The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 30, 1934, Page 2

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY. NOVEMBER 30, 1934 $10,000 Bail Set for Bayonne Relief Strike Leaders Five Seized SCOTTSBORO--- THE 20T! CENTURY DRED SCOTT CASE DRAWS SHARP AND CLEAR LINES OF CLASS STRUGGLE s Projects Pace Picketed Forced Tahoe Workers Demand Minimum Wage of $18 BAYONNE, N. J an attempt to behead strike movement against labor on Bayonne relief o jobs, Police yesterday arrested five lead- ers, cluding Stanley Tomkins, secretary of the Non-Partisan Un- employed League. Bail for each was set at $10,000 by Judge Paul Cullum Hudson County Court At the protests of the workers attorney, William E. Sewell, ige Cullum said, “If the defendants are on relief and in distress, their ac- tivities would seem to put them in the position of desiring to re- main in distress. I said $10,000, nd that’s what it’s going to be. The attorney went later, however, to Judge James Erwin, of the Hudson County Court of Common Pleas, who reduced the bail to $2,500 each, still a fantastic figure for unemployed workers. The five arrested workers were on picket lines which were set up on all projects yesterday Pre- viously, 200 men had marched to the office of Relief Administrator John Doolan, protesting the insti- tution of forced labor in Bayonne relief, and demanding a minimum Wage of $18 a week and trade union rates for skilled workers. They Were met with a flat refusal Two of the arrested workers had started to picket a relief job yester- day and were met by twelve police who placed them under arrest They were taken to headquarters. A few minutes later Tomkins ar- rived with two other workers. They too were immediately placed under arrest and charged with “being dis- orderly persons.” Judge Cullum, who placed their bail at $10,000 each, likewise changed the charge to “inciting to riot.” Ir Nov. 29. the growing forced Councils Urge Strikes on Relief (Continued from Page 1) down the relief at a time when it admits that more people are apply- ing for relief. Roosevelt, himself, stated that relief must rest more and more upon private charity. This is the aim of the ‘Human Needs,’ ‘Community Chest’ campaigns which are going on throughout the country at the present time. In these campaigns the workers in the shops are compelled to donate part of their earnings. Thus relief for the unemployed is being raised by means of a direct tax on the work- ers in the shops and offices. “The Municipal councils and legislative bodies also plead the necessity of similar economy. They refuse to tax the rich, but on the contrary, are putting all kinds of taxes on the workers in the form of sales taxes, taxes on wages, taxes on users of gas, electricity, fares, etc. “It is clear that an offensive against the whole working class is now under way and it will be ac- companied by terror to compel the workers to accept the conditions that are laid down. In this situa- tion, it is necessary for the work- ing class to be united against the offensve of the bosses which is supported by the government. First of all, the workers on the re- lief projects must be prepared. “The National Unemployment Councils calls upon the workers on the relief jobs: (1) immediately to form comm!ices sf action; (2) to organize on the relief projects for strikes against any reduction in pay. “At the same time the workers in the shops must form similar commitees and organize in the shops to prevent reductions in pay, to demand higher wages and that all relief be provided by taxation of the employers. “The hypocricy of the govern- ment can best be shown by the tremendous outlay for war purposes ‘which amount to nearly two billion dollars, as well as the more than eight billion dollars that has been given to the banks and corpora- tions as subsidies. “This situation makes it still the more necessary for the workers of the United States, both employed and unemployed, Negro and white, to unite their ranks in the sruggle for Unemployment and Social In- surance. In spite of the ‘promise’ of Roosevelt that Congress will enact an ‘unemployment insurance bill,’ it is clear that this bill will not provide unemployment insurance to the present army of unemployed. It will only be an unemployed re- serves bill for the workers who in the future may lose their jobs. Our | demand must be made very clear: ® Students Unite | On Scottsboro c ination in the colleges and high schools. Plans are already under way to ation of college edi- to bama during the holidays to present a n demanding the im- of the Scottsboro tors to go as the letter of the I.L.D. protest- ing the “Nation’s” attack on the mass fight and peddling of the lies of Samuel S. Leibowitz that the LL.D. had collected “several hun- dred thousand dollars” for the Scottsboro defense, Anna Damon the editorial as a deliberate jon of facts, and a web of ight untruths, and demands a n of these statements and lication in full of the protest of the LL.D, “Nation” Lies on Funds erhaps one of the most reveal- t s about the ‘Nation’ edi- ial,” she writes the editors, “is a matter of omission rather than commission. Nowhere in the entire editorial do we find any attack upon the state of Alabama or its courts or officials for their frame- up of the boys, nor for their man- ner of conducting the trials.” Damon points out that the “Na- tion” has been kept fully informed on the sums collected by the LL.D. in the case and that such informa- tion was readily. available, and that therefore the “Nation’s” statement that “several hundred thousand dol- | lars have been raised for prop- aganda” in the Scottsboro case can lead to no other conclusion than that the editors of the “Nation” have deliberately misstated the facts. The financial statement of the ILD. showing a total of $55,194.32 raised and spent by the I.L.D. on the Scottsboro case, was sent at that time to the editors of the “Nation,” Damon points oui in her letter to the editors. In addi- tion, the LL.D, has spent several thousand dollars more on the case than it has collected, Reply to “Nation” “Without the ‘propaganda’ the Scottsboro boys would not have been alive today, according to your own admission,” she reminds the “Nation” editors, “and without it the huge amounts—between forty and fifty thousand dollars—which | have been involved in purely legal expenses, could not have been raised.” | In the editorial objected to, the “Nation” admitted: “There is small question that only the widespread publicity | which the mass pressure move- | ment gave to the case could have produced this result (that the de- fendants are still alive after three and a half years—Editor of the Daily Worker). There can be no doubt, however, that mass protest does, at a certain point, stiffen the resistance of the organized forces—in this case the courts of Alabama—against which it is di- rected.” Wholly ignoring the fact that eight of the nine boys had been sentenced to burn in the electric chair before the I.L.D. took over their defense, the “Nation” then proceeded to attack the mass de- fense tactics of the LL.D. Issue of National Oppression Damon also takes issue with the “Nation's” attempt to hide the monstrous national oppression of the Negro people which shows itself at every point in the Scottsboro case, In answer to the “impartial” pro- posal of the “impartial” “Nation” for an “impartial” committee to decide the question as to who should really represent the boys, Damon writes “The proposal itself is one which, coming as it does at the end of a review of the Scottsboro case which is anything but ‘impartial,’ we can- not take seriously. This is all the more true because you suggest as ‘impartial’ persons, Mr. Arthur Gar- field Hays and Mr. Morris Ernst, both outspoken in their enmity to the LL.D. If a truly impartial, and truly representative group were sin- cerely to attempt to put an end to} the controversy. opened by Mr.| Leibowitz, we would be willing to| co-operate as we have always been | willing to co-operate in any move | to strengthen the defense of the Scottsboro boys. Under all circum- stances, we shall continue as we! have been doing during this con-| troversy, to devote ourselves to the | preparation of the best possible legal | defense, and the best mass defense | that it is possible to organize, in| spite of disruptive tactics by the enemies of the Scottsboro boys,” The sixteen million unemployed anf their families demand Un- employment Insurance now by taxes on the rich. | : “This means an intensified fight .for the Workers Unemployment | and Social Insurance Bill which is | ‘the only genuine unemployment ‘ead wueh insurance bill before the ‘people of the United States. | ‘ Shop Workers Concerned | “Workers in the shops are just | ‘as concerned with the enactment | ‘of the Workers Unemployment and | ‘Insurance Bill, since if the unem- ‘ are provided with unem- | ‘ployment insurance they cannot be | ‘used as strikebreakers. At the same | ‘time, unemployed members of the | ‘unions will be able to pay their | ‘dues and thus remain in good | standing in the ranks of organized | . labor. “In order to mobilise ali forces | |behind the struggle for’ genuine un- | employment and social insuranc workers on relief jobs, the unem ployed organizations, unions, fra- ternal, veterans, Negro, farm or- ganizations, ete., should elect dele- | gates to the National Congress for | Unemployment and Social Insur- jance to be held in Washington, D. | C., Jan. 5, 6 and 7. “Organize immediately on the relief jobs not only ‘o fight | against wage cuts, but to demand | a decent pay and union scales for | skilled and semi-skilled workers! Fight against all discrimination against Negro, Foreign born and young workers! Forward to unity of the unemployed and em- ployed! Forward to a gigantic | Congress in Washington! | “NATIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT | COUNCIL.” Liberation Fight Is the Challenge to Lynch Rule in U. S. A. By HARRY HAYWOOD ITH the approach of the day set for the first executions in the | Scottsboro case, Feb. 8, and the ap- coming before the Supreme} Court in the cases of Haywood Pat- | terson and Clarence Norris, it | necessary to make absolutely clear the issues that are involved in this! attempt of the government to wipe| out the lives of nine innocent Negro boys seized in a typical lynch frame-up in Alabama three and a} half years ago. The fight for the liberation of the boys has crystallized opposing class forces around the Scottsboro case. As the famous Dred Scott | case before the Civil War became the wedge that drove a sharp and deep line between the forces of re- action supporting slavery and the | forces fighting for the abolition of | the feudal slave system, so the Scottsboro case has become the| Dred Scott case of the twentieth | century separating with unerring | accuracy friends and enemies of the | fight for Negro rights, for the lib-} eration of the Scottsboro boys, for | the smashing of the lynch system, | clearly differentiating all progres- | sive forces from reaction. peal True Meaning Clear ‘Despite the desperate efforts of the reformists and such organs as the “Nation” to conceal the true issues at stake in the Scottsboro fight, the real meaning of the fight has not escaped either the ruling class lynchers or the oppressed Negro masses. To the ruling class, the landlords and plantation mast- ers of the South, the fight for the liberation of the Scottsboro boys is a challenge to their rule, a challenge to the whole system upon which rests their exploitation and oppres- sion of the Negro masses. To the Negro masses, the Scotts- boro case has become the vital sym- bol of their struggle for liberation. It has brought new hope, new energy and the will to struggle, White House Approval The Scottsboro case today, seen in this light, has become also the spearhead of the whole reactionary offensive of the Roosevelt New Deal against the Negro people. The legal- ized wage differentials of the N.R.A. codes, giving official White House sanction to the jim-crow discrimina- tion against the Negro workers, the eviction of Negro sharecroppers by the thousands under the provisions of the Bankhead cotton destruction program signed by Roosevelt, the rising reign of terrorism throughout the South as evidenced in the growth of fascist bands—all point to the fact that the headquarters of the terrorism and oppression of the Negro masses, symbolized in the lynch frame-up of the Scottsboro boys, is in the White House. It is the Federal government supported by Wall Street finance capital that is the backbone of the terrorism against the Negro masses, that leads the forces of reaction for the ex- ecution of the Scottsboro boys, for the maintenance of the lynch sys- tem, that supports and organizes the growing fascist reaction through- | out the country, directed with espe- cial jousness against the Negro masses. Rooseyelt’s deliberate si- lence on the matters is only the expression of his consent and ap- proyal. Two Opposing Lines The recent attack led by Leibowitz on the Scottsboro defense, with the support of leading elements in the | Ministers Alliance and Negro bour-| Clarence Norris and Heywood geois publicists, can be understood best in this light. It is obvious that | the “liberal” notion that the fight between Leibowitz and the LL.D. is| merely a “quarrel” is a miserable | ing the all all Patterson, two Scottsboro defend- ants, who are sentenced to die February 8. or |the treachery to the boys, and to the whole fight for Negro against the lynch oppression. Crawford Case refc: the Whole Struggle of Negro Masses moment our exposure of the Leib-| | owitz attacks and their purposes, | | without for one moment surrender- | the independent role of th Communist Party and the I. L. D. we must now make our main ob-| jective the building of the bri | united front. | this is our best weapon against the mists and for the liberation of The united fr boys, In this fight for united front af in| fighting to free the boys, our main slogan is “Unconditional release of On this {slogan there can be no compromise | forces. sincerely interested the Scottsboro Boys. bargaining. The united front set up through Scottsboro-Herndon | |Action Committee must be imme-| rights diately strengthened and broadened. | Local National united front the Nationa distortion. It is, on the contrary, | results of this line were revealed|N, y. C, the struggle between two funda- mentally opposed lines, two camps, | two class viewpoints. The Leibowitz | attack is only the latest and most desperate of a long series of attacks which the ruling class has launched against the working class defense from the very beginning of the case. Its very unscrupulousness and des- | peration reflects the class character | and purposes of the Leibowitz at- tack, : The Leibowitz attack is the con- tinuation, in its basic tactics and purposes, of the attack begun by the Negro reformists led by the N.A.A.C.P. The line of this series of attacks | has always been the same, to strip the case of its social significance, to separate the case from the roots of national oppression which is the soil out of which grows the whole lynch terror, to conceal from the masses the class character of the courts, urging the masses to place their faith in these “impartial” courts, to disorganize the mass movement and turn it away from militant action, In short, to shrink the whole struggle and protect the | basis of the ruling class oppression, to conceal the role of the Federal government as the organizer and supporter of the lynch terrorism. “Bargaining” Tactic From this fundamentally treach- erous strategy follows their imme- diate tactic in the Scottsboro case. This explains the line of Leibowitz and the reformists who have group- ed about him for “bargaining,” for a “compromise,” for “negotiation” with the lynchers in the Scottsboro case. Their line is to “compromise” in the sense that they give up com- pletely the fight for the full and unconditional release of the boys, and strive to convince the lynchers of the benefits to “both sides” of some kind of horse-trading in the case. This, as can already be seen in the moves of the Leibowitz group supported by the Negro reformists, | takes the form of “sacrificing” one | or more of the boys to provide a} loophole for the sentencing of an- | in all their treachery. Here an in-/| nocent Negro worker was sentenced | to die. The reformists succeeded | in choking off any mass fight for | his liberation, and “bargained” with the courts, and won the “victory” of two life imprisonment sentences for the defendent. The innocence of Crawford was forgotten and prostituted to the uses of the lynch- ers and the reformists, both uniting to hush up the class character of the whole frame-yp! Such is the| “victory” for which Leibowitz, N. A. A. C. P. groups, and “liberals” the nation, are now struggling in| their fight against the I. L, D. | the Aid Lynch Courts These “defenders” of the boys | justify every tactic of the Southern | has prosecution. tionaries every aid in the recent, puil “bribery” frame-up against the I./the L. D. lawyers, Cohen and Swift. On| gan the question of the Supreme Court | All appeals they justified the cunning | trickery of the Alabama courts in) attempting to block the appeal moves of the I. L. D. attorneys in} B | ist. They gave the reac-|is no time to lose. road united front conference: Proposals for joint should be dispatched to the Social- jist Party locals, to trade unions, to Negro church groups, of |mass organizations. The appeals are coming before | Supreme Court, the court around which have been built the| | most illusions. The date of the first ex2cution There the free | and extra-legal terror against work- sio- | ers and working class organizations, | for| Casey declared: ‘Though the ter- keen set for February 6. Act now for ding of the united front to Scottsboro boys under the “Unconditional Liberation the Scottsboro Boys.” ymbol of Jest committees {should be built up and communi- jcations made with In the recent Crawford case the |Committee at 2376 Seventh Ave., 5 | of all supporters of the Scottsboro | fight should be stimulated and o- ganized, With this sidan as our main | weapon we must make formal of- |fers for united front to all iocals lof the so-called American Scotts- {boro Committee, wherever they ex- and other New York Raises | $3,850 at Banquet (Continued from Page 1) see which can muster the greater strength and the wider support for *| the moment when a decisive strug- | gle between the two takes place.” Just as there is no time to lose in other aspects of this life and death race, Hathaway pointed out, is there no time to lose in build- ing the Daily Worker and increas- ing its circulation. “The Daily | Worker is one of our greatest guar- | antees In this race,” he said. “We |must make it an ironclad guaran- tee.” Krumbein, in a brisk talk, praised the work of mass organizations and Communist Party groups in the fund drive, but pointed out that there could be no praise without 3 | criticism as long as the $60,000 ob- jective of the drive was not reached. 1 “Even now,” Krumbein said, “al- though we have not yet emerged from the last stages of:the drive, we must begin to think seriously of building the Daily Worker's circula- tion in this city to the minimum figure of 50,000. Financial security cannot mean anything to our paper if it does not mean a vastly in- creased circulation. We are raising this money not merely so that the Daily Worker can continue, we are trying to assure the paper of the means to grow. We must begin now to supply as much, and more, energy to the task of building circulation as we are applying to the fund drive.” +| James Casey, managing editor of the Daily Worker, outlined the daily tasks confronting the paper in its role as the revolutionary organizer and spokesman of American work- ers. Pointing to the growing legal 'yor grows, though workers and |farmers are jailed, beaten, killed, | for organizing to fight the hunger |and deprivation forced on them by |a decaying economic system, the | working class will not be vanquished. It has within itself the power to resist all attacks and to win the final victory in its struggle to rule | the world. It is the task of the | Daily Worker to organize that | power, and the ‘Daily’ is fulfilling that task with the help of the worke ing class which it is organizing.” Mother Bloor, in a brief speech, greeted the assemblage and praised the progress of the fund drive, but took occasion to differ with Krum- bein on the question of circulation, ‘In a city of some 7,000,000 popu- lation,” she said, “50,000 circulation is insignificant, though it may do as our first step in building a real mass circulation. We must spare no effort to make the workers fami liar with the paper and to make them realize its importance in their daily lives. This isn’t so difficult a task. We can always predict the | growth of the paper's circulation by the number of new workers we reach with the paper. The more workers we reach who have never seen or heard of the paper before, the more new readers we will have.” Green Defied in Building Trade War (Continuea from Page 1) | | the seven unions adhering to Green | and the reorganized department are | carpenters, bricklayers and electri- | cians, the three unions which Green | sought to reinstate back into the de- partment in order to get control, and | the stationary engineers, hod carri- ers, marble workers and teamsters, | These seven unions have a member- ship of about 450,000. The twelve unions whose leaders adhere to the old building trades | department which refused to admit |the electricians, carpenters and | bricklayers, and sought to maintain control in McDonough’s hands, in- |clude asbestos. workers, boilermak- | ers, iron workers, elevator construc | tors, granite cutters, lathers, metal | workers, painters, plasterers, plumb- | ers, roofers and stone cutters. They | have a membership of about 204,000, The jurisdictional dispute threat- ens to split the district building ‘trades councils. Please mention the DAILY WORKER when patronizing advertisers. the Haywood Patterson case) launching -their assaults at the I. L. D., not the courts. In the “Red scare’ maneuvers of the lynchers, the reformists and Leibowitz gave willing aid, adding to the provoca- tions of the lynchers their own ocations. The Leibowitz attacks, com- bining the hypocrisy of ‘“gentle- manly” procedure with the meth- ods typical of gangsterism, are only the culmination of these at- tacks against the class line of the 1, L. D. defense, and have for their purpose the betrayal of the boys into the hands of the courts and the lynchers, leaving the boys unprotected by any msas move- ment, Against this line of treachery, the I. L. D. places its funda- mental slogan of unconditional freedom for every one of these innocent Negro boys, striking the lynch frame-up with its two- fisted policy of best legal defense supported by the power of mass protest, It would be seriously wrong to underestimate the significance of the Leibowitz attacks. It is not only Leibowitz who is involved. CRAWFORD’S GREATEST efore You Buy. .- Learn Why This Is other group of the boys, thus split- ting the case, Thus, this line, under the ap- pearance of “practicality,” really permits the lynchers to solve the Problem of the case for them- selves without surrendering one iota of their class rule, and per- mits the reformists to strengihen their hold over the masses under the guise of a “victory.” Actually, of course, this line is the worst Leibowitz represents and has the | support of the whole ruiing class machinery as well as the Negr> re- jactionary and reformist leadership, ‘in his fight against the I. L. D. |And these attacks have had their | effect in creating confusion and | bewilderment in sections of the | population sincerely interested in |fighting for the liberation of the | boys. Without softening for a single Green Admits Rise’ In Unemployment | (Continued from Page 1) | officials of the A. F. of L. have| | pens ase ae | for higher wages to meet the rising | | costs of living. | The effects of increased unem- | | ployment are shown in the larger (Continued from Page 1) City of New York, and their Fusion and Tammany puppets in City Hall. . . . 'HE tide of protest against the sales tax robbery must mount higher, must beat on the walls of City Hall. The class program of taxation proposed by the Communist Party—the program Times so much—must be posed very sharply against the sales tax. Not the sales tax. tax. Not a wage tax, Tax the rich, the large corporations, the large utilities, the large incomes and in! rich must pay for the unemploye ruthlessly threw out of jobs. The Communist Party understands that the solu- tion of the problems, the misery of the people of New York, will only be finally and in a Soviet New York City, in a city that is part of a Soviet United States, In such a the factories, the utilities, will belong to the toiling people of the city. Such a city will in interest to bankers while the mas: a city will have as its first concern the welfare of the masses—the direct opposite of the policies of the LaGuardias and Jimmy Walkers. Today—now—the Daily Worker sizes the necessity of a united fight to defeat the The N.Y. Times Tries to Whitewash the Sales Tax Not the transit (7 cent fare) pe peace Sie Mi slat se number on relief rolls, In the cities there were 30 per cent more on the relief rolls this October than last. Green said that “unquestionably our relief problem this winter is the most serious this nation has} ever faced.” But he and the other} , addition to the increase in unem- | ployment, those who have been un- employed for a long time have ex- hausted their resources; those who once had savings are now wholly dependent on relief.” But he and the other bureaucrats are instru- mental in blocking the enactment of the Workers’ Unemployment and Social Insurance Bill, the one done nothing to oppose the Admin- | istration’s policy of relief cuts in| the face of needs that are greater| measure that would protect all than ever. workers from the ravages of the As Green himself points out, “in ‘crisis. Aa An Editorial attacks of the bankers and the LaGuardia admini- stration on the masses of the city. Instead of a sales, subway or wage tax, the Communist Party demands: A suspension of the debt service (approximately $180,000,000 to the bankers in interest and part payment on loans) pending the passage of ade- quate federal unemployment insurance, A higher utilities tax. A higher inheritance tax. A steeply graduated income tax, hitting in- comes in the higher brackets. Increase in relief. Endorsement by the city government of the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill, We urge all fighters against the sales tax to demand that both branches of the city administration, the Board of Aldermen and the Board of Estimate, memorialize Congress, urging the immediate adoption of the Workers’ Bill, In every union, in every shop, in every lodge or club, the issue should be raised. Pass resolutions against the sales tax and for placing the burden of maintaining the unemployed on the rich. Socialist, Communist, workers of all political opinions, Negro and white: organize joint delega- tions in your neighborhood to see your alderman. Demand that he rescind his vote for the sales tax. Demand that he support a program of taxing the rich. Defeat the sales tax! Tax the rich to pay for unemployment relief! more insistently which irks the heritances. The 'd capitalism so definitely solved city, the banks, pay no millions ses Starve. Such again empha- Mail Order Inquiries Invited. Write 100 Fifth Avenue for fash- samples. ion book and fabric TNEW YORK NEW YORK, 826 BROADWAY . . + eee Cor. 12th St 841 BROADWAY . 100 Sth AVE... 1282 BROADWAY . Cor. 33rd St. 462 7th AVE, Cor. 35th St. 963 Bth AVE. 57th St, 208 WEST 42ni 152 EAST 86th ST... 1S WEST 125th ST... 1391 ST. NICHOLAS AVE., Near Lexington Ava, Lenox&7th Aves, 179th & 180th Sts. 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