The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 10, 1934, Page 6

Page 6 DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, DECEMBER 10, 1932 > Daily .<QWorker CTRAL ORGAN COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. (SECTION OF COMMUNIST INTERWATIONAL) Only Working Class Daily Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 50 E. 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Algonquin 4-795 4. New York, “America’s ‘Telephone N. ¥. al Press Building, Telephone: National 7910. Room 705, Chicago, Wl. Daiwork 1 year, $6.00; 0.75 cents. 1 year, $9.00; cig hs, 3. mont 18 ly, 78 cents 0; 6 months, 75 cents DECEMBER 10, 1934 MONDAY Norman Thomas Explains OR those who had hoped to see the so- called ‘militants’ in the Socialist Party, headed by Norman Thomas, take a bold stand in opposition to the determined efforts of the “old guard” to sabotage 1 working class action agains m and r, Mr. Thomas’ explanation of the Boston N. E. C ointment. ions will be a disapr (omas Explains,” Sat- w York Times carries a long letter from itani” leader which he fully identifies with 1 ” opposition to revolu- ing particularly the planation of his own position er elaboration of his article in Saturday's New Leader. We will take un his stated position and ted justification peint by point the caption, “Mr. 1) “Tt was eatly agreed by a majority of the N. E, C. thai there should be a definite end of united front negotiations. There were differencs of inion concerning the way in which our position should be stated. What the action of the N. FE. C. does is to close the door on further discus- sions at its meetings of united front negotiations. . . 1 a national convention gives other New Leader.) and National Executive Committee at its last definitely ended all talk of united front ions with the Communist Party.” (New York From these statements by Mr, Thomas the: de- sire of the N. E. C. majorit remembering always that this majority is Mr. Thomas’ “militant” group. to bleck united front action is crystal clear. What is most nificant here is his bold declaration on the complete agreement between the “old guard” and the “militants” as to aim. Both agreed “that there should be a definite end of united front ne- gotiations.” Incidentally such negotiations had never really begun! The only differences, according to Mr. Thomas, were on “the way in which our posi- tion should be stated.” This brings out most clearly the true character of the “differences” between these two groups, the “old guard” and the “militants.” The Waldman-“old guard” group openly and brazenly advocates a re- jection of the united front, the scrapping of the Declsration of Principles and an alliance with the A. F, of L. bureaucracy. The Thomas-“militant” group advocates essentially the same reactionary policies, and differs only with Waldman on “the way in which our position should be stated.” Every worker who has had illusions as to role of Mr. Thomas should note this admitted fact. 2) “At the Boston meeting . .. the matter of the united front with the Communists and certain other controversial issues were handled in keeping with the method necessary to build an inclusive, democratically eontroiled Socialist Party.” (New Leader.) ‘I should say that it [the decision against the united front.—Editor] was clearly a victory for that group in the party, which I am convinced is a majority, which desires no negotiations on the united front and an end of the waste of time on discus- sion of it.” (New Leader). As for the statement that “the issues were han- dled in keeping with the method necessary to buila an inclusive, democratically controlled Socialist Party,” this is sheer nonsense. To begin with, the Communist delegation was denied the opportunity to even present the proposals of the Communist Party for united action. But a still more serious refuta- tion of this claim for inner democracy is the fact that the N.E.C. was factionally dominated from Start to finish. The more reactionary opponents of the united front and of revolutionary policies were massed in Boston to prevent any true expres- sion of inner democracy. The decisions were fac- tional, not democratic decisions. As for the assertion that these decisions repre- sented the will of the membership, this is a stupid ignoring of facts. The membership overwhelmingly adopted the Declaration of Principles, which, despite its confusion and basic omissions on important ques- tions, wi an expression of the increasingly left- ward trend in the Socialist Party; it was the ex- pression of a desire for a policy of militant struggle against war and fascism, of a desire for a policy which could only be carried through in united strug- gie together with the Communists. In short, the adoption of the Declaration of Principles was itself the handing of a mandate to the N.E.C. for the speedy realization of the united front with the Com- munists. There is the action of the local organi- zations throughout the country as the most con- clusive proof that the N.E.C. does not represent the will of the membership. Local organizations by the dozens (Chicago, Newark, Trumbull County, etc.) had already entered into local united struggle joint- ly with the Communists. Finally the action of the five state organizations in the South, of Portland, of Kensington, etc., since the N.E.C. meeting, gives the lie to Thomas's assertions. The facts are that the Boston decisions were directly contrary to the will of the membership; they were factional and reactionary. 3) “The N.E.C, definitely repudiated the amazing statement in the Revolutionary Socialist Review which was to all appearance an advocacy of armed insurrection. It set in motion methods for dealing constructively (!) with organized groups within the party.” Yes, the N.E.C. adopted a resolution to investigate the Revolutionary Policy Committee. It again shows the meaning of its much touted inner democracy. With them it proposes to deal “‘construc- tively.” The truly revolutionary forces in the party and the R.P.C. will be “constructively” expelled; those who are characterized by merely revolution- ary phrases will make their peace with Thomas’ “militants.” But the reactionary “old guard,” which is actively organizing for a split, is not to be inves- tigated. Yet Mr. Thomas talks of “democracy”! Democracy for the Right; investigations and expul- sions for the Left! 4) “But I beiieve that the statement [of the N.E.C.—Editor} as it stands handles the problem as well as it can be handled in view of the present Situation, the renewed bitterness of Communist at- tacks on the Socialist Party and on the labor move- ment, and the manifest desire of the majority of the Socialist Party to close discussion on this issue.” As for this talk of a “majority,” we have al- ready answered it. As for the desire to “close dis- cussion on this issue (the united front),” we assure Mr. Thomas that discussion can not be closed by a mere N.EC. edict. It can be closed only when the united front is established, when the Socialist and Communists are fighting together stubbornly against the advance fascist reaction and the feverish preparations for war. Until then the masses of the workers, in the factories, in the unions, in the Socialist Party itself, will respond to the Com- munist appeals for unity because those appeals to- day reflect the urgent need of the working class movement. And Mr. Thomas and the Socialist N.E.C. will discuss united working class struggle (if only to block it!) despite their decisions—because the masses will force them to discuss it! So much for that, Mr. Thomas! As for the excuse giving “the renewed bitterness of the Communist attacks on the Socialist Party,’ as justification for the decision against united ac- of ion. bunk! Certainly, Mr. Thomas, the Com- munist Party has severely criticized your policies. But why? Precisely because of your sabotage of a united front of struggle. You made speeches in which you declared in favor of united action. We greeted those speeches, accepting them at their face value. Then, contrary to your speeches, your acts day in and day out were calculated to defeat the united front. Could we do anything else, Mr. Thomas, than show to the workers the contradic- tion between your words and deeds. At the same time vou and the Party leadership allied yourselves with the strike-breaking policies of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy. Could you expect us to remain silent when you aided policies detri- mental to the workers’ interests? Hardly! In short, Mr. Thomas, if our attacks were more frequent, it was only due to the fact that your sabo- tage of unity was more frequent and brazen, and that more clearly you took the course of the “old guard” into the camp of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy. The attacks can be stopped very easily. Form the united front on a class struggle basis. Abandon your practices of class collaboration. Loyally carry out the united front agreement which can be eas- ily reached with the Communists. And then, with no reason to attack, the Communist attacks will immediately cease. The explanations of Mr. 'Thomas explain nothing away; they only make clear the road that the leadrship of the “militants” along with the “old guard” is traveling—a reactionary road which re- jects a revolutionary united front and accepts an alliance with the A. F. of L. bureaucracy. Now that Mr. Thomas has made his explanation it will be easier for the workers in the Socialist Party and in the A. F. of L. to find their own way into a united front with the Communist Party against Roosevelt's wage-cutting, relief-cutting poli- cies, and against fascism and war. That united front is already being welded in the South, in Maine and in many other communities throughout the country. The true majority in the Socialist Party will give their answer to Mr. Thomas! Hearst --- Organizer of Fascist Hordes IRUE to his pledge to Hitler, Hearst has again opened the floodgates of his poi- son and filth against the revolutionary working class in this country and in the Soviet Union. We can see now why Hearst was silent when he visited Hitler last summer. His silence is explained by the fact that Hearst, as proven by his present vile campaign against the. American working class, has espoused the cause of the per- verts, criminals and butchers who rule Germany in a welter of blood. Hearst's latest blasts in support of Hitler are: (1) A vicious editorial howl against. the Soviet Union, and (2) Full, 100 per cent support for Hit- ler’s murder policy in the Saar. Both of these screeds are contained on Page 1 of Hearst's Sunday edition in all of his morning papers throughout the U. S. The editors of the Socialist “Forward,” Jewish language daily, are not behind Hearst in their calumny against the Soviet Union. The “Forward” comes to the defense of the 66 white guard spi saboteurs, terrorists and wreckers, who were exe- cuted for their complicity in the plots that led to the assassination of Comrade Kirov. It is indeed ironical that this Jewish language paper, so bitter against the Soviet Union, becomes the defender of the forces of the black hundreds who want to bring back into the Soviet Union the days of the Czarist pogroms. Hearst does not like Socialist construction in the Soviet Union, and he does not like Stalin, the leader of the Communist Party, which victoriously ended Czarist rule and is fighting with iron deter- mination every effort to re-establish the “bloody reign of the landlords and capitalists. Hearst declares the Czar and Stalin are the same. He must have learned his technique from the Trotzkyites. . . . ET US mention a few facts, Mr. Hearst. The Czar’s government slaughtered the masses in order to preserve the domination of the landlords and capitalists—that is, to preserve the class which today rules in the United States, Under the dictatorship of the proletariat in the Soviet Union today, the land, the factories, all of the means of production are owned by the workers and peasants. Farms have been collectivized, im- proved, so that the masses can produce and eat more. Under the dictatorship of the proletariat— the scorpion of all the forces of oppression of labor —the Soviet Union has become’ the outstanding force for peace. While the whole capitalist world flounders deeper and deeper into crisis—while Roosevelt strives by every means to slash the miserable relief of the 16,000,000 American unemployed—the Soviet Union Sweeps ahead in construction of all of the means of producing a better life, having ended unemploy- ment—and hunger. Of course, you do not like this, Mr. Hearst. You rave like a maniac when you consider that the American workers, learning from the Soviet Union, will some day organize their power to put you where you belong. You, Mr. Hearst, used to reaping millions in profits out of the toil and sweat of American labor, you, the chief scab-herder against the general strike in San Francisco, friend of every pimp and prostitute of European royalty, have good reason to hate, with all of the bitterness of your vile be- ing, victorious labor in Russia. You have every reason, of course, to detect its brilliant and stal- wart leader, Joseph Stalin. But every American worker must note that Hearst is not contenting himself with his futile propaganda poison attack against the Soviet Union. He is helping to organize the fascist hordes in this country against American labor. Hearst wants to band all of the scabbing rats into one armed camp to destroy the unions in the United States, to reduce American labor to the meanest servility by first destroying the strongest defender of the American working class—the Communist Party. | Party Life | Recruiting Drive |Must Be Spurred |In District 2 CHECK-UP on the first five weeks of the recruiting drive | initiated by the District Committee (beginning with the week of Octo- ber 23rd and ending in the week of January 21st, at Lenin Memorial Meeting), shows that the drive has not been sufficiently developed’ and is at present in a very weak stage. Only one section has reached 75 per cent of its five week quota and that is Section 4, which was the leading section in recruiting previ- ous to the inauguration of the drive. Only two sections have ful- filled more than 50 per cent of the assigned quotas. These are Section 3 and 57 per cent and Section 7 | with 50 per cent, The total number of assigned new members for the five weeks is not | higher than the average recruiting jin the District previous to the | drive. Some of our largest and| | strongest sections lag seriously be-| | hind in this drive. Section 1 has reached only 28 per cent of its| quota and Section 2 only 29 per | | cent. Section 15, which began the | drive with a bang is losing ground from week to week and now has | only reached 40 per cent of its! | quota. | If we are to attain the task set | ourselves at the beginning of the | recruiting drive, to have 10,000 dues paying members by the end of the drive, a vigorous attempt must be undertaken by the sections to in- crease the recruiting in the units | and fractions on the basis of the Central Committee letter to each Party member and the directives of | the District Org. Department. Each section is, within one week's | time, to bring in a report on what they are doing to develop an ener- getic campaign, what steps will be taken by the sections to mobilize the fractions in the mass organiza- tions, etc. Those fractions that have made any attempt to recruit show the great value for the Party in recruiting in the mass organi- zation. An analysis of the recruit- ing of new members by the I.W.O. fraction shows that the bulk of them are workers in important shops with more than 50 per cent of them in the A. F. of L. unions and that they can strengthen our work within the A. F. of L. in the shops. While we lay great stress on the proper guidance in this drive by the section committees, unit buros and fraction buros, the individual activity of each Party member re- mains the basic guarantee for a successful result in the campaign. We call upon every Party member |to see to it that in his organiza- |tion the recruiting drive is dis- cussed and the proper action taken | jin line with the Central Committee letter. The same is to be pushed jin each unit and responsibility de- manded from the higher Party com- mittees for the proper tempo in the campaign. ORG. COMMISSION, Dist. 2. Fe eS | | Cab Drivers Take Steps (E leading fraction in the Taxi- cab Drivers Union has taken jimmediate steps for an intensified drive to win over the thousands of jtaxi drivers who have shown by |their militant fight in the last two general strikes that they can be |won for the Communist Party and become a factor in defeating the \efforts of Hearst and American Im- |perialism in their attack upon the |Party. The leading fraction has decided to. double the Party membership in ithe Taxi industry by January 2\1st. |An intensified campaign is to be carried out by the leading fraction and the shop nuclei through shop papers in the garages and on the hacklines; an open fraction meet- ing arranged by the leading frac- tion and open shop nuclei meetings acquainting taxi drivers with the role of the Communist Party in the struggle of the taxi drivers for the realization of their Nine Point pro- gram. The slogan of the fraction in this recruiting drive is: “Every member of the fraction must re- cruit a taxi driver in the garage or on the hackline into the Party by January 2ist as our tribute to the memory of Comrade Lenin.” LEADING FRACTION, N, Y. Fight Against War Growing In Argentine 168 at Congress Pelge to Oppose Fascism—to Issue Paper VALPARAISO, Chile, Dec. 9.— Despite the unprecedented terror exercised by the police, and the sharp censorship, news has just leaked through about the Youth Congress against War and Fascism held in Argentina recently. present at the Congress from thir- teen organizations of working youth and students. This alone shows the wide field of action already covered by the youth of Argentina. The \congress issued an appeal to all young persons and elected a per- manent committee with headquar- ters in Rosario. ‘The Congress resolved with great enthusiasm to join the world youth movement against war and fascism. As honorary Presidium there were elected: Ernst Thaelmann, Henri Barbusse, Romain Rolland, Georgi Dimitroff, and Oskar Creydt. The Congress sent greetings to the anti- fascist youth of Paraguay and Bo- livia, now fighting heroically against war. In conclusion the Congress re- solved to bring out a unity news- paper for the-movement to be en- | titled: “Juventud Antifascista.” A total of 168 representatives were |* SPROUTING FAST! by Burck| i | | ALEXANDER KING = oF JUGOSLAUIA | ASSASSINATED OCTOBER | | Burek will give the oigmal drawing of his cartoon to the highest cbntripeter each day towards his quota of $1,000, FLYING HIGH From the depths of $1 Saturday, Burck soars It’s the high bidders who are to nearly $67 today. heiping Art maintain its position. Unit 2 Jamestown ..... Group of Taxi Drivers . E. +3 8.29 + 1,00 Rochester Section . Erie Unit No. 1 Previously Rec'd. ve, 4214 ° ‘ +. 13.50 seeeneeee te eneseeeeeee 603.48 - $670.41 90 Million To Vote in U.S. S, RB. By W. G, SHEPPARD (E campaign for the elections to the Soviets and for the Seventh Congress of Soviets, sched- uled to take place in January, is now gathering force throughout the | length and breadth of the great | Soviet Union. In many parts the election of deputies to the village Soviets have already taken place, while in the towns and cities prep- arations for the elections are being carried through. All the newspapers, from the great “Pravda” down to the smallest factory newspaper, are focusing at- tention on the elections. Deputies are busy reporting on their steward- ship since the last elections in 1931, meetings of young voters are tak- ing place; posters with suitable slogans for the elections are being issued, and the electors in the cities, towns and villages are busy compiling their suggestions and in- structions for the deputies who will be elected at the forthcoming elec- tion meetings. In the coming weeks the elections will occupy the center of the Soviet stage. 90 Million Will Vote Over 90 million electors will par- ticipate in the elections of the Sov- iets throughout the U.S.S.R. in the period between now and the first days of 1935, an increase of more than ten million as compared with the number of electors in 1931. These ten million are the youth of the Soviet Union who have be- come of voting age (18 years) dur- ing the period since the last elec- tions, and they will be taking part in the elections for the first time. The right to vote and to be elected to the Soviets is enjoyed by all citi- zens of 18 years of age and upwards, irrespective of sex, religion, race, nationality, domicile and so on, who earn their livelihood by productive © peasants, cannot be deprived of their election rights if they temporarily apply wage labor of one worker for the harvesting of grain, technical crops and so on, under special cir- cumstances (illness, mobilisation, election to a post which requires absence from their farms), Besides the above, the following persons are also not deprived of election rights: Journeymen and handicraft work- ers who carry on an enterprise with- out the employment of wage labor; those who have more than two ap- prentices or who employ, by reason of the conditions of their produc- tion, the wage labor of one adult worker; former officers and officials of white armies who have subse- ; quently ‘served in the ranks of the Red Army; persons who are either employed for or elected to adminis- trative, business and technical posi- tions in religious communities for the service of religious ritual and premises (choir singers, organists, doorkeepers, bell-ringers and so on, also members of church councils). Rights Restored But this is not all. Many people who were formerly deprived of their electoral rights as belonging to the class of exploiters (landlords, cap- italists, clergy, etc.) are now in a position to have their electoral rights restored providing they have engaged in productive and socially useful labor during the course of five years and have proved their loyalty to the Soviet Power. Further, they can also have their rights restored before this period on appropriate appeals if they are members of trade unions and have recommended themselves by honest labor. . To complete the list of those restored to electoral rights one must men- tion that: children of exiled kulaks and socially useful labor, also by | may vote if they are engaged in so- persons engaged in duties which ensures for the for- mer the possibility of productive labor, and by members of the Red Army and Navy. 3 Per Cent Deprived However, certain categories (about 3 per cent of the population) are excluded from voting for, and be- ing elected to, the Soviets. These include persons who have resorted and are resorting to employment of labor with the object of making a profit, those who have lived or are living on incomes not derived from labor, former officers and officials of white armies, leaders of counter- revolutionary bands, employers and agents of the former police and gendarmerie, and also persons who have directly or indirectly guided the activity of the police and gen- darmerie, and former and present. clergy of all religions. In order to get a really clear idea of the class elements who are ac- tually denied voting powers it is necessary to state the following, from the “Instructions on the Elections to the Soviets and Con- gresses of Soviets of the R. S. F. S. R.” issued by the All-Russian Cen- tral Executive Committee. househoid | cially useful labor and are working conscientiously, and that: exiled kulaks can have their rights re- stored after five years if they have recommended themselves by honest labor. Persons of this category, who are shock workers of production and are actively participating in social work, may also be restored to their electoral rights before the expira- tion of the five-year period. So much for those who can and who cannot vote in the elections to the Soviets. I have stated them at length to show that the right to vote under Soviet Power primarily depends on the fact that the elector is engaged in “socially useful labor,” and the figures of the number of electer (over ninety million) show that this is the case with the over- whelming majority of the workers and peasants of the Land of the Soviets, More than three years have passed since the last election and the Sixth Congress of Soviets. These have been years of achievement after | achievement in the building of so- cialism on the part of the masses of the Soviet Union led by the Com- munist Party. collective farms and machine trac- | New factories, plants, state farms, | | Capitalist country—but a story of 1 Collective farmers and individual | tor stations have been built and now | cover all parts of the country. New! cities have grown up, the First Five | Year Plan has been. successfully | completed and there is a steady} march forward to the realization of the Second Five Year Plan, the} building of a classless society and | the liquidation of capitalist ele-| ments and classes in general. In reporting of their work during these years, the deputies from the city, town, district and village So- viets will have much ta tell. Theirs will be a story, not of how they cut down relief and saved the rates, not of the failure to build new houses for the workers, etc. — the story that has to be told in any the number of workers rehoused, the new clinics, creches, hospitals and welfare institutions that have been opened, the new factories that have been built, etc. etc. Theirs indeed will be reports of success after suc- | cess in tackling and meeting the ever-growing demands of the work- ing class and peasantry, Let me give an illustration. Speak- ing at the plenum of the Moscow City Soviet last month, Comrade Bulganin its chairman, in reviewing the work of the Soviet of the Red capital since the last election, de- clared: “Four years ago we only discussed at the plenum of the Moscow So- viet questions of building new plants. We only set before ourselves! the task of securing the technical and economic independence of the country. We spoke of building a large automobile plant, a ball-bear- ing, a bicycle plant. “Today, we can declare to the whole world that we are already) producing our own automobiles, our own electric. locomotives, our own) ball-bearings.” And further Bulganin in his! speech, chock-full of facts. concern- ing the achievements of the Moscow Soviet, was able to state: “Since the last Soviet elections, 2,000 new apartment houses for 450,000 persons have been built in Moscow. And this means that a) sixth part of Moscow has been built anew.” But this is only Moscow. To get an idea of the striking victories of the toilers of the Soviet Union. one needs to realize that similar achieve- ments can be recorded to a greater or lesser degree, over the whole of this great country. Having begun to realize this one can then begin to understand the truth of Comrade Kalinin’s words, in his appeal to the electors “it maybe confidently de- clared that in no other country are there such close ties with the state, such an organic interest of the masses of the people in the general policy of the state as in ours.” The elections to the Soviets now proceeding demand the closest at- tention of all workers in Britain and the United States as they provide a glorious opportunity for us to un- derstand “the class nature and pro-| letarian essence of the Soviets,” and that only under the Soviets is there democracy for the working class. Starhemberg Admits He Can’t Win Workers VIENNA, Dec. 9—The Austrian Vice-Chancellor, Starhemberg, granted an interview to a. Vienna correspondent of a Hungarian newspaper. In the course of the in- terview he admitted that it was use- less to attempt to win over the Aus- trian workers for fascism. tempts at persuading the Marxist workers are useless, for the workers do not believe us, but despise us I maintain that we can never win ee the Marxist workers politically for us.” Canvass social clubs in the neigh- berhood for funds for the Daily Worker. Only one week is left in which to complete the full quota Starhemberg declared: “All at= of $60,000, Anti-Fascists Gain Seats In Election in Poland WARSAW, Dec. 9—At the by- elections held in a number of places at the end of November (where the previous election result: had been declared invalid) in the Dombrova coalfield the anti-fascist | realize,” World Front || By HARRY GANNES -—— On the United Front 2 Boss Witnesses HE American Socialist New Leader is not its brother’s keeper. In fact, when the London New Leader, organ of the Independent Labor Party, has a cogent word or two to say on the united front, the New York sheet, true to the glozious principles of Waldman, Gerber, Oneal & Co., roundly be- rates its British brother spokesman, “It_is time that the members of the Britisn workingclass movement wrote the London New Leader, “that the Labor Party is now the main obstacle to united action by the working class forces in the world.” Now when the British left group in the Socialist movement have the honesty to criticize the policy of a leadership which produced such sterling lackeys for King George and British imperialism as Ramsey MacDonald, J. H. Thomas and Philip Snowden, the gentlemen in this country who pay~homage to Bill Green and Matthew Woll, be- come very indignant. After all, azgues the American New Leader, where things are “nor- mal,” or where the socialist parties and the trade unions are function- ing “normally,” as in the U. S., why is the united front necessary? Is it normal for Wall Street banke:s to prepare for fascism and spend miliions to mobilize their armed bands? Is it normal for Roosevelt to carry out the pre-fascist measures of the big trusts and open up a new drive against the workers’ living standards? Is it normal for Roose- velt to inaugurate the most gigantic war construction program since Wilson plunged the American peo- ple into the last slaughter? The line of the New Leader seems to be that when fascism conquers (and there’s nothing else to do) then maybe the united front can’t be avoided. But so long as there is a shred of democratic demagoguery covering the development of the Roosevelt, regime towards fascism, then the united front must be fought tooth and nail. Cae ia ERE it would be well to call in a couple of witnesses from the enemy ranks (from the Scandi- navian countries where the Socialist Party leaders fight against the united front with the Communists) and hear them on the question. Let us hear from the influential capitalist sheet in Stockholm, Dagens Nyheter. Estimating the re- fusal of the Second International to accept the united front proposals of | the Communist International, they | write: “The continental picked troops of the Socialists’ army are de- stroyed and dispersed. Worse still. The groups of the Second Inter- national are but a heterogenious mass kept together by superficial formulas and etiquette. The bol- shevization of the European so- cial democracy has undermined the basis of the Second Interna- tional. “Seen from the general demo- cratic point of view, the proceed- ing bolshevization of the Second International is a very sad story, It is therefore with joy that one receives the news from Paris that the Communist courting was not answered in the affirmative. It is only regrettable that one cannot really believe that the decision of the executive will be of deciding importance for the future devel- opment.” a a a Swedish bourgeoisie, it is plain, feel very grateful to the So- cialist leaders for being so active against the united front of the workers on an international or national scale, but still roundly fear the last word has not been said— by the rank and file. They know the united front is an effective weapon against capitalism and all its efforts at fascization. For example, we have professor Book, writing in Svenska Dag- bladet, central organ of the Con- servative Party of Sweden, relating his impression of a united Socialist and Communist demonstration in France: “The feelings of the Socialist, Communist and petty bourgeois demonstrating for peace ané against fascism, were much more sincere and determined (than the fascist demonstration on the same ; day—H. G.) The shouts of the audience at the Arc de Triomphe (fascist) sounded hollow and hesi- tating with those to be heard at the Column of July (united front) There had been much talk of the patriotic leagues walking into the streets and taking up the fight against parliament and corrupt democracy. I am not of the opinion that this would be good for them. Perhaps they could be- come masters of the inner center, but round about old Paris there are the workers’ quarters and suburbs and if the workers’ bat- talions would march up they would certainly, without any diffi- culties, suffocate the fascist re- volt...” aya gees TR spokesmen of the exploiters have good reasons to sigh with |Telief at the rejection of the So- cialist International of international united action of the proletariat, when they recognize that in France | the united front is developing into a force sufficient to “suffocate the fascists.” But they also recognize that these decisions against the united front are not of “deciding importance for the future development.” The struggle for unity of action of the workers against war and fascism will become more powerful and more impelling. 8. 0. S. Nothing was received today to the bloc gained four seats in Bendzin and two in Dombrova. credit of World Front. | Total to Date—$349.63. —~ eganene