The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 28, 1934, Page 6

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1934 Daily .<QWorker CUWTRAL ORGAN COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. (SECTION OF COMMUNIST INTERMATIONAL) “America’s Only Working Class Daily Newspaper” FOUNDED 1924 PUBLISHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CG@., INC., 5@ E. 13th | 4, New York, N. Y. ALgonquin 4-795 4. New York, N. ¥ 954, National elephone Address: “Daiwork ton au: Room ble Press Building, Subscription Rates: hi Bronx WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1934 Defeat the Sales Tax! HE working people of the city of New York should swarm today into the chambers of the Board of Estimate at City Hall and give a smashing answer to the new LaGuardia attempt to gouge $40,000,000 out of their pay envelopes through the most vicious of all taxes, the sales tax There is not a moment to lose. There must be welded at once the firmest, broadest united front possible of all workers, employed and unemployed, small home owners, professionals, etc., against this outrageous swindle which chisels $40,000,000 from the poorest sections of the population, while the biggest Wall Street banks, utilities, corporations, landlords and employers have their millions un- touched Every working class group should act at once to get in touch with other working class groups for the immediate formation of a UNITED FRONT AGAINST THE LAGUARDIA SALES TAX! Act now! Go down to the Board of Estimate! De- mand that the Wall Street banks pay to feed the jobless and provide unemployment insurance for all workers! * 'T IS a crude fraud to say, as La Guardia does, that the proposed $40,000,000 sales tax is for the relief of the jobless. The more than one million starving jobless in New York need the money—and much more, much more than the capitalist city government will ever give them unless forced by mass actions. ‘The question is where to get the money. There are two choices. One is to make the bankers, the Yich, the big corporations pay out of their swollen profits and reserves. The other is to chisel it out of the hides of the poor, the workers, the poverty- stricken, debt-burdened masses of the city. Which class should pay—the capitalist class, the Wall Street banks, or the working class and the middle class? That is the issue. And LaGuardia, together with the Democratic Party machine in the Board of Aldermen, has made the only choice that he would make, the only choice for which his masters, the Morgan-Rockefeller banks, have put him where he is. He is driving ahead with his CAPITALIST CLASS tax robbery against the WORKING CLASS, THE starving jobless need relief. They need not only $40,000,000 but ten times forty millions. The entire toiling population needs unemployment and social insurance as outlined in the Workers’ Un- employment Insurance Bill. The Communist Party proposes that the funds for these needs of the masses be taken from the rich, from the Wall Street banks. The city pays the Morgan Rockefeller banks $180,000,000 every twelve months, This is nothing but outrageous capitalist robbery of the masses to line the coffers of the Wall Street banks. Stop this robbery of the masses, the Communist Party says! Turn these funds over to the use of fhe un- employed workers and their families. Tax the rich, levy a 10 per cent capital tax on all large fortunes in the city, make Fifth Avenue and Park Avenue pay! Heavier taxes on the rich, no taxes on the masses and on the small home owners! La Guardia’s new fax program will tear more than 340 out of the pay envelope of every worker in the city. It will fall like a blow on every work- ing class family taking toll of the most elementary daily necessities, food, light, gas, etc. The La Guardia sales tax is the most open, crude, and Insolent robbery of the mass It is the most tynical protection of the Wall Street Morgan-Rocke- feller Bankers’ Agreement. Pack the Board of Estimate today! Sales Tax! Deieat tne Scottsboro Week IODAY is the second day of Scottsboro week, This week, ending December 2, has been set aside for nation-wide mobilization of all persons, Negro and white, sincerely concerned with winning the unconditional release of the Scottsboro boys from the hands of the lynch executioners. The assaults which the Leibowitz group have Jed upon the personally authorized defense of the boys, the IL.D., have undoubtedly weakened the fight for their liberation. ~ Confusion, even among many elements sincerely interested in fighting for the boys, has been one of the fruits of the Leibowitz attacks at this crucial Stage of the fight. But the date of the executions has been post- poned only a few weeks. February 8 has been set for the legal lynching. , This is the ghastly fact which every supporter of boys must face in its full meaning. A united front of all supporters of the Scottsboro boys, re- gardiess of differences on other questions, is now | the duty of every honest person willing to struggle against the hideous lynch frame-up. It is in this spirit that the International Labor Defense, ie mighty arm which has shielded the nine Sci boro boys for three years through bitter struggle, has sent an offer of joint action to the American Scottsboro Committee organized by Leib- owitz. HERE is now one main question —to hurl full forces against the Scottsboro lynch verdicts, through new and mightier waves of protest There is now one slogan under which every supporter of the boys can unite willingly and gladly — unconditional release for all of the Scottsboro boys! It is this slogan which today must be carried to every corner of the country, to every Negro group, to every group of white workers and sympathetic elements. February 8 has been set as the day of bloody execution of the innocent Negro boys, Clarence Nor- ris and Haywood Patterson. Let us answer with our protest! Let the mass and legal fight for the boys go forward under the ery of unconditional freedom for the innocent Scottsboro boys! This must be the demand now of one great united front of all supporters of the Scottsboro fight. A Strikebreaking Bill fficials of the New York State Federa- tion of Labor have agreed to a vicious strikebreaking measure which they have the nerve to call “unemployment insur- ance.” In a conference with State Indus- trial Commission@ér Elmer F,. Andrews, representa- tives of Mayor LaGuardia, Governor Lehman, and employers, these A. F. of L. officials approved of a measure to be presented before the next state legis- lature which provides no benefits be paid “when unemployment was due to trade disputes such a strikes.” Other features of this bill expose the fake bills New York City, state and national governments are attempting to palm off on the workers as unem- ployment insurance, The bill, as drafted, it was announced by Andrews, provides that no benefits shall be paid before Oct. 1, 1936 (nearly two years). To receive benefits, the worker must have been em- ployed eight weeks during every year proceeding the payment of benefits. It bars farm laborers from benefits. The funds are to be administered not by the workers, but by the state government, which means that the employers would be able to hold the threat of witholding payment over any union worker. The benefits are to total $10 to $15 a week for a minimum of 20 weeks a year—a grand total of $200 to $300 a year at the most. The unemployed worker is to get nothing for three weeks after be- ing laid off. The bill is to contain a “misconduct” clause, and the worker is to be barred from benefits for ten weeks if “misconduct” is charged by the employer. District and state “appeal” boards are to be set up with employers, and “impartial” mem- bers as well as “representatives of employes,” which would delay benefit payments still more. Those drawing up this draft bill, which will be presented to Governor Lehman, included George Meany, president of the New York State Federation of Labor; Mrs. Justine Wise Tulin, who represented LaGiliardia; A. Epstein, of the American Associa- tion for Social Security; Miss Mary Dreier, of the Women’s Trade Union League, and representatives of Governor Lehman. All approved this vicious measure. This is what Governor Lehman’s representatives, prominent disciples of the New Deal and A. F. of L. leaders, try to make the workers believe is “un- employment insurance.” This bill would be an anti-labor weapon against strikes and against unions, It is aimed to create docile labor, and bars the totally unemployed. It is aimed to sidestep the responsibility of the government to grant real un- employment insurance. It is significant that such a bill is presented by Roosevelt aides and A. F. of L. leaders just at this time, when the workers are preparing a broad Con- gress for Unemployment and Social Insurance to take place in Washington, D. C., on Jan. 5-7, The central demand of this congress will be for the im- mediate passage by the U. S. Congress of the Work- ers Unemployment and Social Insurance Bill. The congress will demand that the state legislatures pass the Workers’ Bill pending its passage by the Federal Government. This congress is being preceded by local demon- strations and struggles against relief cuts, now be- ing instituted by the Roosevelt government and for real unemployment insurance. It has the support of broad masses of workers, including A. F. of L. and socialist workers. A contrast of the fake “unemployment insur- ance” measure proposed by A. F. of L. leaders of New York State, with the Workers Unemployment and Social Insurance bill, once more emphasizes that the latter is the only real unemployment in- surance bill which will come before Congress. The Workers’ Bill calls for payment of benefits to all unemployed, not ten weeks a year, but every week. The Workers’ Bill provides that the workers themselves administer the funds, and that the money be obtained by tax on the rich and from gov- ernment funds. ~ The Workers Unemployment Insurance Bill would take care of all forms of insurance, health, sickness, old age, maternity, etc. It is the only bill now before the workers which provides for a min- imum of $10 a week to unemployed, with an addi- tional $3 a week for each dependent. It provides against discrimination against any unemployed worker, whether on strike or unemployed for any reason whatsoever, The broadest mass struggles should be organized in every city as a preliminary to the Congress for Unemployment Insurance. Expose the fake “insurance” measures of the A. F. of L. officialdom and the LaGuardia and Roose- velt politicians! Fight for the Workers Unemployment and So- cial Insurance Bill! AFL Aid to Bosses Praised by Wheeler (Continued from Page 1) F, of L. I say to the business men of this community that if they seek to.destroy the conservative A. F. of L., they don’t know what they are doing; they are sowing the seeds of their own destruction. I was in San Francisco at the time of the recent strike there. Most people of this country hardly realize what’s happened there. We certainly don’t want such occurrences.” Senator Wheeler then proceeded to described the unemployment and poverty which existed in the coun- try: “There is a unrest in this country such as has never heen seen before,” said the Senator. “Working men have ben led to understand that the government is against ~ To tt aa them. Injunctions issued in days | like these will serve to prove them |that the government is against them.” Ryan Stresses Anti-Communist Role Throughout his speech Wheeler insisted that the employers should appeal to the U.S. Shipping Board, which, he stated,-has full authority to act in their’ case. Joseph P. Ryan, President of the International Longshoremen’s Union, announcing that Senator Wheeler is being enlisted in the fight for the union, again showed that the main strategy in the de. fense is to convince the employs that the A. F. of L. will play bail with them and that the issuance of the injunction would aid Com- munist activity on the waterfront. “The American Federation of Labor is cognizant of the part that the organized labor movement plays in averting Communism and other radicalisms from running rampant and destroying our,democratic form of government,” Ryan said. “The radicals have been making a_re- peated but unsuccessful attempt to gain the upper hand on the water- | front, and a decision against the defendants in this case will open the door for them to increase their activities.” , Monday evening more than 1,100 workers, chiefly longshoremen, had been mobilized by the officials of the Union at the Pennsylvania Sta- tion to greet Senator’ Wheeler on his arrival from Washington. In or- ganizing the demonstration, the main slogan of the officials was to Place confidence in Wheeler as a “big man” and in his ability ‘to prove by arguments that the ap- plication for an injunction 1s illegal. Not even the slightest hint was given to the workers for mass pro- test. Only the Rank and File Com- mittee of the A. F. of L, has called for protests from all locals and. all workers organizations again;# this union-smashing injunction. éhus far. | West, in regard to the struggles of the workers in the East,-and the | hands to get the workers to give to | the fund. | activity, with our shop paper, gate | Organizer Relates | mapping out our methods to raise | | us. Party Life | » UR unit would like to write of our | activities in the $60,000 Daily | Worker Drive and the lessons / learned from same. Firstly, our quota was set by the district at $10, In less than two weeks time, | we collected $17. The drive for| funds for our Daily Worker, was the | | best thing that could have happened | Some Experiences In A Navy Yard | to our unit. The Navy Yard here is pretty well | | permeated with ‘stool pigeons, and | | also Secret service men from the Department of Intelligence. In the fund, we stressed the importance ; of getting it more from newer | workers, than from known sym- pathizers of the Party, although we | contacted these too. What I mean | by newer workers is workers our | unit had not contacted before. In doing this, each comrade used his | own initiative in picking the worker, | and in doing so, brought the face of the Party right to the front. The conspiracy of silence of the capitalist press out here in the struggles of the workers in Spain, and also the truth about the Soviet Union, were great weapons in our Going over the top of our quota does not mean that we are through and we intend to drive for more funds until the $60,000 is raised, and also afterwards. The workers contacted are kept in mind for the unit, and are continually given more literature in the hope of getting them to support our paper further by subscribing, and eventually to come into the Party. Also, since it was election time, our fund drive most naturally dove- tailed into agitating to vote Com- munist. It will be interesting to note how much effect our unit’s meetings, and a thorough distribu- tion of election platforms will have in the election. In the 1932’ elec- tion our Party polled 48 votes in this county. We expect many more than that this year. Our last unit meeting a thorough discussion was held on developing the political level of the Unit. A plan of work was laid out for the next six months, and at this time I would like to point out the real urgency, and the Teal necessity of planning the unit's; work. This is the main thing that will help to raise the political level of the unit. The drive for the Daily Worker funds proved that to It gives us something to shoot at and something to strive for, Our plan of work (our first plan) was made very low in order that it would be fulfilled completely, and also taking experience from other units who laid out huge tasks, which they knew they could not fulfill in the first place, which we believe puts a damper on the plan from the very first. Our plan is this: 1—Each comrade to recruit two new mem- bers to the Party; 2—Each com- rade to obtain five subs for the Daily Worker, and five subs for the Voice of Action; 2—To build oppo- sition groups of seven in four trade unions (A. F. of L.); 4—To have a mimeograph machine of our own. This plan is for the next six months. Our plan was made small on pur- pose, because we are certain of ful- filling it, and the main idea is to} see how far over the top we can g0. | This is our unit's first plan of work and it was thoroughly discussed be- fore it was adopted. The failure and mistakes of other units that did not fulfill their plans were also dis- cussed, One bad mistake our unit has been making since it started one year ago has been the failure of our buro to function, and a lack of inner Party education and discus- sion. That was discussed a few meetings ago, and the buro has functioned for the past two meei- ings, which already showed a 100 per cent improvement in discussion, and also in the way the meeting was run. We expect better work from our unit now, and also in bettering ourselves, and hope to be able to help other units with the lesson we learn. ‘We have a request to make which is urgent for us in relation to our shop paper. We would like very much to contact the Party Units in other Navy Yards, in order to compare our work with them and theirs with ours, ‘We expect through the function- ing of our unit buro and through our plan of work to be able to write you more concretely on lessons we Jearn in our daily work at a later date. We send our revolutionary gretings to you all. United Organizer, Navy Yard. Bremerton, Washington. Pea Ce 5 | | esichi canton in Navy Yards: Will you please send your experiences in your work to the Org. Commis- sion, of the Central Committee, so that they can be sent to this Unit, and also that they may be utilized in this column. They can be sent to us through your District Organ- izer. Infamous Constitution For India Is Pushed In British Parliament LONDON, Nov. 27.—The infamous “new constitution” for India, which further extends the dictatorial rule of British imperialism and is an attempt to crush the slightest re- sistence of the enslaved hundreds of millions of India. will probably be set up without the soproval of even the aristocratic Indian Legis- lative Assembly, Sir Samuel Hoare, Secretary of State for India, said at the opening of a debate in the House of Commons today on the Indian situation, *« ,,, CUTTING TO THE BO Gurcr, by Burck Burck will give the original drawing of his cartoon to the highest contributor each day towards his quota of $1,000. Is THIS LIFE? A brilliant start was made by Burck in his com- petition with Gold. But now he’s in fourth place, with only 46 per cent of his $1,000 quota, having been forced to make way for Ramsey and Gannes. Where are the Burck worshippers these days? August Hauck .... Hyman Hirschhorn , Mrs. McGwiney ... Dick Roberts TOTAL Previously received 50 A Land of Chik: and Vineyards ry By L. TALMY BOUT two hundred kilometers west of Baku, on the main line leading to Tiflis and on to Batoum, lies the city of Ganja in a valley surrounded by snow-capped moun- tains which on a clear sunny day can be seen far in the distance. According to assurances of local inhabitants, it is an ancient city, although, to tell the truth, there is hardly anything in Ganja that would betray its antiquity to the unitiated, except perhaps the shal- Jow river which flows through its center. There is an old bridge across the river, and in the annals of the town it was known as the bridge of mortal danger, that danger issuing not from the bridge itself or from the river below it but from the traditional feud between the Tyurks living on one side of the bridge and the Armenians living on the other side of the bridge. These annals, however, have also no bearing on the antiquity of the town, as the events told in them; occurred even as recently as the years of grace 1918 and 1919. In those years Ganja, which for nearly a century and a half of Czarist Russian domination had borne the strange and foreign name of Elisa- bethpol became Ganja again and it housed within its walls the short- lived government of the Tyurk bour- geois-nationalist Mussavat Party. That government took over the old | policy of the Czarist government which had found it expedient for its purposes to keep the fires of na- tional animosity burning; it carried it further and fanned the national animosity into consuming flames. One reason why no traces of an- tiquity can be found in Ganja may be the fact that, while Elisabethpol of the Czarist period was a town of about thirty-five thousand popu- lation, modern Soviet Ganja is a city of over a hundred thousand population and a large industrial center. Comrade Fakhradov, the editor of the local Tyurk daily “Yeni Ganja” (“New Ganja”), who initi- ated me into the past of the city and its present status, insisted on taking me through some of the newly-built industrial plants which have contributed materially toward the transformation of Ganja. One of the plants visited was a cotton ginning and cotton-seed oil factory. It is a large plant housed in a group of modern well-lighted and ventilated buildings and equipped with shining new modern machinery, In addition to oil, soap is produced here as a by-product. The assistant director who showed us through the various departments explained the working of the ma- chinery and the highly mechanized processes of production. The plant employs about 700 workers, most of them Tyurks and Armenians. The assistant director apologized for the fact that the workers’ dining room is still located in a wooden build- ing, and for the inadequate club rooms. He assured us that the new quarters for the dining room which are now under construction will be completed shortly. ae rie COULD not help thinking of the seed-oil plant in a Middle West state in the U.S.A., in which I had worked about twenty years ago. That had been a dark, stuffy, overheated place, the dirty floor, the walls and the ceiling fairly reeking with hot oil. The men working there had to. go around stark naked dur- ing the hours of work, and there had been twelve of these work hours every day. The pay had been thir- teen dollars a week. I had worked in that place for only one week, since after the first three days of work my fingers had all been cov- ered with blisters, As a matter of fact there had been very few who had worked there more than two weeks at a time; there had been very few who could stand it longer than that. Another plant Fakhradov took me to was a large textile mill. It was a cotton and woolen spinning and weaving mill, employing about 4,- 500 workers, against mostly Tyurk and some Armenians and Russians. | The chairman of the mill trade union committee who showed us around stressed the point that forty percent of the workers were women, as this was a vivid indication of the extent to which women had been emancipated under the Soviets even among the Moslem population of the country. The mill itself com- pares favorably with the most up- to-date mills anywhere in the world. Later, I had a talk with the secre- tary of the city and district Party organization, Comrade Tagiev, who furnished me with additional in- formation about the city. There are 27,000 members in the trade unions of Ganja, and the number of in- dustrial workers among them is 18,- 000. In a city which formerly had practically no educational institu | tions whatsoever, there are at present between fourteen and fifteen ' thousand children attending ele-' mentary schools, over four thousand attending secondary __ technical schools, and there is a technical. and agricultural college with 1,500 students. The city has become in- dustrialized. and is rapidly chang- ing its appearance. It is true enough that horses, buffaloes and. donkeys are still exterisively used as means of transportation, but last year the first trolley car line was built and another line is now under construc- | tion, eo F course, there are still plenty of streets and buildings in Ganja whose state and appearance leaves much to be desired. Although there are no traces of antiquity, Ganja is still very far from presenting the appearance. of a modern, well- organized city, particularly consid- ering its size and position. But as every other city in the Soviet Union, Ganja has not only. a past and| present but also a future, and this future is as vivid and real as the, present. For this future is based on concrete plans which are as, much a part of reality as the cob- blestone street which could be seen from the window of the room we | were sitting in. To begin with, the industrial construction in the city has only been started. The plans — provide for the building of a new} textile plant with a hundred thou- : sand spindles, a large iron and steel plant, and an aluminum works, The output, which at present amounts to 6,000 tons, will be in- creased to 30,000 tons next year. The output of pyrites will reach 350,000 tons in the last year of the Second Five-Year. As for the city itself, the plan provides for the building of waterworks, asphalting the streets, laying out new parks and boulevards, building a house for the Soviet and its institutions, a theatre, schools, a palace of cul- ture, and other public buildings, be- sides an extensive program of mod- ern housing. One of the features of Ganja is the rather large number of collec- tive farms within the city limits. Fully two thousand households are united in these collective farms. ' That afternoon we visited with Fakhradov one of the farms. eo eee E found the entrance to this col- lective farm on a large street with low fences and occasional stone and wooden houses. At few tall Tyurks sat leisurely chatting near the gate. Fakhradoy spoke to them in the Tyurkish language. He | asked where the chairman of the | farm could be found. They smiled as they pointed to a narrow path between rows of vines. We followed | the path to a vegetable garden, where some women were engaged in cultivating. The “chairman” of the collective farm turned out to be a middle- | aged woman, rather vivacious, who spoke a fluent Tyurkish when ad- dressing Fakhradov and a broken Russian when talking to me. We took 4 long walk through the fields, gardens, orchards and vineyards making up the farm. Of course we | covered only a small part of the 250 hectares (about 630 acres) which make up the land cultivated by this particular collective group. But we spent there several hours, during which the “chairman,” Fatima Zainachova, treated us to some of the red cherries which had ripened in the orchard and furnished us , with a good deal of information ' about the farm and about herself. | Her own story was rather snort, | though. She was of a peasant fam- ily, forty-five years old now. At, the age of nine she had lost her father and since then she’ had had! to work hard all the time, first as @ servant girl, and, later on, as an | agricultural laborer on the very} estate which now forms a part of | the collective farm of which she is | chairman. After the establishment | of Soviet Aserbaijan she was among the first women who threw off their | veils. She also learned to read and write the latinized Tyurkish alpha- | bet. In 1931 she succeeded in get- ting together a number of poor peasant women whom she won over for the idea of organizing a collec- tive farm. With the aid of the local Soviet the idea was materialized. The collective farm was organized, although at first only the women of the household joined. The men were skeptical of the whole busi- ness or frankly hostile. But the will of the women prevailed in the end, and now the husbands are in the farm, too. The men, “chairman” Fatima in- formed us, do not scoff any more at the idea, because the farm has turned out to be quite a scuccess. Their collevtive farm now unites 160 households, about 700 people. It has 100 hectares of land under vineyards, 30 hectares of vegetable gardens, 90 hectares under grain crops, besides orchards, pastures, and individual plots. Last year the earnings distributed by the farm per work-day per worker were: 2 kilograms of grapes, 114 kilograms | of grains, and 7.70 rubles in money, besides fruits and vegetables. The former poor peasants have become fairly well-to-do and they jlead a much more comfortable life | than they ever dared to dream of in the days when most of the fruit of their toil went to the landlord, or usurer, or trader. They have now a nursery where the women can leave their babies under the care of trained nurses during the day when they work in the fields or vineyards or gardens. They have a school for the older children right on the farm. Most of the house- holds owns cows and sheep. Fatime Zainachova took us to what may be called the residential section of the collective farm. The road was a beautiful lane, with tall trees on both sides and small houses hidden behind the trees. Some of these houses looked rather old; they were of clay bricks reinforced with straw. But there were quite a number of houses with a neat ap- pearance, which seemed to have been recently built, | Hearst and Hitler |in the United States. | World Front i——— By HARRY GANNES The Visit Bears Fruit What We May Expect EARST’S visit to Hitler f{§ bearing poisonous fruit Early in September of this year, William Randolph Hearst held a series of conferences with Rosenberg, Nazi foreign Propaganda specialist. Later Hearst visited “der feuhrer” himself. He refused to reveal the substance of his conyersation, though in a cole umn at that time, from an unders standing of Hearst's anti-labor polie cies, I tried to approximate the conversation. What has actually happened since is far beyond the worst anybody could then imagine, Hearst not only has placed his en- tire powerful press, reaching over | 10,000,000 people daily at the serv- ice of Hitler’s war policies, but has become the mass propaganda organ for the creation of fascist murder |troops in the United States, ne more open call for the organ- ization of fascist. shock troops was ever made in the United States |on a serious scale than in Hearst's jinstructions to his editors on No- vember 26. Hearst deliberately began his |campaign for fascist mobilization long before the Butler revelations. He did it by a series of articles at- tacking the Communist Party in the most vicious and insane manner. Never a day, for weeks, but that the Lenin “quotation” was plastered }on some editorial, under some car- |toon or picture, At first it was sup- Posed to be merely a “quotation” from Lenin. Then it became a “definition” of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and finally Lenin's “definition” of Communism. When Butler made his sensational revelations, Hearst felt he had to act out in the open. He issued a letter of instructions to all his ed- itors, which was published as an editorial on the front page of every Hearst newspaper in the country. That instruction was understood by every editor to mean that in inter- |national policies, the Hearst press supports wholeheartedly the war plans of Hitler. Nationally, the pro- gram of organizing the shock troops against labor for the finance capi- talists. [EARST did not limit his attack to the Communist Party. He attacked the workers. By the use of the word “proletariat,” which he traces to its Roman origin, he resorted to the jlowest abuse against what he con- sidered the lower orders, the rabbie, the scum of society—those who toil to create the vast riches on which Hearst builds his fortune, and spends for his riotous orgies and filth. “His whole diatribe was: Labor must not rule in the United States. It will rule only when it follows the program of the Communist Party. Therefore, smash the Com- munist Party. To do that, organ- ize your fascist bands and wipe them out, Then labor will not be \able to rule because it will not have its vanguard, its most capable, in- telligent and equipped leading force. We can safely predict, this is only a mild beginning for Hearst. Like the Daily Mail in England, he will pick out his prospective Hitler. The Daily Mail picked Sir Oswald Mos- ley, trained in the ranks of the La- bor Party, to become the fascist chief. eee ‘HE Hearst press will begin defi- nite provocations against the revolutionary workers and their leaders, as they already, in a slimy hidden way, have already under- taken. Hearst wants the Communist Party stamped out, legally if pos- sible, and by extra-legal farce through the attacks of fascist groups, if needs be. Hearst did not mention the So- cialist Party, but there is no doubt that once the attack gets under way against the Communist Party, it will be aimed at the Socialist Party, and all trade unions, with as great vehemence. Here we must point out the danger of the criticism of some Socialist leaders against the Com- munists. Hearst, for example, says that the reason for fascism is Communism. He denies that the decay of capitalism, its desire to preserve itself against the growing struggles of the workers, is the basic cause for fascism. He says: “Fas- cism is definitely a movement to oppose and offset Communism, and so prevent the least capable and least creditable classes from getting control.” In his pamphlet: “The New Deal, a Socialist Analysis,” Norman Thomas wrote: “The Com- munist emphasis on dictatorship and revolutionary violence today in America awakens a reaction which plays into the hands of fascism and not Communism.” Only by a united front of the So- cialist and Communist Parties now can the danger be met, a danger that will grow daily, that is even greater now than we can realize be- cause we do not know how far the real plans for actual armed fascisv mass organizations have gone. MEET HIM HEARTY! Harry has come back, now the he has gotten more than $25 in « day. With today’s contributions he reaches 61 per cent of his $500 quota—only 2 per cent less than Mike Gold. But he threatens to disappear. again if the $25 a day or more level is not continued! Mrs, K. Meininger ..........$2.00 American Union Against Reaction .... - 25.00 Louis Schwartz 25 Hi. Friedland ... Mrs. McGwviney . Previously received ........277.47 -— ae «