WHAT'S-HE MEANING OF ALL THESE the Jewish Masses Biro-Bidjan Turned | Into Autonomous Jewish Region was concluded, and on May 7, 1934, | the Central Executive Committee of | the U. S. 8. R. adopted a decree. | transforming Biro-Bidjan into an Autonomous Jewish Region with representation on the Council of Nationalities. On December 11, 1934, the Je | Autonomous Region will elect first government. That election will complete the first state formation of | the Jewish nation: during these many centuries p: By this for- mation of a Jewish state unit, the | Soviet principle of unqualified na- tional self-determination will have found its fullest practical applica- tion with regard to the Jews, on the | same equal basis and high level as in the case of all other peoples, races and national minorities of the | first socialist republic of the world It will enable the Jew to develop more fully whatever national forms its culture may adopt, as a factor for the acceleration of the upbuild- ing of the common socialist culture | of the Soviet Union. Biro-Bidjan 1s an extremely im- portant secto: of the Far East. The more than 30,000 miles of Biro- Bidjan, twice the size of Holland, about three and a half times the! size of the State of New Jersey or} Palestine, are distinguished by a healthful climate and abound in natural resources to such an extent that the development of Biro-Bidjan | is a matter of no secondary impor- | tance for the entire socialist econ- | omy of the Soviet Union. By mobil- | izing their national self-conscious- Of Isidor [Revolutionary Poems Schneider Show Skill and Vigor COMRADE - MISTER, Poems by Isidor Schneider. Equinox Co- operative Press. $2.00. Reviewed by STEVE FOSTER IN the preface entitled “Towards a Revolutionary Poetry,” Isidor| | Schneider declares that “The world cries for a new social cohesion, and poets fof a new theme.” of decadence and anarch; tines Isidor Schneider | “The period of revolutionary strug- | gle is upon us. Anarchis has} failed; all of us look for a higher | | form of social integration, in Com- | munist society, and the poets lcok | | to it for a new subject matter.” There a sharp cleavage between his eal work and his new work. Schneider immersed himself in the work and thought of the revolution- ary movement and became a sig- cant part of it. When he felt e need of putting his thoughts d emotions into poetic form, he ‘ote and tore up forty or fifty at- tempts at rev fore he was sati hed it to contain. Persons who deal with un: them are rare, 1 to find such a séensi- 0 so transforms his life es a co-ordinate part t movement and a great movement als. Isidor der is such a man. S A POET, the work of Isidor ned in scope. His poems Teveal an artist who is conscious of his taks, does his work skilfully, and is unafraid to cope with the dif- ficult problems that face him. In “A Hotel Lobby,” in his most am- bitious poem “Four Orations,” and similar poems, his satire is more ef- fective than formerly. It has achieved a sharp, precise edge as a revolutionary weapon. Here is a scathing, inci “Portrait of a False Revolutionist”: He has the watery desire to quench our fire, to wilt te firm, to soak in us until | ness and creative efforts, by activ-| The book of poems, Comrade- | izing the toiling Jewish masses, the | Mister, derives its title from a poem | Jews of Biro-Bidjan will not only ! which deals with the two opposing | build up their national state unit, | ideals embodied in the word “oom- | but will accelerate and strengthen | rade” and “mister.” The book is |the development of the national | divided in two sections, one contains socialist economy of the U. S. 8. R.—| Schneider's earlier work and the of the full emancipation of the| poet. | Jew. | tions, one can Schneider's transformation into a Dec, 11 a Red-Letter Day | clags-conacious poet took place, Un- It is for this reason that Decem- | like the English radical posts, Auden and Spender, this transformation not a transitional process. | ber 11, 1934, becomes a milestone in | the age-long history of the Jew. It | wes is for this reason that, second only | _ | to November 7, December 11 will be | | recorded as the most important red- | | letter day in the history of the Jew. | |It is a symbol of that complete re- M U Ss I Cc generation that the abolition of all | forms of exploitation is bound to) ne skillful |accomplish for the Jew. It marks | string ensemble fi A | known as the Kroll the final achievement in that policy | saytet played on Friday evening at of national self-determination which | Town Hall. One felt at times that | is an integral part of a social order | the interpretation was too fine-spun, | in which exploitation of man by |too sensitive and delicate even for man has become impossible, and’ chamber music. These attributes equality of opportunity has become | served very well in Brahms; but in effective in the every-day life andj the sextet by Frank Bridge (com- | activity of the people. | posed in 1912) and in the work of The historical significance of De- | the contemporary Ozech composer, cember 11 is even greater at present, | Martinu, broader crescendos and when the Jew is menaced more than |More vivid color would have sup- | ever, when Jew-baiting, Jew-oppres- | plied the vigor which the composers and accomplished | | questions. Thus in accordance with| sion and Jew-persecution become the major stock-in-trade of every shattered and disintegrating regime At a time when the horrors of the middle ages are surpassed; when Fascism, like a plague, is devastat- ing many lands, making the Jew its first and chosen victim—at such a time, December 11, the day of the inauguration of the first Jewish state formation in the U. S. S. R. | stands out as a torch of light and) promise—the only promise of real| salvation for the Jew the world over. On this day, the Jewish tailing masses the world over, appreciating fully the revolutionary significance | of the Soviet policy which brought | | full emancipation to the Jew and} | which, as its final achievement, re- sulted in the formation of the first | Jewish state unit in the world, will renew their pledge to organize and stand up for the defense of the Soviet Union and for the accelera- tion of the socialist construction in Biro-Bidjan. On this day, the Jew- ish massés in this country and the world over will extend a message of greetings and fraternal cooperation to the pioneers in Biro-Bidjan and) the Soviet Government there, to the | Soviet Union and its leadership, | pledging their unwavering support | in every effort to accelerate and | carry to full realization the under- | lying fundamental principles which | have made possible the reconstruc- tion of Jewish life on productive socialist foundations and the forma- tion of the first Jewish state unit | in the world. WINTER ISSUE OF SCOPE The winter issue of Scope, a maz- azine of proletarian literature, will be off the press next week with stories by Mike Gold, Robert Smith, Samuel Barron and others, includ- | ing Joseph Wilson, who is District | Organizer of the International Labor | Defense in San Francisco, and who during the time of the West Coast marine strike played a leading pact in the struggle. Walker Winslow, | who had several poems in recent issues of the Daily Worker, will also be represented in the winter issue of Scope. OH, ALRIGHT! = BUT INTHE NAME OF intended their music to express. The remote-from-life psychology |seems to have an even greater hold | on chamber musicians than on those | jin other fields. It is a pity that | jsuch a fine ensemble could not have | chosen a more important, less medi- | ocre program.—s. F. | we sink to our lowest level. He has the indoors art to catch you in a chair and drug the air: all motion under balk that he may talk. the only foundation and guarantee | other, his work as a revolutionary | In comparing the two sec-| understand how} He'll chant red song like a cricket all day long, | if you let him hum | safe and warm | out of the storm “Oh, see the other side!”— and if we ride that pendulum’s idle arc his aim is won; nothing will be done. But most beware | when he calls you rare, better than the others; | that is his knife to stab your brothers. Isidor Schneider's book of poems is a valuable addition to revolution- ary poetry and working-class cul- ture. The poet has gained more than a new subject matter. He has benefitted as a poet, a man, a rev- olutionary and a comrade. $35 Ramsey has been wavering be- tween the “almost-wons” and the MORE NEEDED! victorious for the past week. Three substantial contributions will put him in second place in the drive. Now's the time to ex- press your support! Total to date... - $214.24 Author Urges All Workers to Read Stalin’s ‘Foundations of Leninism’ By A. BIMBA | Author of “History of the American | Working Class” and “The Molly | Maguires” One of the biggest and most im: | portant tasks of the Communist | Party is the education of the large masses of the revolutionary workers in the fundamentals of the Com- munist movement and the prole- tarian revolution. The efforts to dis- | tribute 100,000 copies of Stalin's “Foundations of Leninism” at 10) cents each should rec#ive fullest ap- TUNING 7:00-WEAF—Himber Orchestra WOR-Sports Resume—Ford Prick ‘WJZ—Amos 'n’ Ahdy—Sketch WABC—Myrt and Marge—Sketch 7:16-WEAP—Talk—John FR, Kennedy WOR—Concert Orchestra WABC—Just Plain Bill—Sketch 7:30-WEAP—Minstrel Show WOR—Larry Taylor, Baritone WABO—Troopers Band 7:48-WOR—Dance Musié | WJZ—Shitley Howard, Songs | WABC—Boake Carter, Commentator | 8:00-WEAF—Vallee’s Varieties WOR—Lii Symphony Orchestra, Philip es, Conductor; Chandler | Goldthwaite, Piano ‘WdZ—James Stephens, Poet WABC—Easy Aces—Sketch 8:18-WABO—Fray and Braggiott!, Piano | 8:30-WJZ—Lessons of the Crime Confer- | ence—Attorney General Momer &./ Cummings, From Washington | WABC—Johnson Orchestra; Edward | Nell, Baritone; Edwin C. Hill, Nar- | ratot; Speaker, John L. Johnston, President Lambert Company. 9:00-WEAP—Captain Menry's fhow Boat WOR—Hilibilly Music WJZ—Death Valley Days—Sketch WABC—Gray Orchestra; Annette Hanshaw, Songs; Walter O'Keefe 9:30-WOR—Lum and Abner—Sketeh | substitute. proval and cooperation of the entire Party. “Foundations of Leninism” has no All Party members and sympathizers should, first get the booklet themselves and read it, and then spread it by the thousands to other workers. My only hope is that the publishers will not stop with the issuance of this invaluable book for a mass distribution. Other basic Marxian-Leninist literature must be made accessible to the masses of American workers. IN WJZ—Robert Childe, Piano; Larry Larsen, Organ; Mixéd Octet WABC—Waring Orchestra 9:45-WOR—Senator William E. Borah of Idaho, Speaking at New York Re- publican Committee Meeting, Mecca Temple ‘JZ—Bame as WOR | ow, | 10:00-WEAP—Whiteman's Music Hall; Helen Jepson, Soprano WABC—Forty-five Minutes in Holly- wood; Susic; Sketches 10:15-WOR—Current Events, H. B. Read WdJZ—To Be Announced 10:30-WOR—Dance Orchestra ‘WsZ—Economies in a Changing So eis! Order—Nicholas Murray Butler, President, Columbia Universi man Thomas, Socialist Leader; M. Hi. Aylesworth, | President, NBC; Dr. Glenn Frank, President, University of Wisconsin; Dr. Harry A. Millis, President, American Economie As= sociation, and Others 10:45-WABC—Fats Waller, Songs 11:00-WEAF—Adventures in Literature — Colonel Ralph H. Isham WOR—News WsZ—Madriguera Orchestra WABO—Family Welfare Speaker 11:15-WEAF—Jesse Crawford, Organ WOR—Moonbeams THO 11:80-WEAP—Dance Musi¢ (Also on WABO, WJZ, WMCA, WOR, WEVD) IN THE MAILBAG F., of Pocatello, Idaho, & gavé me a dime to spend for candy, but papa told me the D.W. neéds a lot of money. Papa is PROTESTS 10 THE MAYOR , AND LERFLETS AND PHONE CALLS AND WIRES — ITELL You I'M GETTING SICK OF YouR INFERNAL FREE-FOOD FIGHTERS CLUS ee wHIz/ MR GOGE ! WKY DON’ CHR Stee OUR, ComMiTTes Nn’ DECENCY STOP BANDYING MY an abstract, rhetorical and noble réd herring, certainly, one perfumed with quotations from Jefferson, John Stuart Mt, and Walt Whitman, a red herring with a college education, yet a red herring just the same. not working now ané mama works at the F.E.R.A. cannery and dent make | much, I am 8 years old and I cam - play The Internationale on my cornét. “I would like to be an organizer, but I like the book of The Battle in the Barnyard. Maybe mama will buy it for Xmas. I don't believe in Santa Clause, Papa reads Mike Gold's column. 1 like Lefty and Peanuts. PS. Here SO FAR, REFUSED TO SEE Me FREE- Fooo FIGHTERS COMMITTEE OF CHILDREN AND PARENTS - “THEN ARE PRO - TESTING THE DISCHARGE OF MiSs GoopHaRT WHO WAS FIRED FOR FEEDING eee : WITHOUT “Tick ie day, Mike Gold will present an autographed So ; te Pa gir . it Money,” or an original autographed ee ma wey Gay to the highest ctcerinetee OKAY MRGoGs // (Pr Tit You come REROSS, FRTT-Y/) “BREAKS FASCIST ILLUSION" When Unit 4, Section 4, Buffalo, contributed its $6.25 to this column, they wrote: “The vote goes to Mike on account of his ability to break down the fascist illusion and win over thé middle class for the dic- tatorship of the Proletariat.” Section 3, N. Y. L, Burke G. T. Clark . Previously Rec'd. Ruth Ebon Kod Star Troop Unit TC 1 & Unit TC 2. Previously réceived ... TOTAL .. Total To the high